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Europe is increasingly required to assume greater responsibility for its own wellbeing and security. The debate about strengthening Europe's ability to exert influence and act on its interests revolves around concepts such as strategic autonomy and - above all in France - European sovereignty. But rarely are these terms defined, or their political and practical implications explained.In this publication strategic autonomy is defined as the ability to set priorities and make decisions in matters of foreign policy and security, together with the institutional, political and material wherewithal to carry these through - in cooperation with third parties, or if need be alone. This understanding encompasses the entire spectrum of foreign policy and security, and not just the dimension of defence. Autonomy is always relative. Politically it means growing readiness, a process rather than a condition. Autonomy means neither autarchy nor isolation, nor rejection of alliances. It is not an end in itself, but a means to protect and promote values and interests. The authors of this collaborative study offer more than definitions. They explore what Germany needs to do, on its own and in cooperation with its European partners, to achieve greater strategic autonomy. What difficulties and conflicts of goals are to be expected. What is necessary and urgent? What is possible at all? What resources will Germany and Europe need to commit? What red lines will Germany encounter in its own internal politics and among its partners? And which questions will need further political dicussion?

Although shifts in policy positions are a fundamental feature of the European Union (EU) bargaining process they have not yet been studied systematically. This article provides evidence on the extent to which position shifts occur and tests alternative models of the bargaining process that predict such shifts. We examine a subset of the DEU data set that contains information on shifts in actors' positions on issues raised by 28 Commission proposals. The three bargaining models presented here posit alternative mechanisms that drive actors' position shifts during the EU bargaining process. Our research shows that position shifts occur frequently during the EU bargaining process and these shifts in actors' policy positions are best understood in terms of compromise and exchange among actors.

This article describes an actor-focused approach to creating a theory of change that is context-specific, grounded in an understanding of local historical, cultural, linguistic, and social realities, and inspired by a commitment to social justice in education reform. In 2019, the authors completed a research evaluation of the Government of Cambodia's inaugural Multilingual Education National Action Plan designed to increase inclusion of Indigenous children in basic education. The project mandate included constructing a theory of change. Using the participatory approach of Outcome Harvesting, data were obtained about behavioral changes among actors implementing and affected by the plan. Qualitative data analyses identified 115 behaviors distributed across 15 categories of actors in the education system, and uncovered assumptions and experiences of change processes and relationships. The authors created a generic theory of change mandated by the commissioning body for the evaluation. It was unidirectional and institution-centered, focused on objectives, strategies, outputs, and outcomes. To provide a more nuanced, inclusive, context-specific and potentially useful representation of change processes, the authors drew upon the behavior change data to construct a second, actor-focused theory of change. Additionally, the authors constructed a third theory of change showing education strategies in the current context compared to internationally accepted best practice in multilingual education. This study illustrates a focus on manifest behaviors and relationships among actors in theories of change. Actor-focused frameworks that describe situationally specific, participatory action and reciprocal learning can promote inclusive, sustainable, systems-level change toward children's right to meaningful quality basic education.

Zwei Parlamentsdokumente zur Frage der Ausrufung eines palästinensischen Staates am 4. Mai 1999, dem in Oslo vereinbarten Ende der Interimsphase. Das Papier des ständigen politischen Ausschusses des palästinensischen Legislativrats vom 12. April (Dokument 1), das dem Legislativrat am 20. April vorgelegt wurde, enthält neben einer Bewertung der Situation Empfehlungen zum einzuschlagenden Kurs. Wie die Presseerklärung des Legislativrats (Dokument 2) über die Beratungsergebnisse der Sitzung vom 20. April zeigt, haben die Empfehlungen des politischen Ausschusses einige Modifikationen erfahren. (DÜI-Hns)

My book focuses on the relationships between site-specific art and space within the context of the international. It considers how interdisciplinary spatial theory can inform the making, theorisation, commissioning, display and reception of contemporary art. The research probes the significance of the relationships between space and contemporary art with reference to globalising contexts through analysis of a series of artworks, temporarily located in a diversity of spaces outside the context of the gallery. Drawing on urban and social theory, critical geography, feminist, postcolonial and cultural theory, it investigates the psychoanalytic, cultural, political and social dynamics in play within the international spatial contexts of site-specific art. The book demonstrates how a critical exploration of 'site' in relation to contemporary site-specific art can contest various forms of appropriation of space. It argues that theorisations of art in relation to the spatial must acknowledge wider interdisciplinary debates. Close consideration of the artworks show that they cannot be detached from their spatial contexts – materially, culturally, politically or theoretically. The potential of contemporary art to disrupt the certainties governing the consumption of space manufactured by its regulating discourses reveals the power relations and exclusions within the hegemonic terms of constructed utopias. In the context of the pernicious effects of such regulating structures, forms of contemporary art can dislocate the manufactured stabilities of space. Homelessness, marginalisation, migration, ethnicity, human rights, class, gender and other forms of 'otherness' are part of the ways in which space is produced but denied in the homogenising discourses of modernity. In the fissures of spatial ordering, relationships between art and space can introduce ambivalence where the hidden, suppressed, forgotten and the surrogate are made visible. The research speaks to curators, commissioning bodies, architects, artists and to interdisciplinary approaches and understandings of the nature of contemporary art and its relationships to space.

Europe is increasingly required to assume greater responsibility for its own well-being and security. The debate about strengthening Europe's ability to exert influence and act on its interests revolves around concepts such as strategic autonomy and - above all in France - European sovereignty. But rarely are these terms defined, or their political and practical implications explained. In this publication strategic autonomy is defined as the ability to set priorities and make decisions in matters of foreign policy and security, together with the institutional, political and material wherewithal to carry these through - in cooperation with third parties, or if need be alone. This understanding encompasses the entire spectrum of foreign policy and secu­rity, and not just the dimension of defence. Autonomy is always relative. Politically it means growing readiness, a process rather than a condition. Autonomy means neither autarchy nor isolation, nor rejection of alliances. It is not an end in itself, but a means to protect and promote values and interests. The authors of this collaborative study offer more than definitions. They explore what Germany needs to do, on its own and in cooperation with its European partners, to achieve greater strategic autonomy. What difficulties and conflicts of goals are to be expected. What is necessary and urgent? What is possible at all? What resources will Germany and Europe need to commit? What red lines will Germany encounter in its own internal politics and among its partners? And which questions will need further political dis­cussion? (author's abstract)