Suchergebnisse

According to some political commentators Gerhard Schröder's decision in May 2005 to use a 'false' vote of confidence in order to have the Bundestag dissolved was nothing less than a coup d'état. From this vantage point an incumbent chancellor had put party interests above crucial aspects of the Basic Law. The debate ensuing Schröder's decision is, thus, to be understood as a variation of a controversy about the legitimate power of parties in the political system, i.e. about the essence of the parliamentary form of government in Germany. In order to bring these issues to the fore the article first describes the chronology of events triggered by Gerhard Schröder's (and Franz Müntefering's) announcements on 22 May 2005. It then examines the five motions for a vote of confidence that have been brought to the floor of the Bundestag since 1949. Finally, it discusses the question of whether the Bundestag should receive the constitutional right to dissolve itself. Overall the analysis supports the view that the vote of confidence has been totally subsumed under the logic of parliamentary government in Germany. (German Politics / FUB)

Der Beitrag zum politischen System der Bundesrepublik Deutschland befasst sich mit dem Funktionswandel des Länderparlamentarismus. Dabei wird die landläufige Auffassung eines kontinuierlichen Einflussverlustes der Landesparlamente und der Geringschätzung ihrer Rolle im bundesdeutschen System des kooperativen Föderalismus einer normativen, theoretischen und empirischen Überprüfung unterzogen. So erfolgt im ersten Schritt eine verfassungsrechtliche und demokratietheoretische Betrachtung des Länderparlamentarismus im deutschen Bundestag. Der zweite Schritt untersucht insbesondere am Beispiel der Landesparlamente von Hessen, Rheinland-Pfalz, Schleswig-Holstein und Nordrhein-Westfalen die Aufgaben bzw. die Funktionserfüllung des Landesparlamentarismus in Deutschland. Dabei basieren die Ausführungen auf empirischem Datenmaterial für den Zeitraum 1946 bis 2003 zu (1) den Anzahl der Sitzungen, (2) den verfassungsrechtlichen Regelungen sowie (3) der Anzahl der verabschiedeten Gesetze bzw. (4) der Gesetzgebungstätigkeit der Landtage. Die These eines kontinuierlichen landesparlamentarischen Einflussverlustes weist der Autor als empirisch nicht haltbar zurück, spricht indes auch die landesparlamentarische Praxis von Kritik keineswegs frei. (ICG2)

Conventional wisdom ascribes to Land parliaments at best a supporting role in German politics & a minor influence on public decision making. Land parliaments are often dismissed as having few substantial legislative or other functions. However, a closer analysis reveals a more complex picture. Even though the legislative function of Land parliaments is limited, these regional bodies of representation are indispensable institutions for the German federal system. This article analyzes the legislative role, the elective function, & the participation of Land parliaments in coalition building as well as developments in the Land party systems. It is shown that in these areas the Land level is more important than is commonly thought. Recent changes indicate that Land parliaments may play an even more pronounced role in the future. The prevailing theoretical approach that sees federalism dominating German consensus democracy thus seems too general. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

According to some political commentators Gerhard Schroder's decision in May 2005 to use a 'false' vote of confidence in order to have the Bundestag dissolved was nothing less than a coup d'etat. From this vantage point an incumbent chancellor had put party interests above crucial aspects of the Basic Law. The debate ensuing Schroder's decision is, thus, to be understood as a variation of a controversy about the legitimate power of parties in the political system, i.e. about the essence of the parliamentary form of government in Germany. In order to bring these issues to the fore the article first describes the chronology of events triggered by Gerhard Schroder's (& Franz Muntefering's) announcements on 22 May 2005. It then examines the five motions for a vote of confidence that have been brought to the floor of the Bundestag since 1949. Finally, it discusses the question of whether the Bundestag should receive the constitutional right to dissolve itself. Overall the analysis supports the view that the vote of confidence has been totally subsumed under the logic of parliamentary government in Germany. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

One of the most important goals of the reform of the federal system was to restructure legislation. At the level of the central state the reform was to make legislation more efficient and transparent and the legislative procedure less time-consuming. In addition, legislative competencies of the central state have been transferred to the Lander level in order to reduce the veto-power of the federal council and infuse competitive elements into federalism. Finally, in a number of areas the Lander received the right to deviate from federal regulations by adopting their own laws. The article brings the shortcomings of this reform to the fore. It shows that1he changes which were adopted in 2006 will at best partly realize what the reform was supposed to accomplish. Adapted from the source document.

"Nach der Föderalismusreform sollte 'schneller, effizienter und besser' regiert werden können. Die Änderungen des Grundgesetzes werden die Entscheidungsautonomie des Bundes zwar verbessern, doch verlangt 'gutes Regieren' auch in Zukunft von den Akteuren die Fähigkeit zum Konsens und zur Kooperation." (Autorenreferat)