Suchergebnisse

Programa Nacional de Solidaridad (PRONASOL). Examines changing relations between regional PRONASOL and Institutional Revolutionary (PRI) officials; focuses on regional politics in transition from dominant-party regimes, and conflict within former political hierarchies; since 1994, chiefly. Covers Puebla, Nayarit, Tamaulipas, and Baja, California; some focus on the National Action Party (PAN), and the Secretariat of Social Development (SEDESOL).

Programa Nacional de Solidaridad (Pronasol). Examines the relationship of regional officials of the National Program of Solidarity with national and local government and party officials, since 1994; Puebla, Nayarit, Tamaulipas, and Baja California states; Mexico. Summary in English p. 434.

The authors assess the factors that affect judgments about the fairness of the distribution of wealth with pooled public opinion data from Latinobarometro surveys conducted in 1997, 2001, and 2002. They test hypotheses with a multilevel logit model that allows them not only to examine the effects of the class background and perceptions of individual respondents but also to assess the impact of society-level differences in economic growth, GDP per capita, income concentration, and the availability of information. Examining the direct and conditional effects of these society-level factors, the authors find support for relative deprivation approaches but much more limited evidence for hypotheses derived from distributive conflict and development theories. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

The authors assess the factors that affect judgments about the fairness of the distribution of wealth with pooled public opinion data from Latinobarometro surveys conducted in 1997, 2001, and 2002. They test hypotheses with a multilevel logit model that allows them not only to examine the effects of the class background and perceptions of individual respondents but also to assess the impact of society-level differences in economic growth, GDP per capita, income concentration, and the availability of information. Examining the direct and conditional effects of these society-level factors, the authors find support for relative deprivation approaches but much more limited evidence for hypotheses derived from distributive conflict and development theories.

This study examines the effects of globalization, democratization, and partisanship on social spending in fourteen Latin American countries from 1973 to 1997, using a pooled time-series error-correction model. The authors examine three sets of issues. First, following debates in the literature on OECD countries, they want to know whether social spending has been encouraged or constrained by integration into global markets. Within this context, they examine the extent to which such outcomes might be influenced by two additional sets of domestic political and institutional factors discussed in work on developed countries: the electoral pressures of democratic institutions and whether or not popularly based governments are in power.The authors show that trade integration has a consistently negative effect on aggregate social spending and that this is compounded by openness to capital markets. This is the strongest and most robust finding in the study. Neither democratic nor popularly based governments consistently affect overall social spending. The authors then disaggregate spending into social security transfers and expenditures on health and education. They find that popularly based governments tend to protect social security transfers, which tend toflowdisproportionately to their unionized constituencies; but they have a negative impact on health and education spending. Conversely, a shift to democracy leads to increases in health and education spending, which reaches a larger segment of the population. The authors conclude by emphasizing the contrasting political log-ics of the different types of social spending.