Suchergebnisse

Governments and countries throughout history have risen and fallen while some have carried on through the years. However, some countries look very different from when they existed in previous times. Rulers and leaders have utilized many responses to rebellions and secessionist movements. These responses range from bloody and/or political repression, devolution, simply declaring secession unconstitutional or illegal, economic concessions/incentives, or even simply ignoring the problem. There is not only the debate as to what is the best way to put down a rebellion or secessionist movement, but also what is the right/moral response that the government should do to keep the country together in a democratic society. In order to answer the question as to what the best government reaction to a secessionist movement, then one needs to look at all the major options that have been used in modern history in Europe and North America and the impact they had on the country and how it affected that country's society. One would have little choice after researching the issue but to say that the declaration of a secessionist movement is unconstitutional/illegal is the best response a government can use.

AbstractThis paper argues the case for the right of secession in Western democracies. I suggest that the winners gain more than the losers may lose. Indeed, the external effects of secession may well be positive. However, the political economy of secession is highly problematic. Ideally, the rules for secession should be set at the international level but international organisations have a vested interest in preventing secession. It is easier to establish the right of secession at the national level. The opinion of the European Union institutions that Catalonia and Scotland, after seceding, would have to reapply for EU membership has no basis in the European treaties. Nor has this question been settled in any UN agreement or Vienna Convention. There are merely practices, and they vary among international institutions. The paper concludes with suggestions on how secessions from EU member states and withdrawals of member states from the EU might be implemented.

This paper presents an analysis of secession based on rational choice premises. From these premises, secession is seen to be the outcome of a series of collective decisions made by regional leaders and populations, and by the leaders and populations of host states. This emphasis on collective decisions serves to differentiate secession from another process that leads to the formation of political units — the fragmentation of host states The analysis explains why secession has been such a rare outcome in modern history and suggests that it will continue to be rare in the foreseeable future.

The moral right of a group to secede from a state is considered in the case of Native Americans in the US & Canada. It is argued that while secession cannot legally take place in the US, there are valid moral reasons for it to occur: the group no longer seeks to be a member of a state, the group has a valid moral claim to territory, & the group is willing to pay a "secession settlement." Quebec's talk of secession is held to be problematic since the "territory" it would claim would actually be morally the land of the James Bay Crees. It is concluded that talk of secession brings a fresh outlook to Native American rights & that secession should be provided for constitutionally. 20 References. D. Weibel

IntroduzioneUn nuovo termine sta facendo irruzione nel nostro lessico politico corrente: secessione. E con esso, un nuovo fantasma s'aggira anche per l'Italia. Dopo e accanto alla questione settentrionale, al federalismo e al problema del senso di nazione, con la parola d'ordine «secessione» è ancora una volta la Lega a ridefinire l'arena del dibattito politico, introducendovi temi di riflessione inediti o trascurati nel nostro paese. Suo malgrado, essendo di altra natura i suoi intenti, il leghismo ci costringe ad affrontare importanti questioni politico-culturali. A dispetto del dubbio spessore della cultura politica della sua leadership, con le sue iniziative ad effetto, spregiudicate e talora preoccupanti, il leghismo sta certamente contribuendo ad un progressivo rifacimento del linguaggio politico di casa nostra. In particolare, con i proclami secessionisti del leghismo «padano» emerge ancora una volta la centralità della dimensione territoriale in politica. Siamo insomma di fronte ad un tipico problema di «politicizzazione del territorio». Ma siamo altresì collocati sul terreno della politica: della «politica della secessione».

This paper presents and solves a model of ethnically motivated warfare which treats annexations as the explicit outcomes of secessions. An ethnic group within one country may want to engage in a secession in order to join its ethnic peers in the annexing country. The annexing country decides whether or not to support the separatist ethnic group in the conflict. I use this model to discuss how equilibrium behavior depends on economies of scale in the public good provision, ethnic heterogeneity, and sanctions. Among others, I find that sanctions can have the seemingly paradoxical effect of increasing conflict intensity

The many questions that surround movements for secession and self-determination are both practically urgent and theoretically perplexing. The United States settled its secession crisis in the 1860s. But the trauma and unfinished business of those events are still with us. Around the world secession and self-determination are the key issues that cause strife and instability. This volume provides an unusually comprehensive consideration of the many challenges of law and political philosophy that accompany them, and offers theoretical insights that provide guidance for policy. Among the questi.

The recent experience of the former Yugoslavia provides an important test case for appraising theories of secession. This article begins with an outline of the main candidate justifications for a right to secession; withdrawal of consent; remedial right only; national self-determination and hybrids of these arguments. The article then provides a survey of the experience of the various secessions in the former Yugoslavia and draws attention to the particular problem of recursive secessions – that is counter secessions by minorities within the new 'republics'. The discussion of recursive secession provides an additional criterion for assessing the adequacy of candidate theories of justified secession.