This essay examines the relationship between hateful speech and its potential and realized harmful effects socially and politically vulnerable groups, particularly Muslims, in a democratic society. I critically evaluate the assumption that free speech is an absolute value of secularism and the corresponding definition of Muslims as religious "others" in European and American democratic culture. Instead of arguing strictly for the legal regulation of hateful speech, however, I contend that the cultivation of civic virtues—specifically charity and solidarity—may counteract the harmful effects of such speech, and can lend moral justification for the right of free speech.
This essay examines the relationship between hateful speech and its potential and realized harmful effects socially and politically vulnerable groups, particularly Muslims, in a democratic society. I critically evaluate the assumption that free speech is an absolute value of secularism and the corresponding definition of Muslims as religious "others" in European and American democratic culture. Instead of arguing strictly for the legal regulation of hateful speech, however, I contend that the cultivation of civic virtues—specifically charity and solidarity—may counteract the harmful effects of such speech, and can lend moral justification for the right of free speech.
AbstractIn 2017 the Australian Government undertook a national survey to determine public support for the legalisation of same‐sex marriage. This raised concerns the 'plebiscitary' act may create harms to two groups: LGBTI people and those religious people with strong attachment to heteronormative marriage. Justifying the process, the Government advanced the possibility of civil dialogue generative of understanding. While instances of hate speech in public spaces were reported, this paper examines comparatively private speech during the period. Based on an analysis of posts to relevant Facebook pages, this analysis found opponents to same‐sex marriage were more highly mobilised online, and considerable differences in the character of online debate for and against the proposed changes. Importantly, while uncivil and 'hate' speech were part of online conversations, the overall quantum of this uncivil discourse was lower than many feared. Additionally, the process did not generate considerable democratic dialogue around policy alternatives and rationales, particularly among 'Yes' campaign supporters who were more homogenous in their acceptance of dominant campaign framing of the issue than their opponents. Significantly for ongoing public debates about public values like educational access and freedom of expression, opponents to change focused their arguments against same‐sex marriage around a subset of unrelated issues: free speech, religious freedoms, and diversity in public schools.
"This book develops a new way to think about how social advocacy works in everyday life. Varied scholarly approaches to social advocacy over the past four decades have tended to highlight skilled actors who craft rhetorical appeals and pursue resources and opportunities strategically to win their ends. Lichterman argues that this approach presents a thin view of culture and oversimplifies action as a product of collective actors whose speech and action do not vary by setting. In this study of housing advocacy, he turns the analytic lens away from the actors to the social settings and the cultural contexts of unfolding action, which allows him to develop a more precise explanation of success and failure. Lichterman draws on four years of ethnographic research on four campaigns, three coalitions, and twelve organizations that took up affordable housing, homelessness, and related problems in Los Angeles. The author follows how the actors' identities, claims and strategies unfold in specific settings as they promote new legislation, oppose gentrification, build affordable housing, and pursue health and environmental issues alongside housing problems. He finds that the discursive fields are crucial contexts that influence the work and that organization style powerfully shapes civic action. How Civic Action Works offers a new conceptual framework and research agenda for studies of social advocacy"--
AbstractThe Danish cartoon controversy raises questions about the inclusiveness of Western European civic nationalism. The controversy highlighted a harsh, exclusivist brand of Danish civic nationalism that cast Muslim migrants as outsiders. The controversy also saw a broader group of cartoon supporters from across Europe fault Muslims for failing to respect liberal traditions of freedom of speech and secularism, traditions now explicitly labeled 'European'. However, others pushed the debate in a more open direction by defending the Jyllands Posten's freedom of expression in ethnically neutral terms and explicitly challenging the contrast between an enlightened Europe and an intolerant Muslim other.
The article deals with freedom of speech as a spiritual dimension of being: moral emotions, conscience. The author outlined the indissolubility of freedom and necessity, freedom and responsibility for the written, oral and television image. It is emphasized that freedom of speech is a category not so much philosophical but political. Throughout the democratic world, it is an essential factor in the natural development of society on the basis of the constitutional order. Based on the analysis of media functioning it was emphasized, that freedom is a kind of political and civic oxygen of the media, because their main purpose is to create the preconditions for formation of moral and spiritual, educated, intellectually rich society. It is shown that freedom is the greatest moral and spiritual state of man. Under the banner of freedom, Ukrainian soldiers defend the independence of the State from Russian invaders. In connection with the Russian Federation aggression against Ukraine the principles and the functions of the media were re-understood, features of freedom and standards of journalistic creativity in historical and contemporary socio-political context were outlined. The author drew attention to the works of Professor M. Tymoshyk who was the researcher of creativity of the publicist, politician and diplomat Yevhen Onatskyi, who put the interests of the nation first in the fight against Ukrainian enemies, not one of its classes, the interests of the state, not of any party. These professional standards of journalism are all too important in the current era of globalization and hybrid warfare. Therefore, the standards of journalistic profession should be treated not traditionally, not stereotyped but unusual, creative, to promote victory over the enemy and approve of the spiritually united Ukrainian Ukraine. Freedom of speech, standards of the journalistic profession cannot be a tool for manipulating public consciousness in the interests of the aggressor. It should be based on the philosophy of ...
In the everyday practice of online communication, we observe users deliberately reporting abusive content or opposing hate speech through counterspeech, while at the same time, online platforms are increasingly relying on and supporting this kind of user action to fight disruptive online behavior. We refer to this type of user engagement as online civic intervention (OCI) and regard it as a new form of user-based political participation in the digital sphere that contributes to an accessible and reasoned public discourse. Because OCI has received little scholarly attention thus far, this article conceptualizes low- and high-threshold types of OCI as different kinds of user responses to common disruptive online behavior such as hate speech or hostility toward the media. Against the background of participation research, we propose a theoretically grounded individual-level model that serves to explain OCI.
Until recently, scholars assumed that women stopped speaking after they won the vote in 1920 and did not reenter political life until the second wave of feminism began in the 1960s. Nothing could be further from the truth. While national attention did dissipate after 1920, women did not retreat from political and civic life. Rather, after winning the vote, women's public activism shifted from a single-issue agenda to the myriad social problems and public issues that faced the nation. As such, women began to take their place in the public square as political actors in their own rights rather than strictly campaigning for a women's issue. This anthology documents women's activism during this period by introducing heretofore unpublished public speeches that address a wide array of debated topics including child labor, international relations, nuclear disarmament, consumerism, feminism and anti-feminism, social welfare, family life, war, and the environment. Some speeches were delivered in legislative forums, others at schools, churches, business meetings, and media events; still others before national political organizations. To ensure diversity, the volume features speakers of different ages, races, classes, ethnicities, geographic regions, and political persuasions. The volume editors include short biographical introductions as well as historical context for each selection. ; https://vc.bridgew.edu/fac_books/1028/thumbnail.jpg
In the everyday practice of online communication, we observe users deliberately reporting abusive content or opposing hate speech through counterspeech, while at the same time, online platforms are increasingly relying on and supporting this kind of user action to fight disruptive online behavior. We refer to this type of user engagement as online civic intervention (OCI) and regard it as a new form of user-based political participation in the digital sphere that contributes to an accessible and reasoned public discourse. Because OCI has received little scholarly attention thus far, this article conceptualizes low- and high-threshold types of OCI as different kinds of user responses to common disruptive online behavior such as hate speech or hostility toward the media. Against the background of participation research, we propose a theoretically grounded individual-level model that serves to explain OCI.
The League of Women Voters of Texas is a non-partisan organization that works to promote political responsibility through active informed participation of all citizens in their government. In 1919, the Texas Equal Suffrage Association evolved into the Texas League of Women Voters, and today is recognized as the League of Women Voters of Texas. Their hallmark activity is the circulation of Voters' Guides through newspapers prior to elections; locally, regionally, statewide, and nationally. The League's intent is dissemination of information on political candidates, and the objective promotion of "political responsibility through informed and active participation of citizens in government." The organization's efforts, however, are by no means limited to politics, but also address issues on water, health care, hazardous wastes, education, energy, and such international concerns as the United Nations. ; The records of the League of Women Voters of Texas also reflect socio-economic changes in the United States with the active organizational membership drives of the mid to late 1970s in response to American society's evolution into a two income family. Collectively, the materials provide researchers with invaluable insight into politics and political concerns on an international, national, statewide, and local basis. ; The collection consists of materials from national, state, and local files, financial materials, photographs, and publications of the National, Texas, and local leagues, as well as other state leagues. Also included are a study of the national league, scrapbooks, memorabilia, vice-presidential program files, and printed materials. The focus of the collection is on state committees and local units. ; Highlights from the donation include the original 1919 minutes from the Texas Equal Suffrage Association authorizing the organizational conversion to the Texas League of Women Voters, films produced by the group on legislative processes, the 104th Congressional recognition given and signed by Texas Senator ...
Scholars of political socialization are paying increasing attention to how the Internet might help cure the civic disengagement of youth. This content analysis of a sample of 73 U.S.-based civic Web sites for youth introduces a framework for evaluating Web sites' strategies for fostering active communication for citizenship. We offer the first systematic assessment of the extent to which a broad range of Web sites aim to develop young people's abilities to use information and communication technology (ICT) as a vehicle for civic participation and to engage with ICT as a policy domain that encompasses issues (such as freedom of speech and intellectual property rights) that shape the conditions for popular sovereignty online. The study finds low levels of interactive features (such as message boards) that allow young people to share editorial control by offering their own content. In addition, few sites employ active pedagogical techniques (such as simulations) that research suggests are most effective at developing civic knowledge, skills, and participation. We also find little attention to ICT policy issues, which could engage budding citizens in debates over the formative conditions for political communication in the information age. We conclude with suggestions for civic Web site designers and hypotheses for user studies to test.
Intro -- Contents -- 1. Damaging Democracy? 'Fake News' and Moral Panics -- Introduction -- Issues of Principle - How Open Should the Channels of Political Communication be in a Liberal Democracy? -- Tensions between Liberalism and Democracy -- Popular Sovereignty in Liberal Constitutionalist Thinking -- The Popular Sovereignty Challenge to Liberal Constitutionalism and Two Anxieties -- Mapping Liberalism's Ochlophobia - Current Restrictions on Freedom of Political Expression and a Republican Argument for Keeping the Channels of Political Change Open -- 2. Closing Off the Agon: Legal Norms, Deliberative Democracy and 'Improved' European Public Discourse -- Introduction -- The Liberal and the Democratic Polity -- Privileging 'Responsible' Media - The Council of Europe's Narrowed Conception of Political Pluralism -- Threats to Political Pluralism from Liberal Elitist, Deliberative (Civic Republican), Epistemic Accounts of Democracy -- Containing Majoritarian Passions - Pettit's Aristocratic Republic of Reason and Critics -- Conclusion - Ongoing Ineliminable Conflict: Truly Plural, Participatory Politics -- 3. Enlightenment Rationality vs Machiavellian Pluralism -- Introduction -- Enlightenment Roots of Deliberative Democracy and Some Counter-Enlightenment Objections -- Public Reason and the Reasonable Citizen in Deliberative Democracy Scholarship -- Conclusion -- 4. Populism and Ochlophobia: The Denouncements of Popular Participation in Liberal Democracy -- Introduction -- Anti-populist Themes in Mainstream Culture and Politics -- Populism in Political Theory - A Response to Modern Representative Democracy and Redemptive Possibilities -- Defending Oligarchical Rule Down the Ages - From Thucydides and Plato via Madison and Tocqueville to the Twentieth-century Critics of Mass Culture.
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Nicole Loraux's works are based upon a history activity which takes as facts the speeches created by the forces of psychism and ideology. All the weaknesses of the limpid, ordered and controlled expression require a specific attention : denial, silences, ruptures of symmetry. Two operators are used to tell us what is really being said by the speech, next to what it wants to say : tragedy, a civic speech that overshadows the official expression of the city and the féminin, included in the citizen virility to better overcome it, or at least to shaken it.
Civic participation is an important aspect of democracy. The contemporary model of democracy is based on citizens' participation in political decision-making (deliberative democracy, participatory democracy). This participation takes many forms of activities like display of slogans and symbols, voting, social consultations, political demonstrations, membership in political parties or organizing civil disobedience. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 are characterized by great social, economic and political diversity. Civil society is also part of the process of democratization. Civil society, funded by the rule of law, civil rights, such as freedom of speech and association and private ownership, was to play a central role in the development of liberal democracy. Among the many interpretations of concepts, defining the concept of contemporary democracy, one can assume that the terms civil society and democracy, although different in meaning, nowadays overlap. In the post-communist countries, the process of shaping and maturing societies took place in the context of a struggle with a state governed by undemocratic power. State fraud or repudiation of the institution is a representative state, which in the past was the only way to manifest and defend its identity, but after the breakthrough became one of the main obstacles to the development of civil society. In Central and Eastern Europe, there are many obstacles to the development of civil society, for example, the elimination of economic poverty, the implementation of educational campaigns, consciousness-related obstacles, the formation of social capital and the deficit of social activity. Obviously, civil society does not only entail an electoral turnout but a broader participation in the decision-making process, which is impossible without direct and participative democratic institutions. This article considers such broad forms of civic participation and their characteristics in Central and Eastern Europe. The paper is attempts to analyze ...
