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Die Auswirkungen der Globalisierung und Prognosen hierzu werden in diesem Buch grafisch dargestellt, Lösungsansätze und Erklärungen geliefert. Es geht u.a. um Klima, Urbanisierung, Gewalt, Migration, Ernährung oder Kultur. Rezension (ekz): In diesem schweren Hardcover werden die Auswirkungen der Globalisierung in den Mittelpunkt gerückt und mittels 100 Karten und Grafiken dargestellt. Die Autor*innen widmen sich ausdrücklich Prognosen. Die Kernaussagen werden jedem Kapitel vorangestellt. In dem Buch geht es um die "schwerwiegendsten existenziellen Bedrohungen" für die Menschheit, aber auch um Lösungsansätze, Erklärungen, Hintergründe. Wir erfahren etwas über die weltweite Anzahl der Gefängnisinsassen, der psychisch erkrankten Menschen, über Bildungsgeschichte, die Turbo-Urbanisierung (1950-2050), Verbreitung technischer Geräte, KI, Transportkosten, Klimafolgen. Die Druckqualität ist ansprechend. Ein Orts- und sogar Sachregister runden den Atlas ab. - Er ist für viele wissenschaftliche Disziplinen, Studiengänge, Sekundarschulen und Journalist*innen relevant; er eignet sich bei Interesse aber auch zum kompletten Durchlesen. Kurz: Dieser Atlas sticht hervor, und ist im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes zukunfts- und wegweisend. (2 A,S)

The international policy community is preoccupied by a purported rise in fragility, conflict, and violence around the world. The World Bank´s 2011 World Development Report cast a spotlight on the many ways collective violence undermines governance and socio-economic development. Likewise, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has been working closely with the so-called g7+, a constellation of 19 fragile countries, to re-evaluate the terms by which security and development assistance is issued. Yet amidst all this focus on instability, there is less critical reflection on practical policies and applied practices to promote stability. In other words, we are starting to appreciate the factors that induce fragility but know rather less about how to engender safety and security on the ground.

Frequentemente, em um contexto sul-sul ou de cooperação triangular, países que não pertencem à OCDE, como o Brasil,estão adotando um papel proeminente de provedores de auxílio, voltando-se, inclusive, para os chamados Estados frágeis.Os recentes esforços brasileiros para a promoção de desenvolvimento em outros países baseiam-se, fundamentalmente,em princípios de solidariedade, afinidades culturais e em uma experiência comum como país recipiente de ajuda. Asagências públicas e não governamentais brasileiras estão cada vez mais envolvidas na exportação e adaptação detecnologias sociais domésticas para Estados frágeis e também estáveis, incluindo Angola, Guatemala, Guiné-Bissau,Haiti, Moçambique, Suriname e Timor-Leste. Inevitavelmente guiada por prioridades geopolíticas, a ajuda brasileiraparece motivada no mínimo igualmente pelas necessidades encontradas em Dili, Maputo e Porto Príncipe e pelasprioridades genéricas estabelecidas em Paris, Washington e Brasília. Este texto analisa o fenômeno emergente do "EfeitoSul" e algumas de suas implicações para o engajamento em Estados frágeis no século XXI.

Urban violence is a major preoccupation of policymakers, planners and development practitioners in cities around the world. Public authorities routinely seek to contain such violence through repression, as well as through its exportation to and containment at the periphery of metropolitan centres. Yet, urban violence is a highly heterogeneous phenomenon and not amenable to reified diagnosis and coercive intervention. Muscular state-led responses tend to overlook and conceal the underlying factors shaping the emergence of urban violence, as well as the motivations and means of so-called violence entrepreneurs. This is very obviously the case of urban gangs in Central America, which are regularly labelled a 'new urban insurgency' threatening the integrity of governments and public order. This article considers both the shape and character of Central American gang violence and attempts to reduce it, highlighting the complex relationship between these two phenomena. We advance a threefold approach to measuring the effectiveness of interventions, focusing in turn on discursive, practical and outcome-based criteria. In this way, the article demonstrates how, contrary to their reported success in diminishing gang violence, repressive first-generation approaches have tended instead to radicalize gangs, potentially pushing them towards more organized forms of criminality. Moreover, although credited with some modest successes, more preventive second-generation interventions seem to have yielded more rhetorical advances than meaningful reductions in gang violence.

Urban violence is a major preoccupation of policy makers, planners and development practitioners in cities around the world. Public authorities routinely seek to contain such violence through repression, as well as through its exportation to and containment at the periphery of metropolitan centres. Yet, urban violence is a highly heterogeneous phenomenon and not amenable to reified diagnosis and coercive intervention. Muscular state-led responses tend to overlook and conceal the underlying factors shaping the emergence of urban violence, as well as the motivations and means of so-called violence entrepreneurs. This is very obviously the case of urban gangs in Central America, which are regularly labelled a 'new urban insurgency' threatening the integrity of governments and public order. This article considers both the shape and character of Central American gang violence and attempts to reduce it, highlighting the complex relationship between these two phenomena. We advance a threefold approach to measuring the effectiveness of interventions, focusing in turn on discursive, practical and outcome-based criteria. In this way, the article demonstrates how, contrary to their reported success in diminishing gang violence, repressive first-generation approaches have tended instead to radicalize gangs, potentially pushing them towards more organized forms of criminality. Moreover, although credited with some modest successes, more preventive second-generation interventions seem to have yielded more rhetorical advances than meaningful reductions in gang violence. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright PRIO, www.prio.no]

Arms availability and refugee militarization in Africa -- conceptualizing the issues /Robert Muggah and Edward Mogire --The militarization and demilitarization of refugee camps and settlements in Guinea, 1999-2004 /James Milner with Astrid Christoffersen-Deb --Protection failures : outward and inward militarization of refugee settlements and IDP camps in Uganda /Robert Muggah --Preventing or abetting : refugee militarization in Tanzania /Edward Mogire --The wheel turns again : militarization and Rwanda's Congolese refugees /Gregory Mthembu-Salter -- From bad to better : reflections on refugee and IDP militarization in Africa / Sue J. Nahm.

New information technologies can help unpack the relationships and tendencies that persist in complex networks. We present an interactive, web-based visualization that captures interlocking networks related to the Mouvement du 23 Mars (M23) rebel group in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to demonstrate the utility of visually summarizing relationships in a multi-dimensional dataset. We draw exclusively from the findings the UN Group of Governmental Experts report S/2012/843 documenting the procurement of weapons and ammunition by the M23 network. The visualization was built using a hierarchical edge bundling algorithm (Holten 2006) implemented in Data-Driven Documents (d3) (Bostock 2011), an open-source JavaScript-based library for interactive web visualizations. We contend that such visualizations can provide improved understanding of complex social networks both within and beyond the confines of war.