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Building upon a recent book by Yves Mény about people and populism, the article deals with the issue of the crisis of political representation and the parliamentary democracy. The paper highlights the transformations registered by political parties and their failure to respect the constitutional constraints of internal democracy. This transformation is linked to the challenges launched by the populist drift. The new differentiated forms and political directions raise the question of whether this challenge has not been promoting a transition to a policy without sovereignty, relating to the model of post-democracy. The most obvious limitation of such a process lies in replacing political representation with a mere representation of social demands and needs. This leaves thepolitical problem of their concrete government without a solution. ; Prendendo le mosse dalla lettura di un recente libro di Yves Mény sul popolo e sul populismo, il contributo affronta il tema della crisi della rappresentanza politica e con essa della democrazia parlamentare.In tale analisi si sottolineano le trasformazioni registrate dai partiti politici e il mancato rispetto da parte degli stessi dei vincoli costituzionali della democrazia interna. A tale trasformazione dei partiti si ricollega una sfida populista, che assume forme e indirizzi politici differenziati, e che fa sollevare l'interrogativo se tale sfida non stia promuovendo (da tempo) una transizione verso una politica senza sovranità, più appropriata al modello della post-democrazia. Il limite più evidente di un simile processo risiederebbe nel sostituire la rappresentanza politica con una mera rappresentazione delle domande e dei bisogni sociali, lasciando senza soluzione il problema politico del loro concreto governo.

Queer theorists have long staked their politics in an engagement with intersectionality. Yet intersectional scholars have been some of queer theory's most vocal critics, decrying its failure to adequately engage persistent inequalities. I approach this seeming paradox in three parts. First, I situate intersectionality within the field of critical theory, arguing that it shares critical theory's view of power. Both traditions, I argue, understand power to generate the very marginalized figures that it subordinates. Second, while intersectional and queer theories share this critical insight, the two frameworks offer fundamentally different understandings of what constitutes a democratic politics of redress. Where intersectional theorists promote coalition-building between differently marginalized subjects, queer theorists tend to figure sexually marginalized subjects as exemplary democratic agents. Finally, I argue that this slippage in conceptions of democracy has had negative consequences for critical theory and highlights the difficult but essential role of coalition as a political resource.

Abstract The paper aims to explore the phenomenon of the spread in democracy of new powers – produced by inexhaustible technological developments – from the perspective of the philosophy of Institutions. It traces the original idea of democracy, in which the «government of the people» arises from the conversion of natural liberty into social and political liberty, dwells on the political and juridical meaning of authority, analyses the traditional instruments used to condition human opinions and behaviours, and reconstructs – in light of this itinerary – the functioning and new grammar of the digital order. What opens before us is a fluid and disorganized scenario, dominated by digital systems, algorithms and artificial intelligence, that draws the attention of philosophers and sociologists, jurists and scholars of language and of anthropology. The old single order, outlined by the political and juridical machine of the modern State – which, through an aloof and solemn language, aimed to impart regularity to human behaviour and to give society direction – is replaced by multifarious models of order, each of which is generated by its own logic, practices, and autonomous control techniques. Under the omnipotence of technology, concepts such as authority, liberty, truth and power undergo a vortex of semantic transformations that penetrate a new symbolic space into human reasoning and actions.

Almost two years after the Belt and Road Forum held in Tbilisi in November 2017, this article provides an overview of the development of transit infrastructure in Georgia and its relevance to the entire region. To challenge mainstream accounts of the Belt and Road Initiative, which are characterised by a bird#s eye view of logistical connectivity and geopolitical arrangements, the author focuses closely on the construction of one infrastructure project: the Georgian section of the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway. This project preceded the inception of the BRI, but has nevertheless come to be described as one of the key components of the middle corridor passing through Georgia. By mapping some of the conflicts and frictions that have appeared in and around the infrastructure's development, what emerges is a much more complex picture of the making of global connections, one characterised by the intertwining of past histories and shaped by the interaction between local events and transnational relations.

Analizzando gli scenari odierni e i recenti sconvolgimenti geopoliticiche hanno coinvolto i Paesi della riva del Sud del Mediterraneo,Lampedusa, porta d'Europa, è diventata obiettivo di migranti economicisenza patria e senza status. Infatti, Lampedusa si presenta come un croceviaimportante, perché costituisce geograficamente il punto più meridionaled'Europa ed è un'area di contatto, una frontiera naturale tra un occidentericco e tecnologicamente avanzato e un Sud meno ricco, soltanto inparte modernizzato e flagellato da guerre, instabilità politiche e negazionidei diritti fondamentali. Dall'inizio del secolo, Lampedusa è stata interessatada crescenti processi d'immigrazione incontrollata da parte dei paesi piùpoveri della sponda meridionale del bacino del Mediterraneo, perdendo latradizionale veste di area d'emigrazione e inserendosi tra le aree d'accoglienza.

The United States Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) took concrete steps to reduce transaction costs to consumers purchasing medical marijuana products by creating a category for medical marijuana products within International Class 5. However, that decision was rescinded quickly. Then, the USPTO overreached its statutory authority by ordering a wholesale prohibition of federal registration for medical marijuana trademarks. This Comment argues that because the USPTO overreached its statutory authority in prohibiting federal registration for medical marijuana trademarks, it should reinstate the category for medical marijuana products and allow medical marijuana producers to seek federal registration of their trademarks. Part I provides an overview of the new category created for registering medical marijuana and its subsequent revocation. Part II is a statutory analysis of the Lanham Act and regulations to illustrate that the Lanham Act does not preclude registration of medical marijuana marks. It will also illustrate how the USPTO overreached its statutory authority by preventing registration of any by analyzing the inconsistencies in how the term "lawful" has been interpreted by the Trademark Trial and Appeal Board and federal circuit courts. Finally, Part IV will address the alternatives to federal trademark registration and argue that the available alternatives are not adequate in the face of the rapid expansion of medical marijuana laws and policy throughout the country.

El artículo analiza en qué medida los Tratados de Lisboa aprobados en el seno de la Unión Europea resuelven el déficit de garantía de los derechos que han sido evidenciados tanto por la doctrina como por la jurisprudencia constitucional de numerosos estados miembros. También pone en evidencia las incertidumbres y ambigüedades todavía existentes en relación con todo lo que se refiere a la relación entre jurisdicciones nacionales y comunitarias y a la protección de los derechos fundamentales. Tras las incertidumbres en la materia, los nuevos tratados no parecen haber dado un salto hacia adelante en este sentido. Por tanto, habrá que seguir reclamando la positivización de una más adecuada tutela jurisdiccional de los derechos fundamentales de la Unión, cuya garantía no puede sino traer a la causa el valor de las constituciones nacionales y, por tanto, de formas más adecuadas de legitimación política de los tratados. Hablar de los derechos y de la Constitución en el ámbito de la Unión significa preguntarse sobre la naturaleza de la integración europea, superando el diseño funcional que desde sus orígenes la ha caracterizado, y pasando a redefinir las fuentes de su legitimación.This paper analyses if the Treaties of Lisbon solve the rights guarantees deficit showed by doctrine and constitutional jurisprudence of the Member States. Under such circumstances, the uncertainties and ambiguities of the relationship between national jurisdictions and Community Law and the protection of fundamental rights have been demonstrated; nonetheless, the new treaties have not made progress in this direction. Consequently, the legal establishment of an adequate judicial protection of fundamental rights of the Union must be claimed whose guarantee the valuing of national constitutions; and, therefore, the most appropriate political legitimization of the treaties forms. Discussing rights and the Constitution in the Union context means asking about the nature of the European integration, overcoming the functional design that has characterized it and moving to the redefinition of the sources of its legitimation.

Aporte en la recuperación de la memoria de una de las gestas más importantes protagonizadas contra un proyecto estratégico de las clases dominantes en la región. La liberalización impulsada por EEUU en las negociaciones por el ALCA contaba con el consenso de todos los gobiernos de la región, excepto Cuba, excluida de los cónclaves de Presidentes de las Américas. ; Contribution to the recovery of the memory of one of the most important feats staged against a strategic project for the ruling classes in the region. USled liberalization in the FTAA negotiations had the consensus of all governments in the region, except Cuba, excluded from the conclaves of Presidents of the Americas.

International audience ; Ecrire sur le thème du « vivre ensemble » relève pour moi de la prouesse technique tant il me semble qu'il est rapidement possible de sonner creux. Aborder le « vivre ensemble » (qui plus est en période d'élection présidentielle) c'est un peu comme jouer au pictionnary ou au tabou ! Il faut donner des contours et du contenu à cette notion sans recourir à des mots éculés tant leur utilisation fréquente et abusive les a vidés de leur sens. C'est la série des mots en ité (mixité, diversité, solidarité) et en co (coexister, cohabiter, coconstruire) au contenu opérationnel flou, aux implicites complexes, mais qui forment de véritables injonctions au « vivre-ensemble ». Des mots d'ordre qui sonnent, qui résonnent, qui inspirent goûts et dégoûts aux citoyens qui les entendent, parce que selon leur référentiel, ils y aspirent ou ils y sentent une menace. Mais, ce n'est pas parce que le sujet est difficile qu'il n'y a rien à dire. Décrypter le vivre ensemble dans cet article reviendra pour moi à questionner ce que j'observe dans les campagnes : les pratiques et les initiatives des jeunes de 15 à 25 ans. Cette observation est menée depuis une quinzaine d'année dans le cadre d'une participation à des projets locaux (en Dordogne et en Ariège), grâce à des enquêtes par entretiens semi-directifs, et elle a pour cadre des campagnes marquées par une faible densité de population et une organisation plus diffuse des activités et des services. Des campagnes du sud-ouest français aux fonctions récréatives, productives, résidentielles et environnementales prononcées. Mais, des campagnes qui, lorsqu'il est question du « vivre ensemble », contrastent avec la ville. La sociologie rurale a montré combien les campagnes avaient été un lieu monoclasse, uniforme, communautaire, à l'identité immuable. La sociologie urbaine a produit une définition de la ville comme lieu de brassage favorable à la mise en cause des certitudes, à l'ouverture d'esprit, favorisant l'acceptation de la différence et la tolérance. Si le « vivre ensemble » dans les campagnes-comme actuellement d'ailleurs dans de nombreux territoires-ne va pas de soi, n'y at -il pas de rencontre avec la différence, des diversités d'acteurs, des juxtapositions d'activités ? En effet, cette notion de « vivre ensemble » est synonyme d'altérité, c'est-à-dire de rapport aux autres, de présence avec les autres, d'interactions avec les autres, qu'elles soient recherchées ou pas. Dans une acception politique, le « vivre ensemble » est le fondement d'un projet de société, sans que toutefois ni sa définition ni sa mise en oeuvre ne conduise à un réel renouvellement des réflexions et pratiques des relations entre individus et entre citoyens. Pour proposer une illustration de ce que recouvre dans les pratiques et les discours des jeunes ce 1 Pour citer cet article : GAMBINO Mélanie, 2017, « 'Sois gentil et te fais pas remarquer !' ou comment être jeune avec les autres dans les campagnes ? », POUR, 2016/2, n°230, pp. 55-64.

Abstract. The author provides an interesting analysis of the evolution and present situationof social rights and the welfare state, with an emphasis on the array of realities of thecountry members of the european union and the european union itself. The work highlightsthe historical trend to use programatic rules to regulate these rights, as well as theleading role of case law in its development, in spite of a sharp dose of instability. uponpinpointing the special case of health, the author refers to what he calls social coldnessin the union (with respect to social rights) and the need to regulate these rights. ; Resumen. El autor realiza un interesante análisis de la evolución y situación actual de los derechos sociales y del Estado social, distinguiendo la realidad (con matices) de los países miembros de la Unión y de la propia Unión Europea. Destaca la tendencia histórica al uso de normas programáticas para regular estos derechos, así como el principal rol que le cupo a la jurisprudencia en su desarrollo, aunque con una fuerte dosis de inestabilidad. Luego de destacar el caso especial de la salud, refiere a lo que denomina frialdad social en la Unión (respecto a los derechos sociales) y la necesidad de regular estos derechos.