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This article is to expose the lack of a reliable mediator to ensure the defense of political rights in elections auxiliary presidents in the state of Puebla, Mexico, which are regulated by municipalities and develop with little political guarantees. Since the integration of the electoral roll or the number of boxes, there is no immediate regulatory body. Therefore, it is necessary that the National Electoral Institute to intervene in the election of local character. Therefore we rely on direct observer methodologies research, multidisciplinary approach with a qualitative analysis and critical pedagogy. ; En el objetivo del artículo es exponer la falta de un mediador confiable que garantice la defensa de los derechos políticos en las elecciones de presidentes auxiliares en el Estado de Puebla, México, que son reguladas por los ayuntamientos y se desarrollan con escasas garantías políticas. Desde la integración del padrón electoral o el número de casillas no existe un órgano regulador inmediato, por lo tanto, es necesario que el Instituto Nacional Electoral intervenga en estas elecciones de carácter vecinal. El presente estudio se sustenta en las metodologías de observador directo de investigación, análisis multidisciplinario con enfoque cualitativo y pedagogía critica.

In modern democratic politics, members of parliament (MPs) engage in legislative activities influenced by political parties and voters. This article examines how electoral margins within constituencies affect MPs' party loyalty in roll call votes. We analyzed all bills of the 20th Korean National Assembly (2016–2020), providing evidence for the marginal hypothesis from the perspective of an emerging democratic country. We found MPs were more likely to deviate from the party's position in roll call votes during their term where voting margins were greater. This relationship was heterogeneous according to MPs' and local districts' conditions. We found feedback effects, whereby political parties and voters reflected the MPs' party loyalty in the subsequent election. These results suggest that in Korea, where pork-centric regionalized politics have become solidified, voters tend to perceive MPs as representatives of political parties, and MPs constrained by tight voting margins seek to follow party discipline to ensure reelection.

Colombia ha vivido numerosas reformas políticas a lo largo de su agitada historia constitucional. Los esfuerzos reformistas liderados por los últimos gobiernos se han orientado hacia el reajuste del sistema electoral y el reforzamiento de los partidos políticos en términos de cohesión, disciplina y financiamiento. El volumen que aquí se presenta, coordinado por el profesor David Roll, profundiza en cada uno de estos temas, identificando algunas lecciones útiles para implementar la reforma política que, según sus autores, necesita el país para mejorar su gobernabilidad democrática. El propósito del libro, como se señala en la presentación del mismo, es contribuir al debate sobre la reforma política en Colombia con el fin de lograr la aprobación de normas que mejoren el sistema electoral y construir un país con gobernantes y representantes más legítimos y eficaces.

Colombia ha vivido numerosas reformas políticas a lo largo de su agitada historia constitucional. Los esfuerzos reformistas liderados por los últimos gobiernos se han orientado hacia el reajuste del sistema electoral y el reforzamiento de los partidos políticos en términos de cohesión, disciplina y financiamiento. El volumen que aquí se presenta, coordinado por el profesor David Roll, profundiza en cada uno de estos temas, identificando algunas lecciones útiles para implementar la reforma política que, según sus autores, necesita el país para mejorar su gobernabilidad democrática. El propósito del libro, como se señala en la presentación del mismo, es contribuir al debate sobre la reforma política en Colombia con el fin de lograr la aprobación de normas que mejoren el sistema electoral y construir un país con gobernantes y representantes más legítimos y eficaces.

"In Germany's political system elections are held on different political levels with electoral systems that differ across time and levels. Making use of this variance and analyzing local, state, federal, and European elections since 1990, our contribution investigates how vote shares of differently sized parties are affected by the interplay of the effects of political levels and electoral systems. The empirical analysis highlights that - controlling for time trends and regional differences - both differences in political levels as well as in electoral systems substantially affect the vote shares of parties of different sizes. Notably, both these factors are of similar importance. Furthermore, there is a systematic difference between small parties on the one hand and medium-sized and large parties on the other hand. First, small parties gain higher vote shares if elections are held on the local, state or European level. And second, they benefit, as expected, from the absence of a legal threshold. However, systematic differences between medium-sized and large parties cannot be found. In sum, it is important to take into account the effects of different political levels as well as electoral system effects, especially when potential electoral reforms are evaluated." (author's abstract)

Abstract
Do elections increase responsiveness of legislators to their constituents? Previous studies that examine the effect of electoral proximity have been unable to hold the roll-call agenda constant and control for differences in unobserved covariates between legislators. This paper utilizes a natural experiment in four state legislatures—Arkansas, Illinois, Florida, and Texas—where term length was randomly assigned. This design compares the responsiveness to constituency opinion of those randomly assigned to a two-year term to those assigned a four-year term on different issue areas, like the economy, environment, and crime. I find no evidence for an electoral proximity effect on responsiveness. In addition, in the Illinois State Senate, the causal effect of electoral proximity on responsiveness is measured on several individual roll-call votes, including the legalization of medical marijuana and gay marriage.

Current proposals for reform of the electoral college system are embodied in three plans which appear to be designed to enable the "conservatives" to elect a President of the United States. Since 1932, the present electoral college system has compelled both parties to nominate presidential candidates who advocate policies devised to win the votes of conscious ethnic, religious, and economic groups in metropolitan centers, where these minorities hold a balance of power in populous states controlling large blocs of electoral votes. Consequently, all recent presidential candidates have supported social security, collective bargaining, and civil rights legislation. An inspection of congressional roll calls discloses the rather obvious fact that a number of Republicans and southern Democrats hardly approve of these and other so-called Fair Deal measures.

Eliten gelten als die Schlüsselakteure von Systemwechseln – ihre Ziele, Strategien, Handlungen und Präferenzen entscheiden die Prozesse. Während der Friedlichen Revolutionen vermieden sie die "Chinesische Lösung", aber befürworten sie zugleich Demokratie und Freiheit? Die Rolle der SED/PDS-Parteielite im Demokratisierungsprozess der DDR und – kontrastiv – in den Staaten Ostmitteleuropas zu beleuchten, ist Gegenstand der Habilitationsschrift. Dabei geht es erstens um die theoretische Fundierung und Systematisierung politischer Eliten in Systemwechselprozessen, zweitens um die Analyse des (Nicht-)Beitrags der Parteiführungen bei der Demokratisierung und davon abgeleitet drittens um die Erklärung und Charakterisierung der Systemwechselverläufe.

AbstractPrevious research on the voting propensity of young Americans has largely treated the effects of state electoral laws as homogenous, despite today's youth belonging to the most racially and ethnically diverse age cohort to date. Research has documented differences in participatory resources across racial, ethnic, and age groups, with recent work also suggesting differences in racial and ethnic identity influences across age groups. These factors may lead to significant differences in voter turnout under different state electoral environments. Using the Current Population Survey (2000–2016), national voter rolls (2012), and the Cost of Voting Index, this study investigates how the intersectionality of age and racial/ethnic identification affect voting decisions across state electoral environments. Whether comparing young voters across racial/ethnic identifications or comparing young voters to their older racial/ethnic counterparts, results strongly support the assertion that young voters are affected to differing degrees by increased costs to vote along racial/ethnic lines.

The growing literature about mixed electoral systems has addressed their effect on party systems, voting behavior, campaign strategies, legislative roll-call voting, & other issues in a handful of countries. But, the effect of mixed systems has not been fully evaluated cross-nationally or longitudinally. Using data from the World Bank's Database of Political Institutions, we address this gap in the literature by investigating two related questions. First, do mixed electoral rules produce different election outcomes than other election rules? Second, are these results attenuated by the definitions of mixed systems that scholars employ? We find that mixed systems generate outcomes that are distinct from other electoral systems & that these findings are generally robust across different definitions. 4 Tables, 37 References. [Copyright 2004 Elsevier Ltd.]