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The author introduces the contributions dedicated to the legitimacy crisis, which took place in Aragonese Southern Italy, framing them in the historiographical debate on the Kingdom of Naples in the 15h century and focusing on the knowledge growth produced by the articles. ; L'autore introduce i contributi dedicati al tema della crisi di legittimità nel Mezzogiorno aragonese, collocandoli nel dibattito storiografico sul Regno di Napoli nel Quattrocento e soffermandosi sull'apporto conoscitivo dei diversi saggi.

AbstractBoth the privy council and elections in early modern Scotland are understudied. The council itself has largely been described as a tool for crown management of elections. But it was fundamentally a court and standing committee charged with government administration, which was often supplicated to deal with cases of electoral impropriety and controversy. As elections became increasingly contested throughout the later 17th century, so the council's role developed into a form of elections committee which adjudicated over controverted elections. This, in some ways, reflected the business conducted by parliament's own elections committee, although the council was largely concerned with elections in the royal burghs while it also dealt with other electoral issues. This article explores the privy council's engagement in a complex range of electoral business between the Revolution of 1689 and its abolition in 1708.

La testualità francescana di area catalano-aragonese è una fonte importante del discorso politico e della costruzione delle identità comunitarie. Tra gli aspetti più significativi emerge il discorso sul valore e la funzione della moneta. Sin da Arnau de Vilanova la moneta esprime, e veicola, la forza e l'identità di una comunità politica. Attraverso di essa si viene a definire il ruolo degli attori economici, civili e politici agenti negli spazi comunitari. Si mette anche in discussione un assunto storiografico secondo cui «la costellazione dei concetti della modernità politica irrompe dalla denegazione di ciò che l'aveva preceduta». Se questa argomentazione sostiene che il lemma e la nozione di «contratto», definitosi da Hobbes, è il «luogo genetico» della modernità, resta irrintracciabile la cesura con il "non moderno". Nel rapporto che connette fides, moneta e identità nei testi medievali francescani che progettano comunità di cives-fideles lo spazio comunitario diviene infatti arena pubblica e legale, istituzionalizzandosi. E nello spazio del mercato, costitutivo di quello comunitario, convergono volontà diverse che contrattano ambiti e limiti di sovranità economiche e finanziarie, ma altrettanto consapevolmente politiche. ; The Franciscan textuality of Catalan-Aragonese area is an important source of the political discourse and of the construction of community identities. Among the most significant aspects emerge the discourse about the value and function of money. Since Arnau de Vilanova the currency expresses and conveys the strength and identity of a political community: through it is to define the role of economic, civil and political agents in community areas. It also puts into question an historiographical assumption: «the constellation of concepts of political modernity erupts from the denial of what had preceded itì». If this argument asserts that the lemma and the concept of «contract», defined since Hobbes, is "the genetic location" of modernity, remains untraceable the break with the "not modern ". In the relationship that connects fides, money and identity in medieval Franciscan texts that design communities of cives-fideles, the community space becomes public and legal arena, institutionalized. And in the space of the market, constituitive of the space of the community, different wills converge negotiating areas and limits of economic and financial sovereignties, but equally conscious political ones.

This article revises the traditional view of Spain as a predatory colonial state that extracted revenue from natural resources and populations in the Americas while offering little in return. Using eighteenth‐century Spanish American treasury accounts, we show that local elites exerted important control not only over revenue collection, as previously argued by the authors, but also over expenditure allocation. The Spanish colonial state developed into a stakeholder model, in which local interests were deeply invested in the survival and expansion of empire. The means of co‐optation were intra‐colonial transfers, as well as credit relations between the state and colonial individuals and corporations, which guaranteed that much of colonial revenue was immediately fed back into the local economy, while minimizing enforcements costs. By allowing stakeholder control of both revenue and expenditure, Spain managed to avoid the problems faced by France, where royal control of expenditure clashed with partial elite control of revenue‐raising.