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Abstract
Advances in text analysis, particularly the ability to extract network based information from texts, is enabling researches to conduct detailed socio-cultural ethnographies rapidly by retrieving characteristic descriptions from texts and fusing the results from varied sources. We describe this process and illustrate it in the context of conflict in the Sudan. We show how network information can be extracted from vast quantities of unstructured texts-based information using computer assisted processes. This is illustrated by an examination of changes in the political networks in Sudan as extracted from the Sudan Tribune. We find that this approach enables rapid high level assessment of a socio-cultural environment, generates results that are viewed as accurate by subject matter experts, and match actual historical events. The relative value of this socio-cultural analysis approach is discussed.

International audience ; The rich nature of news makes it a classic subject of visual analytics research. Such analysis is often based on rich textual data. However, we want to test how much we can understand the news from video information through face detection and tracking. Towards this goal, we propose a visual analytics system and discuss its design and implementation to support media experts in understanding political interactions in an archive of twelve years of the Japanese public broadcaster NHK's News 7 program. After identifying the tasks and abstraction required for our analysis, we construct links from face detection and tracking to derive multiple political networks. Our proposed design embeds this rich data into a visual analytics framework that presents four levels of abstraction: time period, network, timeline, and face-tracks within video. We present how the exploration of the archive with our system results in good understanding of the Japanese politico-media scene during these twelve years while finding evidence of " presidentialization " of the media.

International audience ; The rich nature of news makes it a classic subject of visual analytics research. Such analysis is often based on rich textual data. However, we want to test how much we can understand the news from video information through face detection and tracking. Towards this goal, we propose a visual analytics system and discuss its design and implementation to support media experts in understanding political interactions in an archive of twelve years of the Japanese public broadcaster NHK's News 7 program. After identifying the tasks and abstraction required for our analysis, we construct links from face detection and tracking to derive multiple political networks. Our proposed design embeds this rich data into a visual analytics framework that presents four levels of abstraction: time period, network, timeline, and face-tracks within video. We present how the exploration of the archive with our system results in good understanding of the Japanese politico-media scene during these twelve years while finding evidence of " presidentialization " of the media.

In recent times, land acquisitions in India for both public and private projects are facing stiff political resistance. Existing studies on land acquisition mostly focus on optimal compensation that would secure the consent of land owners. In this article, we argue that besides compensation, membership in different types of networks such as political parties and self-help groups might influence landowner consent. This could occur either because of pro-social concerns or access to better investment opportunities for the compensation amount. Using survey data from flood prone Indian Sundarbans, where the government sought to acquire land to construct embankments, we find evidence supportive of our hypothesis. The survey elicited reservation price response from land owners for a hypothetical land acquisition program. Our estimates show that land owners with self-help group members are more likely to have a higher ask price for agreeing to land sales. In contrast, controlling for length of party association, members of political networks are more likely to sell their land and have a lower reservation price than their non-political counterparts. Our results suggest that, rather than only increasing the compensation package, which is a stock of wealth, it is equally important to enhance the flow of income to ensure consensual land sales.

Decentralization has several positive impacts on Indonesian local government performance. To date, many studies have unpacked the positive implications of Indonesian decentralization. Yet, few have shown a structural argument of the decentralization reform trajectory in Indonesia constitutional reform 1998-2002. This study investigates the dynamic processes of parliament voting within the constitution amendment on the decentralization article as a source of the existing Indonesian decentralization performance. Analyzing research questions will conduct; to what extent do political networks shape the content of the decentralization article in the constitution amendment in 1999-2000; how much pressures out of parliament session affect the political networks within Indonesian constitution amendment the decentralization article. This study applies a theory that social networks and personal relations sourced from party alignment can explain the outcome variations of decisions at the political arenas. The quantitative method is used to construct independent variables of political networks in testing to what extent informal political networks influence the voting of members of parliament within 32 meetings in 1999 and 2000. In presenting statistical, empirical findings, this study points out that the constitutional amendment, which 'produces' new decentralization article, is a direct result of bargaining between members of parliament, which builds informal political networks. So, this provision creates an improved performance of Indonesian decentralization today. Due to the statistical, empirical findings talking to wider themes of parliament and decentralization, this study suggests paying more attention to the indicators of political networks on and off parliament's formal meetings within the constitution amendment.

In this work we present a tool that generates real world political networks from user provided lists of politicians and news sites. We use as input a dataset of current Texas politicians and 6 news sites to illustrate the graphs, tools and maps created by the tool to give users political insight.

In this work we present a tool that generates real world political networks from user provided lists of politicians and news sites. We use as input a dataset of current Texas politicians and 6 news sites to illustrate the graphs, tools and maps created by the tool to give users political insight.

This article explores the place of individuals, ideologies and personal and political networks in shaping the larger political landscape in revolutionary Russia. The shape and culture of the Socialist Revolutionary Party (psr) will be at the heart of my anal- ysis of coalition politics. I focus particularly on the personal and political networks surrounding Vladimir Mikhailovich Zenzinov during 1917. This analysis suggests that the shape of coalition politics in 1917 was defined in part by pre-revolutionary social and political networks, and that these to some extent transcended party political affiliations. While the nature of coalition politics necessitated this political fluidity, it is nevertheless worth emphasizing, because the discourse around 1917 is often framed along explicitly party political lines.

Why did the campaign for "trust in cadres" (doverie k kadram) come to be so emblematic of the Brezhnev era? In this article, Yoram Gorlizki argues that following the failure of Nikita Khrushchev's institutional experiments, Leonid Brezhnev turned to "trust"-ties grounded in ongoing personal relationships-as a means of lowering the Soviet system's high transaction costs. Focusing on in-depth studies of three regions, Kabardino-Balkaria, Kirov, and Krasnodar, Gorlizki suggests that the leadership system in each shifted towards a pattern marked by modest but stable institutional constraints on regional leaders, a carefully calibrated system of seniority, and a set of order-enhancing norms that are referred to as "hierarchical ethics." Mirroring the new leadership arrangements in Moscow, this combination of regional institutional constraints and political norms was the most compatible with a pattern of informal devices for cooperation that would come under the label of "trust" (doverie). Gorlizki contends that while Soviet offi cials had always resorted to personal relationships in order to attain their offi cial goals, the campaign for "trust in cadres" gave cover to such practices by in effect elevating them into a component part of the regime's ideology. Gorlizki concludes by describing the variety of dangers these arrangements carried with them.