US-Chinese rivalry is becoming the prime mover of global affairs. Though the long-term trajectory of this critical relationship is uncertain, several salient factors are already apparent: pernicious variations of nationalism on both sides; foreign policies that are increasingly shaped by domestic problems; and a growing tendency to allow expectations of future competition to drive the development of grand strategy. If current trends continue, the dynamics of the US-China relationship will further imperil the rules-based international order, with far-reaching consequences well beyond East Asia. ; Die amerikanisch-chinesische Rivalität wird zum wichtigsten Motor globaler Angelegenheiten. Obwohl der langfristige Verlauf der Beziehung ungewiss ist, sind bereits einige zentrale Faktoren erkennbar: verhängnisvolle Variationen des Nationalismus auf beiden Seiten, eine Aussenpolitik, die zunehmend von innenpolitischen Problemen geprägt ist und eine wachsende Tendenz, die Entwicklung aussenpolitischer Strategien von den Erwartungen des künftigen Wettbewerbs leiten zu lassen. Wenn die gegenwärtigen Trends anhalten, wird die Dynamik der Beziehungen zwischen den USA und China die auf Regeln basierende internationale Ordnung weiter gefährden. Dies wiederum hat Folgen weit über Ostasien hinaus. ; ISSN:1664-0667
The refugee crisis in Europe may be one of the most significant opportunities for the spread of the gospel on that continent since the fall of the Iron Curtain. Many churches in Western Europe are engaging these newcomers in holistic ministry. From February to May 2018, seventeen leaders were interviewed from fourteen ministries engaged in refugee ministry in Greece and Germany to explore refugee ministry realities and practices in these two nations with contrasting policies. The research describes the shifting refugee situation, the shifting context, the relationship between these ministries and government, refugee ministry approaches, spiritual openness among refugees, and observations from frontline practitioners.
In this Strategic Trends chapter, Jack Thompson considers the consequences of the Trump administration's new approach to trade policy. He notes that the current system is, in some respects, unfair to the United States and harmful to millions of Americans. He also observes that the United States is powerful enough to extract trade concessions from all of its trading partners, and that there may be some short-term advantages in following such a course of action. However, he argues, the long-term consequences of the administration's attempt to, in effect, partially de-globalize the international economy will be harmful. It will encourage other countries to pursue zero-sum trade policies, undermine the multilateral framework – especially the World Trade Organization (WTO) – which was painstakingly constructed over the course of decades, and make international trade less about rules and efficiency, and more about power. None of this will make the United States or its allies more prosperous. ; In diesem Strategic Trends Kapitel analysiert Jack Thompson die Folgen der neuen US-Handelspolitik. Er stellt fest, dass das aktuelle Handelssystem die Vereinigten Staaten in gewisser Hinsicht benachteiligt und Millionen von Amerikanern schadet. Die Vereinigten Staaten, so Thompson, sind aber mächtig genug, um Zugeständnisse von all ihren Handelspartnern zu erwirken. Obwohl eine solche Strategie kurzfristig Vorteile bringen kann, sind die langfristigen Folgen eines Versuchs, die internationale Wirtschaft zu entglobalisieren, negativ. Andere Länder wären ermutigt, mit Vergeltungsmassnahmen zu reagieren und dies würde den multilateralen Rahmen der Welthandelsorganisation (WTO) schrittweise untergraben. Der internationale Handel wäre in Folge dessen weniger von Regeln und Effizienz und mehr von Macht geprägt. Nichts davon würde die Vereinigten Staaten oder ihre Verbündeten wohlhabender machen. ; ISSN:1664-0667
In The Media and Modernity, Thompson develops an interactional theory of communication media that distinguishes between three basic types of interaction: face-to-face interaction, mediated interaction, and mediated quasi-interaction. In the light of the digital revolution and the growth of the internet, this paper introduces a fourth type: mediated online interaction. Drawing on Goffman's distinction between front regions and back regions, Thompson shows how mediated quasi-interaction and mediated online interaction create new opportunities for the leakage of information and symbolic content from back regions into front regions, with consequences that can be embarrassing, damaging and, on occasion, hugely disruptive. The growing role of mediated quasi-interaction and mediated online interaction has reconstituted the political field so that political life now unfolds in an information environment that is much more difficult to control, creating a permanently unstable arena in which leaks, revelations and disclosures are always capable of disrupting the most well-laid plans.
The US' longstanding role of international leadership is under threat. It is struggling to manage external challenges, including great power competition and globalization, and domestic constraints, such as underfunding and mismanagement of the military and diplomatic corps. Unfortunately, prospects for reform are uncertain given the dysfunctionality of the US political system. This should worry European policymakers and will hopefully hasten their efforts to develop a more robust and independent Common Security and Defense Policy. ; ISSN:1664-0667
Support in the United States for the liberal world order is under threat from a combination of profound economic, cultural, and political changes. The election of Donald Trump, and the emergence of his America First credo, underscores the fact that the world can no longer depend upon the US to pursue an internationalist foreign policy. Europe, in particular, would do well to begin planning for a future in which the US is more skeptical of alliances and trade agreements and less willing to provide leadership in addressing international challenges. ; ISSN:1664-0667
Der Artikel fragt nach den außenpolitischen Prioritäten der Trump-Administration. Er gelangt zu dem Ergebnis, dass der neue US-Präsident keine strategische Leitvision hat, abgesehen von der vagen Überzeugung, dass die liberale Weltordnung den Vereinigten Staaten nicht nütze. Im Zentrum des Trumpismus steht vielmehr das Bemühen, die Unterstützung der politischen Basis des Präsidenten zu erhalten, die mit der Richtung, in die sich das Land entwickelt hat, unzufrieden ist. Dazu bedarf es primär einer Botschaft aus strammem Nationalismus, Anti-Elitismus und Globalisierungskritik. Das scheint zu funktionieren.
This article analyzes two essential components of María Victoria Valenzuela's autobiographical novel entitled Tres tiempos y la esperanza (1962), which narrates the author's experiences during the Spanish Second Republic, the Civil War, and the Franco dictatorship. I focus on the role played by nostalgia which, in the first part of the narrative, colors the descriptions of individual memories, as well as the narrator's comments on the milestones of the Republican period. Nostalgia is usually associated with essentialism and the irrational, but in this novel it can inspire in the reader empathy toward those who defended democracy. I then examine the narrative's feminist perspective that, on the one hand, highlights fascist violence against women. On the other, it rejects any form of essentialism that endorses the existence of innate differences between men and women. Any distinctions between the sexes are portrayed as consequences of socialization. I uphold this novel, almost completely forgotten by the critics, because of its testimonial value and its ethical and political content. Contrary to many novels that trivialize the past and use the Spanish Civil War as a backdrop, this text's commemorative task recreates a history free of the fascist fallacies, which continue to underpin the hegemonic version of the events. ; Este artículo analiza dos componentes nodulares del proyecto ideológico de la novela autobiográfica de María Victoria Valenzuela, Tres tiempos y la esperanza (1962), que narra las experiencias de la autora en la Segunda República, la Guerra Civil y el franquismo. Se centra en el papel de la nostalgia que, en la primera parte de la obra, tiñe tanto las descripciones de los recuerdos individuales como los comentarios sobre los hitos del período republicano. La nostalgia se suele relacionar con el esencialismo y lo irracional, pero en esta novela puede inspirar en los lectores empatía hacia los que defendieron la democracia. Después, se examina la perspectiva feminista de la narración que, por una parte, destaca la violencia fascista contra las mujeres y, por otra, rechaza cualquier esencialismo que defienda la existencia de diferencias innatas entre las mujeres y los hombres. Las distinciones que pueda haber entre los dos sexos se retratan como consecuencias de la socialización. Reivindicamos esta novela, casi totalmente olvidada por la crítica, por su valor testimonial y su contenido ético y político. Al contrario de muchas novelas que trivializan el pasado y usan la guerra civil como telón de fondo, la labor memorialista de esta obra recrea una historia libre de las falacias fascistas, que hasta hoy siguen apuntalando la versión hegemónica de los eventos. ; Este artigo analiza dous compoñentes basilares do proxecto ideolóxico da novela autobiográfica de María Victoria Valenzuela, Tres tiempos y la esperanza (1962), que narra as experiencias da autora na Segunda República, a Guerra Civil e o franquismo. Céntrase no papel da nostalxia que, na primeira parte da obra, tingue tanto as descricións das lembranzas individuais canto os comentarios sobre os fitos do período republicano. A nostalxia tende a se relacionar co esencialismo e o irracional, mais nesta novela pode inspirar nos lectores empatía cara aos que defenderon a democracia. Segundo, examínase a perspectiva feminista da narración que, por unha banda, salienta a violencia fascista contra as mulleres e, por outra, rexeita calquera esencialismo que defenda a existencia de diferenzas innatas entre as mulleres e os homes. As distincións que poida haber entre os dous sexos retrátanse como consecuencias da socialización. Reivindicamos esta novela, case totalmente esquecida pola crítica, polo seu valor testemuñal e o seu contido ético e político. Ao contrario de moitas novelas que banalizan o pasado e usan a Guerra Civil como pano de fondo, o labor memorialista desta obra recrea unha historia libre das falacias fascistas, que até hoxe seguen a alicerzar a versión hexemónica dos eventos.
This article examines three inter-related phenomena of the Spanish Civil War with an emphasis on the Autonomous Community of Galiza. The first part explains the nature of the fascist takeover of Galiza in July 1936, and points out the crucial role of this community in helping Franco win the war. The scars left by fascism in Galiza manifest themselves today through, for example, the popularity of the PP government of Manuel Fraga, one of the last living fascists to govern in Europe. The second part of the article analyzes the effects that the current exhuming of common graves throughout the State is having on Spain's collective memory. This uncovering of suppressed historical facts and memory is polarizing the two Spains, which the Pact of Oblivion (imposed during the Transition to democracy) attempted to unite. The last section of the article explores the beneficial function of narrative fiction written about the Civil War in transmitting the facts and memory of this traumatic event. Many novels offer praxis-oriented frameworks that can help Galiza and the rest of Spain overcome and marginalize pro-Franco ideology, which still remains a part of society's mainstream.
This article examines three inter-related phenomena of the Spanish Civil War with an emphasis on the Autonomous Community of Galiza. The first part explains the nature of the fascist takeover of Galiza in July 1936, and points out the crucial role of this community in helping Franco win the war. The scars left by fascism in Galiza manifest themselves today through, for example, the popularity of the PP government of Manuel Fraga, one of the last living fascists to govern in Europe. The second part of the article analyzes the effects that the current exhuming of common graves throughout the State is having on Spain's collective memory. This uncovering of suppressed historical facts and memory is polarizing the two Spains, which the Pact of Oblivion (imposed during the Transition to democracy) attempted to unite. The last section of the article explores the beneficial function of narrative fiction written about the Civil War in transmitting the facts and memory of this traumatic event. Many novels offer praxis-oriented frameworks that can help Galiza and the rest of Spain overcome and marginalize pro-Franco ideology, which still remains a part of society's mainstream.
High-profile political scandals are symptomatic of a profound transformation of the relations between public and private life that has accompanied and helped to shape the development of modern societies. While the distinction between public and private life is not unique to modern societies, the emergence of new media of communication, from print to radio, television and the internet, has altered the very nature of the public, the private and the relations between them. Both the public and the private have been reconstituted as spheres of information and symbolic content that are largely detached from physical locales and increasingly interwoven with evolving technologies of communication, creating a very fluid situation in which the boundaries between public and private are blurred, porous, contestable and subject to constant negotiation and struggle. The shifting boundaries between public and private life have become a new battleground in modern societies, a contested terrain where individuals and organizations wage a new kind of information war, a terrain where established relations of power can be challenged and disrupted, lives damaged and reputations sometimes lost.
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to discuss social enterprises, social entrepreneurship and social entrepreneurs. The paper draws on published work to flag key issues and discussion points that affect the clarity of the understanding. It aims to provide some greater insight and help both scholars and practitioners in their respective quests for understanding and improvement. The paper could further help people clarify what needs to be covered on courses and degrees in this subject area.Design/methodology/approachThe paper draws on the work of others and to this adds personal conclusions from both direct experience and observation. It attempts to deal with complex issues and tensions in a straightforward style and thus draw attention to key debates.FindingsThe central argument is that if we see social enterprises, social entrepreneurship and social entrepreneurs bound together, operating with a common purpose and approach and pursuing the same ends, then we misunderstand this critically important sector. They are clearly linked but there are important distinctions.Research limitations/implicationsThis is a conceptual discussion paper. It is not directly a research paper and it is not written to either present the findings of a specific project or to inform a future research agenda. It could well‐trigger ideas for researchers, however.Originality/valueThe core material for this paper is not original but the presentation, synthesis and arguments offer a distinctive treatment. They should help clarify some of the debates and issues that hamper our ability to clearly understand the world of social enterprises.
