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Using an occupational scheme with 43 categories (rather than the typical seven broad categories), this paper provides new information on cross-national patterns of occupational sex segregation in sixteen developing countries. Cross-national variation is investigated through the lens of a new theoretical framework that incorporates the importance of state policies that influence women's integration across the occupational structure. Multivariate analyses examine how three state policies (maternity leave, antidiscrimination, and protective legislation) are related to levels and patterns of segregation, while controlling for existing explanations for differences in segregation in developing countries: economic structure (economic development, dependency, and size of the service sector) and human capital. State policies were the strongest determinant of cross-national differences in levels of segregation, but two types of legislation had opposite effects: maternity leave is negatively related to levels of segregation while antidiscrimination legislation is associated with higher levels of segregation. Analyses of occupation-specific patterns of segregation reiterated the importance of state policies, demonstrating how different types of policies have segregative and integrative effects throughout the occupational structure. Results also provided strong evidence of a culling effect, in which women's representation in higher-status occupations declines as the percentage of women in the labor force increases.

The entangled histories of African Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Native Americans in the struggle to survive the paternalistic, race-based legislation of a heavy-handed United States government.

The introduction of soc sci evidence in judicial proceedings goes back to 1908 & the 'Brandeis brief'. The constitutionality of Oregon's law limiting women to an 8-hour work day in factories was being challenged on the ground that it restricted freedom of contract unreasonably & hence violated the `due process' provisions of the 14th Amendment. The Court learned from the Brandeis brief just how widespread was the belief, both from medical experts & the general community, about women's physical capacity upon which it rested its decision upholding the Oregon law. In the May, 1954 desegregation decision the Justices chose to take account of soc sci res findings in exactly the same way that their predecessors took account of the data in Brandeis's brief : to buttress their 'judicial notice' of the effects of the soc situation at the moment of decision. To outlaw segregation the court relied on a series of precedents for interpreting the 14th Amendment, not on sociol or soc psychol. It is fortunate that the Supreme Court, though it seems to have been influenced to some degree by the soc sci'ts, did not rest its protection of the rights of minorities on the largely irrelevant books & articles cited, or on the need to establish as a fact that segregation has a harmful personality effect. Nevertheless, soc sci is the courts' best means of acquiring accurate knowledge of human behavior. J. A. Fishman.

"In 1936, Lloyd Gaines's application to the University of Missouri Law School was denied based on his race. Gaines and the NAACP challenged the university's decision. Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938) was the first in a long line of decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court regarding race, higher education, and equal opportunity. The court case drew national headlines, and the NAACP moved Gaines to Chicago after he received death threats. Before he could attend law school, he vanished. This is the first book to focus entirely on the Gaines case and the vital role played by the NAACP and its lawyers (including Charles Houston, known as "the man who killed Jim Crow") who advanced a concerted strategy to produce political change. Horner and Endersby also discuss the African American newspaper journalists and editors who mobilized popular support for the NAACP's strategy"--Dust jacket

In recent years, major metropolitan areas in the United States have experienced waves of gentrification, often referred to as community revitalization. Disguised as infrastructural improvement, minority individuals in urban areas continually face relocation as a result of these "improvements." This paper is focused primarily on the disparities caused by racial residential segregation in major metropolitan areas across the United States. Socio-economic factors such as race, income level, physical health, and educational opportunities are discussed. The tangible effects of segregated housing on gross domestic product (GDP), crime, and food security are explored. In addition, this study evaluates the historic legislation pertaining to housing segregation and presents present-day examples of segregation. Relevant policy implications are offered, including specific legislative initiatives pertaining to housing segregation. Recommendations for further research are given.

Minnesota was at the forefront of progressive civil rights in the 1960s through the middle 1980s, even more so than San Francisco. In 1971, Minnesota State Legislature passed a law requiring Minneapolis, St. Paul, and its suburbs to contribute just under half of the growth in their commercial tax revenues to a regional pool which would be distributed to tax-poor areas. This regulation was revolutionary; a plan like this has never been tried at the Met- ropolitan level (Minnesota, 2015). However, racial segregation in the Twin Cities is at an all-time high in the twenty first century. This racialized gap is due to many reasons: charter schools, open enrollment, loss of funding for inner city schools, and how the geography of residential segregation correlates to school segregation. But in 2009, the Institute on Race and Poverty at the University of Minnesota published a study on a possible solution. They drafted a hypothetical map with five school districts for the Twin Cities metropolitan area. These five districts are integrated and distribute the wealth and race evenly throughout the districts which will lead to all districts having appropriate funding, adequate educational programs, and the value of integration.

This article focuses on the exclusionary effects of land use regulation on housing availability and cost. Recent research by economists and others highlighting such effects is examined. The histories of parallel efforts to provide housing for low- and moderate-income families as well as persons with disabilities are reviewed. The article recommends that legislation be enacted that elevates affordable housing for low- and moderate-income to a level of national concern similar to national policies favoring efficient transportation, as well as protecting coastal and wetland areas and endangered species.

Introduction -- Conceptual Framework -- Methods and Material -- Theme-I: Occupational Segregation: Gender- and Integration-sensitivity of Legislation -- Theme-II: Wage Inequalities: Gender- and Integration-sensitivity of Legislation -- Theme-III: Reconciliation of Professional and Family Responsibilities: Gender- and Integration-sensitivity of Legislation -- Theme-IV: Sexual Harassment: Gender- and Integration-sensitivity of Legislation -- Theme-V: Monitoring & Observation of Migration & Work Policies/Legislation at Workplaces -- Conclusions & Limitations.