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This book examines Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka and provides insights on how Tamil nationalism has survived the destruction of the Tamil Tigers after May 2009 and continues to thrive, despite the absence of a charismatic leadership to lead it or a centralised organisation to mobilise the Tamils along ethnic nationalistic lines. The ethnic nationalist ideology shaped up by the Tamil Tigers continues to remain the driving force of the Tamil polity in Sri Lanka and the Diaspora. Using a Foucauldian counter-historical theoretical framework, the author analyses and offers answers to these questions: What is keeping Tamil nationalism alive despite the demise of the Tamil Tigers over a decade ago? Why do many Tamils in Sri Lanka and abroad refuse to accept a Sri Lankan political identity? How are Tamils able to continue on a nationalist path despite the absence of a unified political leadership? The book argues that Tamil nationalism has survived the latter's destruction because it has become counter-historical. It is this that has allowed, despite the internecine rivalries between Tamil political parties and Diaspora groups, the Tamil nationalist spirit to remain alive. The author also suggests that counter-history has, for many Tamil political parties and Diaspora groups, become the means of waging war, other than through an armed struggle, against the Sri Lankan state. Based on field research, interviews and documentary analysis, the book provides empirical and unique insights on Foucault's thesis that power is multifaceted and can function in the absence of centralised mechanisms. This book will be of interest to researchers in the fields of Politics and International Relations, in particular those working on ethnic nationalism, post-armed conflict peacebuilding/conflict resolution, the politics in Sri Lanka, diaspora politics and Foucault.

"The Malaysian people have endured decades of economic decline, identity politics, and socio-political uncertainty. The country has also experienced a decline in international credibility due to the 1MDB corruption scandal of global proportions. Since obtaining independence in 1957, Malaysia has had two historic general elections, the first in 2018 (GE14), and the second in 2022 (GE15). GE14 brought the reformist Pakatan Harapan government into power. After the previous Barisan Nasional administration had dominated Malaysian politics for 61 years, it was obvious the people could no longer tolerate the deteriorating conditions in the country. However, due to both internal and external machinations, the Pakatan Harapan administration collapsed 22 months later. Subsequently, more than 2 years of socio-political instability ensued, exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic, lockdowns, economic hardships, the kleptocracy trials of Najib Razak, and increasing ethnic polarisation and identity politics. After GE15 in November 2022, there was renewed hope for Malaysians. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, Pakatan Harapan again leads a new coalition government (dubbed the "unity" government). Sharifah Munirah Alatas discusses these developments in a series of short essays. She highlights the peoples' hopes for crucial reforms and their lingering despair for what seems unattainable. Alatas focuses mainly on the meteoric rise in corruption, identity politics, and what she considers the dismal failure of the nation's public universities. She questions the future of the nation but hopes for a revolutionary change in leadership attitudes"--

Using fresh evidence and a novel methodological framework, this book sheds light on how institutions have driven economic reform in China's urban housing sector. The book systematically analyzes the developmental role of the state in China, with rich empirical evidence to show how decentralization has brought about significant participation by the different levels of government with the central, provincial and municipal governments focusing on initiation, intermediation and implementation roles respectively. Despite many Western analysts claiming that it is single complex superstructure, the institutionalization of governance structures in China following reforms has taken place through strong coordination between governments at different levels to meet targeted plans. Although China still has a long way to go to before it can be considered developed, this book elaborates on how the country offers a unique alternative for other states seeking to develop by striking a balance between capitalist and socialist instruments.