Why not Torture Terrorists? Moral, Practical and Legal Aspects of the 'Ticking Bomb' Justification for Torture
In: International affairs, Band 86, Heft 4, S. 989-990
ISSN: 0020-5850
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In: International affairs, Band 86, Heft 4, S. 989-990
ISSN: 0020-5850
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 880-882
ISSN: 1469-9044
In: Contemporary political theory: CPT, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 240-242
ISSN: 1476-9336
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 880-882
ISSN: 0260-2105
In: International studies, Band 46, Heft 1-2, S. 221-237
ISSN: 0973-0702, 1939-9987
British International Relations Theory (IRT) is distinguished by a concern with institutions and norms, and by an emphasis on history, philosophy and law rather than the formal methods of the social sciences. In both respects, but especially the latter, it differs from American IRT. The origins of British IRT are traced and the importance of the 'English School' is stressed partly because of the work it stimulates but also because of its role as a brand, which helps to establish the independence of British International Relations (IR) from the otherwise dominant American IR. Along with the English School scholarship (pluralist and solidarist), work on Political Theory and IR, and Critical Theory, including Critical Security Studies, are the major areas where contemporary British IRT is located. The article argues that this trend is likely to persist, but the generally critical approach taken to social scientific theorizing may be changing, with the increasing importance of historical sociology and critical realist work. It may also be the case that the privileged status of IRT in British IR may be under challenge.
In: International studies: journal of the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Band 46, Heft 1, S. 221-238
ISSN: 0020-8817
In: Contemporary political theory: CPT, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 240-242
ISSN: 1470-8914
In: International relations: the journal of the David Davies Memorial Institute of International Studies, Band 23, Heft 2, S. 257-270
ISSN: 1741-2862
Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International Politics is a modern classic, and deserves to be read the way classic texts ought to be read, i.e. in context and in its own terms. Recovering the context in this case is difficult because of the changes in the discourse since 1979, but one difference between the contemporary and the current reception of the text does seem clear — Waltzian structural realism (or neorealism) is now, but was not then, seen as breaking with the traditions of classical realism. How is this discontinuity to be understood? Part of the answer lies in the rhetoric employed by participants in this debate, but, more substantively, there is a genuine disagreement between neorealism and classical realism over the role played by human nature in international relations. Waltzian neorealism appears, contrary to the tradition, to reject any major role for human nature, describing theories that emphasise this notion as `reductionist'; however, on closer examination, the picture is less clear-cut. Waltz's account of human nature can be related quite closely to the major strands in the realist genealogy, but at a tangent to them. Interestingly, and perhaps unexpectedly, it is also compatible with at least some of the findings of contemporary evolutionary psychology.
In: International affairs, Band 85, Heft 3, S. 620-621
ISSN: 0020-5850
In: International affairs, Band 85, Heft 5, S. 1055-1056
ISSN: 0020-5850
In: Political theory: an international journal of political philosophy, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 647-650
ISSN: 1552-7476
In: Journal of international political theory: JIPT, Band 4, Heft 1, S. 55-71
ISSN: 1755-1722
Notions such as 'guilt' and 'forgiveness' can be defined in objective terms, but more normally have an emotional dimension that cannot be experienced by the institutions examined in this collection of articles. Nevertheless, analogs to these emotions can be discerned in the behaviour of states — and exploring these reveals important insights into what are more (and less) effective ways of responding to, and making amends for, institutional failure. In the 1990s the Western powers were engaged in dealing with a sequence of crises which appeared to call for some kind of intervention — Bosnia 1991/95, Somalia 1992/3, Haiti, 1993/4, Rwanda 1994, Kosovo 1998/9 — and this essay explores the extent to which it can be said that action/inaction in one case can be related back to moral judgements of behaviour in earlier cases. What emerges is not a single narrative of guilt and rectificatory action, but two narratives focusing on different referent objects: obligations towards one's own citizens and toward the putative common good. The picture is complex, yet some significant lessons can be drawn from this analysis. One is the counter-intuitive point that a 'guilty conscience' may actually be more effective when the guilt in question is not attributable to the individual whose behaviour is affected, but rather is seen to be borne by the institution that he or she represents. Assuming that guilt is generated by ignorance rather than ill-will, another, more general, lesson is that better intelligence in the broadest sense of the term — including intelligence of the past moral failures of institutions — may be of more value than a (probably difficult to achieve) theory of institutional guilt.
In: Political theory: an international journal of political philosophy, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 647-650
ISSN: 0090-5917
In: Political theory: an international journal of political philosophy, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 647
ISSN: 0090-5917
In: International studies review, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 732-737
ISSN: 1468-2486