Suchergebnisse

On September 28, 1009, Caliph al-Hakim had the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem destroyed. How did it come to this? What did it mean for contemporaries? Why were Jews persecuted as a result? Did it interrupt the stream of pilgrims to Jerusalem? What do we know about al-Hakim's personality? How was the crisis mastered? How was the church rebuilt? These are the questions considered in an interdisciplinary discourse by scholars of Arabic, Byzantine, Jewish, medieval and Nordic studies, as well as art historians and experts on the Christian East.

Viewed from its widest angle, the dormant but still unsettled question of the internationalization of Jerusalem is, in reality, a struggle between the Holy See and the Jewish state. Thus one protagonist will inform the United Nations that "the Catholic body throughout the world…will not be contented with a mere internationalization of the Holy Places in Jerusalem" and the other will proclaim to the Israeli Parliament that "for the state of Israel there is, has been and always will be one capital only, Jerusalem, the Eternal". Since 1947 the Vatican has directed a campaign designed to make unmistakably clear to Israel and the UN that nothing less than the complete territorial internationalization of Jerusalem would be satisfactory; with equal steadfastness has Israel maintained her claim to sovereignty over the entire New City of Jerusalem.

Congress has voted to move the U.S. Embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. On October 24, 1995 - the day of the Conference on Jerusalem here at the Columbus School of Law of The Catholic University of America - Congress passed the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995. The President took no action on the Act, allowing it to enter into force on November 8, 1995. The Act states that a United States Embassy to Israel should be established in Jerusalem by May 31, 1999, and it provides for a fifty percent cut in the State Department's building budget if the Embassy is not opened by that time. The Act permits the President to waive the budget cut for successive six-month periods if the President determines it is necessary to protect the "national security interests of the United States." In these pages and elsewhere, several contributors to this symposium have addressed the policy questions raised by the Act. I will focus on the Act's interpretation.

This article compares four Jerusalem exhibits in different geographical and political contexts: at the Tower of David Museum in Jerusalem, the Palestinian Museum in Birzeit, the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, and the Jewish Museum Berlin. It examines the role of heritage narrative, focusing specifically on the question of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which is either openly engaged or alternatively avoided. In this regard, we specifically highlight the asymmetric power dynamics as a result of Israel's occupation of East Jerusalem, and how this political reality is addressed or avoided in the respective exhibits. Finally, we explore the agency of curators in shaping knowledge and perspective and study the role of the visitors community. We argue that the differences in approaches to exhibiting the city's cultural heritage reveals how museums are central sites for the politics of the human gaze, where significant decisions are made regarding inclusion and exclusion of conflict.

Introduction: Irish Questions and Jewish Questions / Aidan Beatty and Dan O'Brien -- British Israelites, Irish Israelites, and the Ends of an Analogy / Abby Bender -- "Not So Different after All": Irish and Continental European Antisemitism in Comparative Perspective / R. M. Douglas -- "New Jerusalem": Constructing Jewish Space in Ireland, 1880-1914 / Peter Hession -- Irish Representations of Jews and Jewish Responses/Jewish Representations of Jews and Irish Responses / Natalie Wynn -- From Richard Lalor Sheil to Leon Pinsker: The Jewish Question, the Irish Question, and a Genealogy of Hebrewphobia / Sander L. Gilman -- Rebellious Jews on the Edge of Empire: The Judaeo-Irish Home Rule Association / Heather Miller Rubens -- Rethinking Irish Protectionism: Jewish Refugee Factories and the Pursuit of an Irish Ireland for Industry / Trisha Oakley Kessler -- Irish, Jewish, or Both: Hybrid Identities of David Marcus, Stanley Price, and Myself / George Bornstein -- The Irish Victory Fund and the United Jewish Appeal as Nation-Building Projects / Dan Lainer-Vos / The Discourses of Irish Jewish Studies: Bernard Shaw, Max Nordau, and Evocations of the Cosmopolitan / Stephen Watt -- The Historical Revitalization of Hebrew as a Model for the Revitalization of Irish? / Muiris Laoire -- "From the Isle of Saints to the Holy Land": Irish Encounters with Zionism in the Palestine Mandate / Seán William Gannon -- Epilogue / Aidan Beatty and Dan O'Brien

A disciple of Husserl and Heidegger, a contemporary of Sartre and Merleau-Ponty, Levinas entirely renewed the way of thinking ethics in our times. In contrast to the whole tradition of Western philosophy, he considered ethics neither as an aspiration to individual perfection, nor as the highest branch in the Cartesian tree of knowledge, but as a oefirst philosophya . By putting into question the priority of Being, by seeing responsibility for the other person as the very structure of subjectivity, Levinas initiated a new understanding of time, freedom or language. This book is a collection of

The question of Palestinians' right for urban planning and development in East Jerusalem is one of many challenges Arab Jerusalemites face over the right to the city. While Palestinians search for the reasons for the impaired urban reality of East Jerusalem, some of the answers lie in the planning systems itself and its allowances. This brief paper describes, analyzes, and critiques urban planning policies that constitute a trap and an indictment mechanism impeding the issuance of a building permit and land titles. The planning trap is part of a sophisticated complex matrix of control systems, with hard and soft, visible and invisible components that are practiced by the Israeli authorities in an effort to bring about the geopolitical, demographic policies, and urban changes desired by the state in Jerusalem.

Israel must not make the same mistakes that the United States made after 9/11. Here are some critical questions to ask now.

While Schmitt's Political Theology paints modern theories of the state as secularized theological concepts, prominent threads of Jewish religious education in 20th century Jerusalem have moved in a different direction, that is, toward the re-sacralization of such secularized theological concepts. Orthodox Jewish schools in Jerusalem, or yeshivot, take an orthopractic approach to religious education as informing all aspects of life, rather than a delimited set of doctrines or beliefs. As such, questions of security fall within the purview Jewish religious education. To look more closely at the relationship between orthodox Jewish religious education, sanctity and security, I spent seven months enrolled as a student-observer in three Jerusalem yeshivot taking daily field notes, conducting interviews, attending classes, and studying related sacred texts. By examining both Jewish sacred texts and ethnographic data from contemporary Jerusalem yeshivot, this article highlights how geo-political ideals of security in modern Jerusalem are being re-sacralized by contemporizing ancient sacred texts and approaching religious education itself as a means of eliciting divine aid in the securitization process for Jewish Jerusalem.

What does Trump's recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel mean for the future of Palestine and the Palestinians, and what does it reveal about US policy? Al-Shabaka policy analysts examine these questions and recommend ways for Palestinian civil society and leaders to safeguard Palestinian rights in the face of such a setback. Nur Arafeh argues that Trump's announcement cements Israel's apartheid regime and "Judaization" policies in Jerusalem, and calls for the PA to end coordination with Israel and nullify the Oslo Accords. Dana El Kurd makes the case that the US move creates two opposing legal frameworks for Jerusalem, one that follows international law and one that bends to Israeli interests. "[Trump's declaration] sets a precedent for greater legal recognition in the future," she writes. "Palestinians should consider new ways of resisting Israeli colonization." Munir Nuseibah reasons that the development confirms the US as a biased mediator. "The only positive outcome is that it ends the illusion that the 'peace process' is legitimate," he writes. Victor Kattan and Tareq Baconi recommend ways for the PA to respond and move forward. While Kattan outlines a number of strategies for the leadership, including calling on more states to recognize Palestine and devoting more energy to producing a concrete vision of the state it wants to establish, Baconi calls for the PA to be restructured to support a redirection of the Palestinian struggle – but in such a way that would mitigate the economic detriment of its collapse.