Suchergebnisse

Abstract
This special issue of International Negotiation explores from different perspectives how multilateral trade negotiations, primarily within the World Trade Organization (WTO), can become more effective. The challenges associated with this task have grown, as the parties and issues involved in such talks have increased in number and diversity. The specific topics addressed include the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and domestic-level factors, agenda management, legitimacy and procedural issues, turning points, the challenge posed by the pursuit of bilateral and regional alternatives, and the question of gains to be had from multilateralism. The conclusions drawn from these studies are wide-ranging and relevant for multilateral negotiations generally. They highlight, among other matters, the significance of decision-making procedures used in the negotiation process.

AbstractIn exploring the leadership practices of chief executives of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), this article finds thatIGOleaders recognize themselves as agents and as brokers. This article produces findings from a multiple‐case study of the executive leadership ofNATOfrom 1995 to 1999 and of theEUCommon Foreign and Security Policy from 1999 to 2009. The relationship between member states and theIGOleader can be conceived as a principal–agent relationship where the agent plays a central role in framing a common vision and strategies, facilitating member states' involvement in the strategizing process, and mobilizing external and internal support. I depart from a restrictive principal–agent conceptualization of the relationship because I do not envision it as conflictive, but rather as collaborative.

AbstractThis article examines the effect of multilateral trade liberalisation (MTP) on financial openness (capital account openness). Results show that MTP induces higher financial openness in low‐income countries (LICs) and old industrialised countries. For other subsamples, the effect is negative and could be explained by the fact that countries that lack the requisite institutions and financial systems to derive full benefits from higher financial openness would likely limit their capital account openness while trying to maximise their benefits from opportunities offered by greater MTP. Greater multilateral cooperation on trade matters would be particularly beneficial to LICs.

Developing countries have highlighted the importance of examine the interlink ages between trade, debt and finance in an effort to find sustainable solutions to these challenges within the context of the multilateral trading system. This paper analyzes what actions could be taken in the context of the WTO Doha negotiations to assist countries to benefit from deeper trade integration. It discusses the policy agenda that confronts many developing countries and identifies a number of focal points that could be used both as targets and as benchmarks to increase the likelihood that WTO negotiations will support development. To achieve these targets a number of negotiating modalities are proposed for both goods and services-related market access issues, as well as rule making in regulatory areas. Developing countries must approach WTO negotiations with a firm view of their national priorities, and seek to ensure that multilateral obligations will assist in and not detract from, the realization of development objectives. For the development community this implies priority should be given to strengthening the capacity to identify national priorities and to analyze the cost and benefits of proposed agreements in light of those priorities.

This study applies an international relations framework and the notion of multilateral organizations as a means of understanding the nature of trade union internationalism and the conditions under which it operates. The authors argue that international trade unionism involves an imperfect multilateralism which requires close working relationships between small groups of unions in order to function, that is, a 'minilateral' method of working. By using this framework the authors attempt to highlight the intrinsic durability and adaptability of the Global Unions and also identify areas of activity that serve to strengthen them as organizations, primarily by building affiliates' engagement and investment in them.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) lacks the power to directly enforce agreements. It is therefore important to understand what role the WTO can play to facilitate international cooperation, and whether a multilateral institution can offer distinct advantages over a web of bilateral agreements. This paper examines two potential benefits of a multilateral trade institution: first, verifying violations of the agreements and informing third parties, thus facilitating multilateral reputation mechanisms; second, promoting multilateral trade negotiations rather than a web of bilateral negotiations. The model suggests that a multilateral approach is particularly important when there are strong imbalances in bilateral trading relationships. (JEL F13)

Proposes a qualitative approach to the problem of determining when cross-issue trade-offs are likely to be necessary and applies it to the Tokyo and Uruguay Round negotiations on safeguards to protect domestic industries from problems related to increases in imports. (Abstract amended)

With the establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995, much of the original vision of the drafters of the 1948 International Trade Organization (ITO) Charter was realized, albeit some 50 years later. The ITO was supposed to complement the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in the area of trade policy, but as a result of a decision by the U.S. government not to submit the treaty for approval by Congress, it never entered into force. In retrospect, the agreement to create the WTO may be a high-water mark for multilateral trade cooperation. Since its creation, WTO members have not been able to agree on further liberalizing access to markets for goods and services in the long-running Doha Development Agenda (DDA) negotiations. This reflects disagreements among the largest trading powers: the United States and the EU on one side and large emerging economies such as Brazil, China, and India on the other. Instead of using the WTO as the venue to cooperate on trade policy matters, the EU and the United States have increasingly turned toward preferential trade agreements (PTAs), arrangements in which liberalization is restricted to participating countries, raising questions about the future trajectory of the world trading system.

During last couple of years, the academic community, national civil servants in charge of trade policies, and employees of international economic organizations have intensively discussed reforming the World Trade Organization. All participants of the debate tend to agree that the system of multilateral trade regulation in its present form does not match expectations and requirements. There is less unanimity regarding the reasons that have resulted in the poor performance of the institution under review. As for possible ways to solve the problem, existing opinions differ dramatically. Both expert views and official proposals of WTO members (Canada, EU, Japan, China and some others) deal with prospects for the Doha round, modalities of future agreements, decision-making process, and a range of other questions waiting for uneasy answers.