Suchergebnisse

This study aims to determine the implementation of monetary policy conducted by The US Federal Reserve on the movement of interest rates of Bank Indonesia (BI 7 Days Repo), Rupiah exchange rate against US Dollar, Indonesia inflation rate and export value of Indonesia.The research method used is quantitative descriptive method with the aim to create a systematic, factual and accrual picture of the facts of reality in that year. The data used are secondary data, which are historical data on FFR, inflation, monetary policy and rupiah exchange rate.From the results of the analysis and discussion, it can be concluded that the monetary policy undertaken by the United States Government in dealing with its economic problems in 2017 - 2018 is to raise the federal rate (FFR) periodically and indirectly, this affects the value of Indonesian exports.

This study elaborates on the European Union's (EU) Balkan policies evaluating the developments in the Western Balkans from the post-Cold War era until today. In addition, the study will tackle the EU policies and practices in the Western Balkans on the basis of the principles of the domino theory. In this context, the EU believes that destabilisation due to conflicts in former Yugoslavia after disintegration has also destabilised other countries in the region in domino effect. This situation means both the region and the EU will encounter security threat. In this regard, the study dwells upon EU policies in the region to provide financial aid in an attempt to ensure development and sustainability which will foster stability on the basis of the assumption that these countries in the region will be accepted to the EU as member countries after ensuring stability.

Tulisan ini adalah kajian politik identitas yang bertujuan untuk melihat efek domino yang terjadi ketika rezim pemerintahan di tingkat lokal membangkitkan kembali lembaga formal yang dulu pernah hadir di daerah tersebut. Tulisan ini mengajukan tesis utama bahwa identitas dibangkitkan sebagai alat bagi penguasa dalam merebut, mempertahankan, dan menunjukkan kekuasaan. Lembaga formal yang dihidupkan kembali adalah Kesultanan Kutai Kartanegara yang dibubarkan akibat diberlakukannya Undang-Undang Darurat No. 3 Tahun 1953 dan Undang-Undang No. 27 Tahun 1959 tentang pembentukan daerah tingkat II di Kalimantan. Tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan kulturalisme dengan pandangan instrumentalisme menggunakan metode kualitatif. Teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi kepustakaan. Temuan dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa rezim membangkitkan kesultanan adalah untuk mendukung proses elektoral dalam pemilihan kepala daerah. Namun tujuan itu tidak tercapai karena Kesultanan Kutai Kartanegara mendukung kerabat kesultanan yang juga ikut dalam proses elektoral tersebut. Dengan keadaan seperti itu terjadi pergesekan antara rezim pemerintah Kutai Kartanegara dengan Kesultanan Kutai Kartanegara. Akibatnya hajatan tahunan kesultanan (Festival Erau) selama tiga tahun (2004-2006) terhenti karena ketergantungan anggaran pihak kesultanan dengan pemerintah.This paper is a study of identity politics that aims to see the domino effect that occurs when government regimes at the local level revive formal institutions that were once present in the area. This paper proposes the main thesis that primordial identity is raised as a tool for rulers to seize, defend, and show power. The formal institution that was revived was the Kutai Kartanegara Sultanate, which once existed as a state institution and was dissolved due to the enactment of Emergency Law No. 3 of 1953 and Law No. 27 of 1959 concerning the formation of second-level regions in Kalimantan. This paper uses the approach of culturalism with an instrumentalist view that uses qualitative methods and data collection techniques through literature study. The results of this study indicate that the regime arousing the empire was to support the electoral process in regional elections. However, that goal was not achieved because the Sultanate of Kutai Kartanegara supported the Sultanate's relatives who also participated in the electoral process. Under such circumstances there was a friction between the government regime of Kutai Kartanegara and the Sultanate of Kutai Kartanegara. As a result, the annual celebration of the empire (Erau Festival) for three years (2004-2006) was stopped due to the dependence of the Sultanate's budget on the government.

Following the fall of Tunisia's President and in light of the upheaval in Egypt, the spectre of domino effects has been raised. The lack of prospects for young people, social injustice and political repression - all causes that sparked the protests in Tunisia - are problems in virtually all Arab states. Demonstrations against the regimes have gathered force from Algiers all the way to Sana'a. Nevertheless, the Tunisian scenario is unlikely to repeat itself: the differences in political, social and economic conditions are too large. A lot depends on whether Tunisia achieves a successful transformation and on how the situation in Egypt develops. However, the developments thus far have shown that stability can be deceptive and dictators are unable to guarantee long-term stability. The EU should reconsider its benevolent policies vis-à-vis the authoritarian rulers in the Mediterranean region

According to the democratic domino theory, increases or decreases in democracy in one country spread and "infect" neighboring countries, increasing or decreasing their democracy in turn. Using spatial econometrics and panel data that cover over 130 countries between 1850 and 2000, this article empirically investigates the democratic domino theory. We find that democratic dominoes do in fact fall as the theory contends. However, these dominoes fall significantly "lighter" than the importance of this model suggests. Countries "catch" only about 11% of the increases or decreases in their average geographic neighbors' increases or decreases in democracy. This finding has potentially important foreign policy implications. The "lightness" with which democratic dominoes fall suggests that even if foreign military intervention aimed at promoting democracy in undemocratic countries succeeds in democratizing these nations, intervention is likely to have only a small effect on democracy in their broader regions.

This article examines the systemic implications of the growing popular backlash against international cooperation and analyzes how voter-endorsed attempts to withdraw from international institutions reverberate abroad. Observing other countries' disintegration experiences allows voters to better assess the feasibility and desirability of such withdrawals. More positive withdrawal experiences encourage exit-support abroad, whereas negative experiences are likely to have a deterring effect. These contagion effects will be conditioned by the availability of information and voters' willingness to learn. The article empirically examines this argument for the case of Brexit. It leverages original survey data from 58,959 EU-27 Europeans collected in six survey waves during the Brexit withdrawal negotiations and from a two-wave survey of 2,241 Swiss voters conducted around the first Brexit extension in spring 2019. It finds both encouragement and deterrence effects, which are bigger when respondents pay attention to Brexit and are dampened by motivated reasoning.

Simple geometry material is taught to elementary school students. A conventional learning model where the teacher always explains makes students lazy to read. Thus, instead of getting new knowledge, the seventh-grade students only know what they remember about the geometry material they learn in their elementary schools. This study aims to find out the effect of using the domino game for teaching geometry, especially in the rectangle chapter, with SFAE learning model. VII F and VII G, sampling was carried out by stratified random sampling. Using quasi-experimental method, this study the seventh-grade students of SMP Negeri 1 Tawangmangu, Karanganyar Regency, as its population. Classes VII E, VII F, and VII G were selected as the samples using stratified random sampling. Data were collected using observation, questionnaires, and interviews. The data were then analyzed using two-way analysis of variance with unequal cells. It was found that (1) Fa (206.947) > F-table (6.0526) which means that students taught using SFAE model with dominoes have better achievement than those taught with the SFAE model only; (2) Fa (12.71791) > F-table (6.0526) which means that students taught using SFAE model with dominoes have better achievement than those taught using conventional learning models; (3) Fa (322.718) > F-table (6.0526) which means that students taught using SFAE learning model have better achievement than those taught using conventional learning models. Therefore, it can be concluded that learning using SFAE model with domino cards can improve students' mathematics learning achievement in geometry material.