Suchergebnisse

The purpose of the paper is to present a more granular view of such projects through the in-depth focus on a limited number of case studies, with a view to understanding what factors in the design of such lending have helped achieve objectives of expanded access, and what forms of interventions may have been less successful. It examines the nature of Bank lending vehicles, the partnering borrower institutions, the country environments in which its loans were extended, as well as broader elements of good practice that make for loan success. It examines the beneficiaries targeted and results achieved. It aims to draws lessons that suggest what factors could lead to success or failure in Bank operations focused on financial access. The remainder of the paper is organized as follows: section two briefly describes the set of the Bank s projects selected for detailed review. Sections three to six contain the core findings of the review. Section 3 focuses on alternative forms of borrower institutions that have served as vehicles for Bank projects, particularly, public sector banks, apex bank structures that include the private sector, rural banks, nonbanks, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and microfinance institutions, in terms of the degree to which the Bank has been able to successfully partner with such institutions to expand financial access. It also looks at alternative forms of Bank loan design, policy-based loans, investment loans and lines of credit, Learning and Innovation Loans (LILs), matching grants, technical assistance and combinations thereof, and reviews evidence on the role of loan structure (including partnerships with other donors/lenders) and project success. Section four considers the effect of the broader business environment, in terms of financial regulation. Section five reviews elements of good practice that have contributed to success in lending that could be applicable to loans with any objective, and examines their application in the present context. Section six tries to construct a bottom line, reviewing available evidence on outcomes and impact; especially in terms of the ultimate beneficiaries reached. Section seven, the final section, summarizes the main messages emerging from the review and concludes with observations about ways forward.

This is a draft oped. It didn't make it as events in Israel are now consuming attention. But sooner or later we need to elect a president and live with the results. I went light on the economics, but you can see the basic game theory of the analysis. It amplifies some comments I made on Goodfellows. **** If, as it appears, the election will come down to Trump vs. Biden, the US is headed for a constitutional crisis, and the social, and political chaos that implies. Like prisoners of the economists' dilemma, there seems no easy way out. Whichever wins, the others' partisans will pronounce the president to be fundamentally illegitimate. In turn, Illegitimacy justifies and emboldens scorched-earth tactics, more norm-busting and institution-destruction.If Biden wins, Trump supporters will see an official Washington, especially its justice system, enmeshed in presidential politics. They remember Hilary Clinton's laptop, the Russia collusion hoax, and endless investigations. Now they see sprawling indictments for process and paperwork crimes, that nobody else would be charged for.  They see a Washington-media-intelligence cabal censoring news, from censorship of Covid policy dissenters — who turned out to be largely right — to the Hunter Biden laptop story just before the last election. See the scathing Missouri V. Biden. And they see the Family Business. Sure, Biden, like so many in public office who somehow end up with millions in family wealth, likely has enough lawyers and shell companies to avoid provable illegality.  But illegality is not the issue. Trump supporters will see the stench of the swamp, secret email accounts, the reins of power covering up the embarrassing facts. If Trump wins, Democrats will go ballistic. Democrats have refined de-legitimization for decades. Trump's denialism was almost comical in its incompetent emulation. Recall Bush derangement syndrome, continuing claims that the 2000 election was  stolen or decided by a corrupt court; Stacey Abrams, the #resistance, #not my president. But it's all worse now. Though Democrats express themselves in legalisms, in the end they feel that Trump's actions after the last election amount to a nearly treasonous violation of his oath of office to defend the Constitution.(Before you start yelling your side's spin, take a breath. Yes, you see things differently, but how will they see things, no matter you loud you yell? How will they act? That's what matters.)Our next election is likely to be chaos, enhancing the voices claiming illegitimacy. The election will be close. There will surely be a nationwide legal battle. Every questionable vote, every smudged postmark, every local decision to stretch a ballot deadline, every change in procedures will end up in court. Losing Democrats will cry "racist voter suppression." Losing Republicans have gotten good at even more fanciful stolen election claims. If the election is decided by courts, heaven help us. The Democrat's efforts to de-legitimize the Supreme Court are already well under way. Media now routinely refer to every federal judge by the president that appointed him or her, not, say, by the school they went to or their most famous decisions. Large swaths of the population will tell themselves that the election was stolen. With No Labels and Kennedy in the fray, it is possible that the election will come down to many ballots in the electoral college. Having tried to de-legitimize Trump for losing the popular vote in 2016, will democrats accept an electoral college result if the popular vote is 40-30-30? Will Republicans? It is possible that the electoral college fails, and the Presidency is decided by the House of Representatives, itself chaotic and under a razor-thin majority. Our Constitution brilliantly prescribes fail-safe procedures to produce a decision. But it only works only if people accept that decision. With so many already opining that the electoral college is an illegitimate anachronism, and with the House in such chaos and low esteem, will losers calmly accept the results of the Constitutional mechanism?Widely believed, and more widely spun illegitimacy justifies horrendous behavior. You can tell the Jan 6 rioters were play-acting by how unserious they were. People who really believe an election was stolen bring tanks. Widespread violent protests are easy to foresee. Widely perceived illegitimacy leads to constitutional crisis and chaos. People will simply disregard presidential actions, action by his appointees, and court orders. They will violently resist attempts to enforce government actions. How do we avoid this mess? There is a lot of hope that one or the other party will blink, and choose a vaguely sensible candidate who will then sweep the general election. But candidates are chosen by primaries, a "democratic" reform we may wish to rethink. (Old men in smoke filled rooms, desiring to win a general election, would never have picked these two.) It's not so easy. And even a reasonable candidate will only postpone the deeper question: Why is attacking the legitimacy of elections, institutions, and the courts gaining in strength? It is a scorched earth policy — ruin the institution to gain temporary advantage. The answer seems clear: The rewards of winning and the costs of losing are now too great. Narrowly, each of Trump and Biden could well end up in jail if he loses, a situation familiar in, say, Pakistan, but so far undreamt of in the US. Avoiding that is worth a lot of scorched earth. More broadly, winning an election now confers the power to rule by executive order. It confers power over administrative fiat, the power to shower billions on supporters, control of the regulatory machine that lines up corporate support, the power to censor the internet, and the power to hound your opponents and their supporters through the intelligence and judicial system. Losing graciously is a less and less viable option. Democracy isn't so much about who wins elections. Democracy requires the ability to lose elections, admit the legitimacy of the loss, but live on to regroup and win another day. Only when the power of the winners to impose immense changes with narrow majorities is constrained can losers do that.

Nicholas Anthony


The Cato Institute's mission is to originate, disseminate, and advance solutions based on the principles of individual liberty, limited government, free markets, and peace. Within the Center for Monetary and Financial Alternatives, we narrow that scope to the realm of monetary and financial policy. And while our work often involves digging into the weeds to assess the merits of specific pieces of legislation, it's always important to step back and ask what the subject of our work means for liberty. Today, that subject is financial privacy.
So, what does financial privacy mean for liberty?
An Insight into Your Life
Privacy is foundational for protecting freedom. Abuses to human rights and efforts to control people often depend on governments knowing the intimate details of a person's life. It's for this reason that financial privacy is so important. Financial activity can reveal details about a person's relationships, profession, religion, political leanings, locations, and more. In fact, although the data conversation has often centered largely around social media concerns, financial information can be far more revealing.
Consider the average post on Facebook or Twitter. People will often try to present their "best life" on social media and that might mean filtering photos, embellishing stories, or outright making up an entirely new persona. In economics, we can refer to these actions as "stated preferences." In contrast, financial activity can offer insight into someone's "revealed preferences" because, by their nature, financial transactions involve explicit costs. Put bluntly, financial transactions require people to put their money where their mouth is. Someone could post online that they are abroad "on a luxurious vacation," but their purchases would reveal they are actually at home. Likewise, someone could post about their "humble life in a small town," but their pay stubs would reveal they are actually a millionaire.
The list of examples goes on, but financial activity reveals many areas of a person's life so it's more likely to reveal who someone truly is—even if the person doesn't want those details known by others.
Over the last 50 years, the volume of personal financial data has increased significantly as payments have increasingly become electronic. Consider the use of credit cards. Less than 20 percent of families had a credit card issued by a bank in 1970, but now the average person has around 3 credit cards. With this rise in access has also come a rise in use: credit cards alone were used for 28 percent of payments in 2021. Looking at the broader landscape, over 70 percent of payments in 2021 were electronic. Whether it's when using a credit card on a shopping trip or a mobile app to pay friends, people now leave a digital trail with the payments they make nearly everywhere they go.
The Potential for Abuse
Unfortunately, you do not need to look far to see how governments around the world use financial data and the financial system to control people. And it is clear that where privacy acts as a limit on government power, a lack of privacy can lead to an abuse of that power. Let's consider just a couple of examples from recent years.
In China, many people used cash to purchase train tickets during the 2019 freedom protests. Although the Chinese economy has largely adopted digital payments more than other countries, protestors turned to cash in this instance out of fear of what a train ticket on their bank statement might mean for them in the future. For all the convenience tapping a card might offer, people feared repercussions from being permanently linked directly to the protests. These fears were not unfounded. The Hong Kong police said that a card is "like a GPS system because it can locate where and when the holder uses it." Many of those that supported the protests were later targeted and had their finances frozen.
In Canada, protests erupted over the COVID-19 lockdowns in 2022. However, those protests were brought to a halt when Prime Minister Justin Trudeau invoked the Emergencies Act to freeze the bank accounts of those involved in the protests without acquiring a court order. In just one week, more than 200 bank accounts were frozen in an effort to crack down on the protests. At the time, Ottawa's police chief, Steve Bell, said, "If you are involved in this protest, we will actively look to identify you and follow up with financial sanctions and criminal charges. This investigation will go on for months to come."
So in both autocratic and relatively free countries, it's not difficult to see how financial surveillance can quickly translate to financial control. With that said, the United States is supposed to be different. What was written in the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution should protect financial privacy and limit government power. However, financial privacy has been slowly disappearing for over 50 years under the Bank Secrecy Act and third‐​party doctrine. Although Americans have been caught off guard when cases of financial surveillance occur, it should not be a surprise given the erosion of financial privacy that has occurred over time. And to make matters worse, it seems some policymakers are eager to continue this trend with the introduction of a central bank digital currency, or CBDC.
Conclusion
So, what does financial privacy mean for liberty? From where you travel to what you donate to, financial activity can paint a detailed picture of a person's life. Having financial privacy means being able to have control over who gets to see that picture and what purposes it may be used for. Privacy is not about having something to hide but rather privacy is about having control over your life. It is for that reason that financial privacy is foundational for protecting freedom.
To read more about financial privacy in the United States and the need for reform, read my latest policy analysis: The Right to Financial Privacy.

Relevance of the research The 20th century challenged the perception of the natural stages of life, ending in old age, which is normatively determined in connection with weakness and death. Modern demographic shift to population ageing and economic challenges to individuals, their families and states dictate the need to revise what are considered as the norms of age and to reinterpret the concepts of 'old age' and 'ageing'. Since the category of old age is not strictly biological, it is directly dependent on the meanings attached to this concept by society, while demographic, economic, political and other factors influence the public discourses and the very essence of ageing. At a time of astounding demographic change, social research and in particular discourse analysis are increasingly important in uncovering profound understanding of social processes and challenging areas. Researchers note that the structure of the global population has never changed so quickly in the history of mankind, especially in developed countries (Harper, 2014; Bloom, Mitgang & Osher, 2016). Significant quality changes in the life of a modern person allow them to retire full of energy and having financial opportunities to continue their life path and engage in their desired activities. These changes made it possible to identify a special concept for this reinterpreted period of life: the 'third age' (Laslett, 1989, p. 3) and even 'fourth age' (Higgs and Gilleard 2021). An optimistic view on the changed realities and mature age encourages many initiatives at the international and regional level to activate older people and ensure their full social inclusion. Furthermore, the 'activation' of older people is on the agenda of national and regional authorities, along with the task of studying the needs of the older population and possible barriers to social inclusion (Johnson & Falkingham, 1992; Lloyd-Sherlock, 2010; Stirling, 2010; WHO, 2010). The needs, as well as the issues and challenges of older people have become the object of rethinking for researchers and policy-makers of prosperous countries (WHO, 1982; UN, 2002, 2020); however, the increasing burden on the economies of states pushes politicians to consider this issue through the lens of the needs of a society in general and state budgets in particular. This is especially true in countries where demographic trends keep up with those of developed countries, but economic and political development is noticeably lagging behind (Martin & Kinsella, 1994; Mason, 2005; Mason & Lee, 2006). Policy incentives are adapted to extending working lives and to decrease early withdrawal from the labour market by offering additional bonuses for deferred pensions or even by raising the retirement age. Such changes are accompanied by rhetoric of usefulness for society and the individual: 'Active ageing is about helping older people to stay in work and share their experience. It is about them continuing to play an active role in society and living as healthy, independent and fulfilling lives as possible' (Eurofond, 2012). However, global Covid-19 pandemic showed the highest rate of death has been reported among old age people, and by this it highlights peculiar vulnerability of older citizens, their special needs and the relevance of discussions about old age as a category: 'later life has become a more actively constructed social space' (Higgs & Gilleard, 2021). Even before the Covid-19 pandemic, critical opinions about the concept of 'active ageing' were widening in sociological science; this did not prevent policymakers from continuing to actively promote and popularise it, shaping local social policies towards older people and causing changes in the perception of old age people and old age in society. Since the borrowing of such concepts by politicians and economists often occurs without attention to critical discourse and academic discussion, local discourse tends to neglect the variability of interpretations and considers only a part of the spectrum, setting the tone and securing a convenient interpretation. The very verbalisation of discrepancies and contradictions is the first step towards their further research with the help of large-scale quantitative sociological studies, as well as to the search for the solutions. Therefore, it seems extremely important in the current Belarusian socio-political situation the idea of studying discourse to discover crucial current and potential social issues. The concept of 'active ageing' was developed in Europe before the very first World Assembly on Ageing in Vienna in 1982, nevertheless the spread of 'active ageing'2 discourse in modern Belarusian realities is not accidental: negative economic and demographic trends (a decrease in the share of the working-age population and in revenues to the pension fund with a simultaneous decrease in GDP and an increase in inflation) in the region are becoming increasingly challenging for the state. The share of older people in the Belarusian population is growing, and the problem of the nation's ageing is becoming more and more obvious. Current UN forecasts (UN, 2019) suggest that while the population of Belarus will decrease, the old-age dependency ratio (the number of people over 65 per 100 working-age people) will almost double from 43 in 2015 to 82 in 2050 (Lisenkova & Bornukova, 2017). Striving to maintain its economy, Belarus is currently reforming the pension system. It was during this period that officials introduced and popularised the concept of 'active ageing', whose exact definition, however, has not yet been proposed. It was stated that the concept had to be developed by the end of 2019 along with 'The National Strategy for Senior Citizens' (its original name was 'The National Strategy for Active Longevity'). However, the concept of 'active ageing' is used in discussions about the need to rethink the concept of 'old age' in modern Belarusian discourse. The justification was based on economic factors, but no large-scale sociological research or analysis of public opinion had been conducted prior to the reform, neither had a broad public discussion been organised on this topic.

Relevance of the research The 20th century challenged the perception of the natural stages of life, ending in old age, which is normatively determined in connection with weakness and death. Modern demographic shift to population ageing and economic challenges to individuals, their families and states dictate the need to revise what are considered as the norms of age and to reinterpret the concepts of 'old age' and 'ageing'. Since the category of old age is not strictly biological, it is directly dependent on the meanings attached to this concept by society, while demographic, economic, political and other factors influence the public discourses and the very essence of ageing. At a time of astounding demographic change, social research and in particular discourse analysis are increasingly important in uncovering profound understanding of social processes and challenging areas. Researchers note that the structure of the global population has never changed so quickly in the history of mankind, especially in developed countries (Harper, 2014; Bloom, Mitgang & Osher, 2016). Significant quality changes in the life of a modern person allow them to retire full of energy and having financial opportunities to continue their life path and engage in their desired activities. These changes made it possible to identify a special concept for this reinterpreted period of life: the 'third age' (Laslett, 1989, p. 3) and even 'fourth age' (Higgs and Gilleard 2021). An optimistic view on the changed realities and mature age encourages many initiatives at the international and regional level to activate older people and ensure their full social inclusion. Furthermore, the 'activation' of older people is on the agenda of national and regional authorities, along with the task of studying the needs of the older population and possible barriers to social inclusion (Johnson & Falkingham, 1992; Lloyd-Sherlock, 2010; Stirling, 2010; WHO, 2010). The needs, as well as the issues and challenges of older people have become the object of rethinking for researchers and policy-makers of prosperous countries (WHO, 1982; UN, 2002, 2020); however, the increasing burden on the economies of states pushes politicians to consider this issue through the lens of the needs of a society in general and state budgets in particular. This is especially true in countries where demographic trends keep up with those of developed countries, but economic and political development is noticeably lagging behind (Martin & Kinsella, 1994; Mason, 2005; Mason & Lee, 2006). Policy incentives are adapted to extending working lives and to decrease early withdrawal from the labour market by offering additional bonuses for deferred pensions or even by raising the retirement age. Such changes are accompanied by rhetoric of usefulness for society and the individual: 'Active ageing is about helping older people to stay in work and share their experience. It is about them continuing to play an active role in society and living as healthy, independent and fulfilling lives as possible' (Eurofond, 2012). However, global Covid-19 pandemic showed the highest rate of death has been reported among old age people, and by this it highlights peculiar vulnerability of older citizens, their special needs and the relevance of discussions about old age as a category: 'later life has become a more actively constructed social space' (Higgs & Gilleard, 2021). Even before the Covid-19 pandemic, critical opinions about the concept of 'active ageing' were widening in sociological science; this did not prevent policymakers from continuing to actively promote and popularise it, shaping local social policies towards older people and causing changes in the perception of old age people and old age in society. Since the borrowing of such concepts by politicians and economists often occurs without attention to critical discourse and academic discussion, local discourse tends to neglect the variability of interpretations and considers only a part of the spectrum, setting the tone and securing a convenient interpretation. The very verbalisation of discrepancies and contradictions is the first step towards their further research with the help of large-scale quantitative sociological studies, as well as to the search for the solutions. Therefore, it seems extremely important in the current Belarusian socio-political situation the idea of studying discourse to discover crucial current and potential social issues. The concept of 'active ageing' was developed in Europe before the very first World Assembly on Ageing in Vienna in 1982, nevertheless the spread of 'active ageing'2 discourse in modern Belarusian realities is not accidental: negative economic and demographic trends (a decrease in the share of the working-age population and in revenues to the pension fund with a simultaneous decrease in GDP and an increase in inflation) in the region are becoming increasingly challenging for the state. The share of older people in the Belarusian population is growing, and the problem of the nation's ageing is becoming more and more obvious. Current UN forecasts (UN, 2019) suggest that while the population of Belarus will decrease, the old-age dependency ratio (the number of people over 65 per 100 working-age people) will almost double from 43 in 2015 to 82 in 2050 (Lisenkova & Bornukova, 2017). Striving to maintain its economy, Belarus is currently reforming the pension system. It was during this period that officials introduced and popularised the concept of 'active ageing', whose exact definition, however, has not yet been proposed. It was stated that the concept had to be developed by the end of 2019 along with 'The National Strategy for Senior Citizens' (its original name was 'The National Strategy for Active Longevity'). However, the concept of 'active ageing' is used in discussions about the need to rethink the concept of 'old age' in modern Belarusian discourse. The justification was based on economic factors, but no large-scale sociological research or analysis of public opinion had been conducted prior to the reform, neither had a broad public discussion been organised on this topic.

Relevance of the research The 20th century challenged the perception of the natural stages of life, ending in old age, which is normatively determined in connection with weakness and death. Modern demographic shift to population ageing and economic challenges to individuals, their families and states dictate the need to revise what are considered as the norms of age and to reinterpret the concepts of 'old age' and 'ageing'. Since the category of old age is not strictly biological, it is directly dependent on the meanings attached to this concept by society, while demographic, economic, political and other factors influence the public discourses and the very essence of ageing. At a time of astounding demographic change, social research and in particular discourse analysis are increasingly important in uncovering profound understanding of social processes and challenging areas. Researchers note that the structure of the global population has never changed so quickly in the history of mankind, especially in developed countries (Harper, 2014; Bloom, Mitgang & Osher, 2016). Significant quality changes in the life of a modern person allow them to retire full of energy and having financial opportunities to continue their life path and engage in their desired activities. These changes made it possible to identify a special concept for this reinterpreted period of life: the 'third age' (Laslett, 1989, p. 3) and even 'fourth age' (Higgs and Gilleard 2021). An optimistic view on the changed realities and mature age encourages many initiatives at the international and regional level to activate older people and ensure their full social inclusion. Furthermore, the 'activation' of older people is on the agenda of national and regional authorities, along with the task of studying the needs of the older population and possible barriers to social inclusion (Johnson & Falkingham, 1992; Lloyd-Sherlock, 2010; Stirling, 2010; WHO, 2010). The needs, as well as the issues and challenges of older people have become the object of rethinking for researchers and policy-makers of prosperous countries (WHO, 1982; UN, 2002, 2020); however, the increasing burden on the economies of states pushes politicians to consider this issue through the lens of the needs of a society in general and state budgets in particular. This is especially true in countries where demographic trends keep up with those of developed countries, but economic and political development is noticeably lagging behind (Martin & Kinsella, 1994; Mason, 2005; Mason & Lee, 2006). Policy incentives are adapted to extending working lives and to decrease early withdrawal from the labour market by offering additional bonuses for deferred pensions or even by raising the retirement age. Such changes are accompanied by rhetoric of usefulness for society and the individual: 'Active ageing is about helping older people to stay in work and share their experience. It is about them continuing to play an active role in society and living as healthy, independent and fulfilling lives as possible' (Eurofond, 2012). However, global Covid-19 pandemic showed the highest rate of death has been reported among old age people, and by this it highlights peculiar vulnerability of older citizens, their special needs and the relevance of discussions about old age as a category: 'later life has become a more actively constructed social space' (Higgs & Gilleard, 2021). Even before the Covid-19 pandemic, critical opinions about the concept of 'active ageing' were widening in sociological science; this did not prevent policymakers from continuing to actively promote and popularise it, shaping local social policies towards older people and causing changes in the perception of old age people and old age in society. Since the borrowing of such concepts by politicians and economists often occurs without attention to critical discourse and academic discussion, local discourse tends to neglect the variability of interpretations and considers only a part of the spectrum, setting the tone and securing a convenient interpretation. The very verbalisation of discrepancies and contradictions is the first step towards their further research with the help of large-scale quantitative sociological studies, as well as to the search for the solutions. Therefore, it seems extremely important in the current Belarusian socio-political situation the idea of studying discourse to discover crucial current and potential social issues. The concept of 'active ageing' was developed in Europe before the very first World Assembly on Ageing in Vienna in 1982, nevertheless the spread of 'active ageing'2 discourse in modern Belarusian realities is not accidental: negative economic and demographic trends (a decrease in the share of the working-age population and in revenues to the pension fund with a simultaneous decrease in GDP and an increase in inflation) in the region are becoming increasingly challenging for the state. The share of older people in the Belarusian population is growing, and the problem of the nation's ageing is becoming more and more obvious. Current UN forecasts (UN, 2019) suggest that while the population of Belarus will decrease, the old-age dependency ratio (the number of people over 65 per 100 working-age people) will almost double from 43 in 2015 to 82 in 2050 (Lisenkova & Bornukova, 2017). Striving to maintain its economy, Belarus is currently reforming the pension system. It was during this period that officials introduced and popularised the concept of 'active ageing', whose exact definition, however, has not yet been proposed. It was stated that the concept had to be developed by the end of 2019 along with 'The National Strategy for Senior Citizens' (its original name was 'The National Strategy for Active Longevity'). However, the concept of 'active ageing' is used in discussions about the need to rethink the concept of 'old age' in modern Belarusian discourse. The justification was based on economic factors, but no large-scale sociological research or analysis of public opinion had been conducted prior to the reform, neither had a broad public discussion been organised on this topic.

Relevance of the research The 20th century challenged the perception of the natural stages of life, ending in old age, which is normatively determined in connection with weakness and death. Modern demographic shift to population ageing and economic challenges to individuals, their families and states dictate the need to revise what are considered as the norms of age and to reinterpret the concepts of 'old age' and 'ageing'. Since the category of old age is not strictly biological, it is directly dependent on the meanings attached to this concept by society, while demographic, economic, political and other factors influence the public discourses and the very essence of ageing. At a time of astounding demographic change, social research and in particular discourse analysis are increasingly important in uncovering profound understanding of social processes and challenging areas. Researchers note that the structure of the global population has never changed so quickly in the history of mankind, especially in developed countries (Harper, 2014; Bloom, Mitgang & Osher, 2016). Significant quality changes in the life of a modern person allow them to retire full of energy and having financial opportunities to continue their life path and engage in their desired activities. These changes made it possible to identify a special concept for this reinterpreted period of life: the 'third age' (Laslett, 1989, p. 3) and even 'fourth age' (Higgs and Gilleard 2021). An optimistic view on the changed realities and mature age encourages many initiatives at the international and regional level to activate older people and ensure their full social inclusion. Furthermore, the 'activation' of older people is on the agenda of national and regional authorities, along with the task of studying the needs of the older population and possible barriers to social inclusion (Johnson & Falkingham, 1992; Lloyd-Sherlock, 2010; Stirling, 2010; WHO, 2010). The needs, as well as the issues and challenges of older people have become the object of rethinking for researchers and policy-makers of prosperous countries (WHO, 1982; UN, 2002, 2020); however, the increasing burden on the economies of states pushes politicians to consider this issue through the lens of the needs of a society in general and state budgets in particular. This is especially true in countries where demographic trends keep up with those of developed countries, but economic and political development is noticeably lagging behind (Martin & Kinsella, 1994; Mason, 2005; Mason & Lee, 2006). Policy incentives are adapted to extending working lives and to decrease early withdrawal from the labour market by offering additional bonuses for deferred pensions or even by raising the retirement age. Such changes are accompanied by rhetoric of usefulness for society and the individual: 'Active ageing is about helping older people to stay in work and share their experience. It is about them continuing to play an active role in society and living as healthy, independent and fulfilling lives as possible' (Eurofond, 2012). However, global Covid-19 pandemic showed the highest rate of death has been reported among old age people, and by this it highlights peculiar vulnerability of older citizens, their special needs and the relevance of discussions about old age as a category: 'later life has become a more actively constructed social space' (Higgs & Gilleard, 2021). Even before the Covid-19 pandemic, critical opinions about the concept of 'active ageing' were widening in sociological science; this did not prevent policymakers from continuing to actively promote and popularise it, shaping local social policies towards older people and causing changes in the perception of old age people and old age in society. Since the borrowing of such concepts by politicians and economists often occurs without attention to critical discourse and academic discussion, local discourse tends to neglect the variability of interpretations and considers only a part of the spectrum, setting the tone and securing a convenient interpretation. The very verbalisation of discrepancies and contradictions is the first step towards their further research with the help of large-scale quantitative sociological studies, as well as to the search for the solutions. Therefore, it seems extremely important in the current Belarusian socio-political situation the idea of studying discourse to discover crucial current and potential social issues. The concept of 'active ageing' was developed in Europe before the very first World Assembly on Ageing in Vienna in 1982, nevertheless the spread of 'active ageing'2 discourse in modern Belarusian realities is not accidental: negative economic and demographic trends (a decrease in the share of the working-age population and in revenues to the pension fund with a simultaneous decrease in GDP and an increase in inflation) in the region are becoming increasingly challenging for the state. The share of older people in the Belarusian population is growing, and the problem of the nation's ageing is becoming more and more obvious. Current UN forecasts (UN, 2019) suggest that while the population of Belarus will decrease, the old-age dependency ratio (the number of people over 65 per 100 working-age people) will almost double from 43 in 2015 to 82 in 2050 (Lisenkova & Bornukova, 2017). Striving to maintain its economy, Belarus is currently reforming the pension system. It was during this period that officials introduced and popularised the concept of 'active ageing', whose exact definition, however, has not yet been proposed. It was stated that the concept had to be developed by the end of 2019 along with 'The National Strategy for Senior Citizens' (its original name was 'The National Strategy for Active Longevity'). However, the concept of 'active ageing' is used in discussions about the need to rethink the concept of 'old age' in modern Belarusian discourse. The justification was based on economic factors, but no large-scale sociological research or analysis of public opinion had been conducted prior to the reform, neither had a broad public discussion been organised on this topic.

Purpose of the article. The purpose set by the author of the article in the study of this topic is to outline the issue of preservation and return of museum collections from the temporarily occupied territories to the cultural heritage of Ukraine. The relevance of the article is due to the current needs of optimizing state policy in the museum sphere, creating effective government programs to preserve the national museum fund. Reforms in this sphere of public life are generated by the need to create a single state unified system of accounting for museum objects from all museum collections in Ukraine. The scientific novelty of the research is that the research proposes conceptual approaches to preserving and restoring museum values in the event of armed conflict and confrontation. Research Methodology. The implementation of the research task is subject to a theoretical and methodological basis, which includes a set of methods, among which the primary is in the form of collecting information on the level of research topic, studying sources, author's observations and experience, as well as secondary methods used for the purpose of processing and analysis of the obtained information. The absence of a single state consolidated information database makes it impossible to determine the extent of the loss of museum values on the occupied territories. On the example of the occupied Luhansk's museums author proves that the issue of preservation of cultural monuments of Ukraine should become urgent for authorities of all levels, and the museum community should be involved in discussing these problems, creating and implementing fundamentally new ways and measures to preserve the museum funds of Ukraine, considering the huge loss of national cultural values. The compilation and publication of collections catalogues of individual museum institutions and the Museum Fund of Ukraine as a whole should become a strategic direction of the state policy in the field of culture and museum sphere, as a preventer of the final loss of monuments in cases of armed conflict. Conclusions. The research results can be applied for the restoration and practical updating of the Lugansk museums' activity upon their return to Ukraine, as well as for the development of scientific and methodological recommendations for improving the accounting of cultural monuments of Ukraine and the State Programs for the preservation of national cultural heritage. ; Цель статьи. Задача, которую ставит автор статьи в исследовании данной темы, заключается в определение проблематики сохранения и возвращения музейных коллекций с временно оккупированных территорий к культурному достоянию Украины. Актуальность темы обусловлена современными потребностями оптимизации государственной политики в музейной отрасли, в частности, созданием эффективных государственных программ по сохранению национального Музейного фонда. Реформирование в этой сфере общественной жизни обусловлено, прежде всего, необходимостью создания единой государственной унифицированной системы учета музейных предметов из всех собраний музеев Украины. Научная новизна заключается в предложенных концептуальных подходах по сохранению и возвращению музейных ценностей в случае вооруженных конфликтов и противостояний. Методология исследования. Реализации задачи исследования подчинена теоретико-методологическая база, в состав которой входит комплекс методов, среди которых первичные – в виде сбора информации об уровне изученности темы, освоение источников, авторские наблюдения и опыт, а также вторичные методы, использованные для обработки и анализа полученной информации. Несформированность единой государственной сводной информационной базы данных сегодня делает невозможным установление масштабов потерь музейных ценностей на оккупированных территориях. На примере музеев оккупированного Луганская доказано, что вопрос сохранения памятников культуры Украины должен стать актуальным для органов власти всех уровней, а музейное сообщество присоединиться к обсуждению указанных проблем, созданию и внедрению принципиально новых путей и мероприятий по сохранению музейных фондов Украины, учитывая огромные потери национальных культурных ценностей за последние годы. Составление и публикация каталогов коллекций определенных музейных учреждений и Музейного фонда Украины в целом должны стать стратегическим направлением государственной политики в области культуры и музейной сферы, предохранителем окончательной потере памятников в случаях вооруженных конфликтов. Выводы. Результаты исследования можно применить для восстановления и практического обновления деятельности музеев после их возвращения в состав Украины, а также для разработки научно-методических рекомендаций по совершенствованию учета памятников культуры Украины и государственных программ по сохранению национального культурного достояния. ; Мета статті. Завдання, яке ставить автор статті у дослідженні поданої теми, полягає в окресленні проблематики збереження й повернення музейних колекцій із тимчасово окупованих територій до культурного надбання України. Актуальність теми зумовлена сучасними потребами оптимізації державної політики в музейній галузі, зокрема, створенням ефективних державних програм зі збереження національного Музейного фонду. Реформування в цій сфері суспільного життя зумовлюється насамперед необхідністю створення єдиної державної уніфікованої системи обліку музейних предметів з усіх зібрань музеїв України. Наукова новизна полягає в запропонованих концептуальних підходах щодо збереження й повернення музейних цінностей у випадку збройних конфліктів та протистоянь. Методологія дослідження. Реалізації завдання дослідження підпорядкована теоретико-методологічна база, до складу якої входить комплекс методів, серед яких первинні – у вигляді збору інформації про рівень дослідженості теми, вивчення джерел, авторські спостереження та досвід, а також вторинні методи, які використані для обробки та аналізу отриманої інформації. Несформованість єдиної державної зведеної інформаційної бази даних на сьогодні унеможливлює встановлення масштабів втрат музейних цінностей на окупованих територіях. На прикладі музеїв окупованого Луганська доведено, що питання збереження пам'яток культури України повинно стати нагальним для органів влади всіх рівнів, а музейна спільнота має долучитися до обговорення зазначених проблем, створення та впровадження принципово нових шляхів та заходів зі збереження музейних фондів України, зважаючи на величезні втрати національних культурних цінностей за останні роки. Складання та публікація каталогів колекцій певних музейних установ і Музейного фонду України загалом мають стати стратегічним напрямом державної політики в галузі культури й музейної сфери, запобіжником остаточній втраті пам'яток у випадках збройних конфліктів. Висновки. Результати дослідження можна застосувати для відновлення та практичного оновлення діяльності музеїв після їхнього повернення до складу України, а також для розроблення науково-методичних рекомендацій щодо удосконалення обліку пам'яток культури України й державних програм зі збереження національного культурного надбання.

Purpose of the article. The purpose set by the author of the article in the study of this topic is to outline the issue of preservation and return of museum collections from the temporarily occupied territories to the cultural heritage of Ukraine. The relevance of the article is due to the current needs of optimizing state policy in the museum sphere, creating effective government programs to preserve the national museum fund. Reforms in this sphere of public life are generated by the need to create a single state unified system of accounting for museum objects from all museum collections in Ukraine. The scientific novelty of the research is that the research proposes conceptual approaches to preserving and restoring museum values in the event of armed conflict and confrontation. Research Methodology. The implementation of the research task is subject to a theoretical and methodological basis, which includes a set of methods, among which the primary is in the form of collecting information on the level of research topic, studying sources, author's observations and experience, as well as secondary methods used for the purpose of processing and analysis of the obtained information. The absence of a single state consolidated information database makes it impossible to determine the extent of the loss of museum values on the occupied territories. On the example of the occupied Luhansk's museums author proves that the issue of preservation of cultural monuments of Ukraine should become urgent for authorities of all levels, and the museum community should be involved in discussing these problems, creating and implementing fundamentally new ways and measures to preserve the museum funds of Ukraine, considering the huge loss of national cultural values. The compilation and publication of collections catalogues of individual museum institutions and the Museum Fund of Ukraine as a whole should become a strategic direction of the state policy in the field of culture and museum sphere, as a preventer of the final loss of monuments in cases of armed conflict. Conclusions. The research results can be applied for the restoration and practical updating of the Lugansk museums' activity upon their return to Ukraine, as well as for the development of scientific and methodological recommendations for improving the accounting of cultural monuments of Ukraine and the State Programs for the preservation of national cultural heritage. ; Цель статьи. Задача, которую ставит автор статьи в исследовании данной темы, заключается в определение проблематики сохранения и возвращения музейных коллекций с временно оккупированных территорий к культурному достоянию Украины. Актуальность темы обусловлена современными потребностями оптимизации государственной политики в музейной отрасли, в частности, созданием эффективных государственных программ по сохранению национального Музейного фонда. Реформирование в этой сфере общественной жизни обусловлено, прежде всего, необходимостью создания единой государственной унифицированной системы учета музейных предметов из всех собраний музеев Украины. Научная новизна заключается в предложенных концептуальных подходах по сохранению и возвращению музейных ценностей в случае вооруженных конфликтов и противостояний. Методология исследования. Реализации задачи исследования подчинена теоретико-методологическая база, в состав которой входит комплекс методов, среди которых первичные – в виде сбора информации об уровне изученности темы, освоение источников, авторские наблюдения и опыт, а также вторичные методы, использованные для обработки и анализа полученной информации. Несформированность единой государственной сводной информационной базы данных сегодня делает невозможным установление масштабов потерь музейных ценностей на оккупированных территориях. На примере музеев оккупированного Луганская доказано, что вопрос сохранения памятников культуры Украины должен стать актуальным для органов власти всех уровней, а музейное сообщество присоединиться к обсуждению указанных проблем, созданию и внедрению принципиально новых путей и мероприятий по сохранению музейных фондов Украины, учитывая огромные потери национальных культурных ценностей за последние годы. Составление и публикация каталогов коллекций определенных музейных учреждений и Музейного фонда Украины в целом должны стать стратегическим направлением государственной политики в области культуры и музейной сферы, предохранителем окончательной потере памятников в случаях вооруженных конфликтов. Выводы. Результаты исследования можно применить для восстановления и практического обновления деятельности музеев после их возвращения в состав Украины, а также для разработки научно-методических рекомендаций по совершенствованию учета памятников культуры Украины и государственных программ по сохранению национального культурного достояния. ; Мета статті. Завдання, яке ставить автор статті у дослідженні поданої теми, полягає в окресленні проблематики збереження й повернення музейних колекцій із тимчасово окупованих територій до культурного надбання України. Актуальність теми зумовлена сучасними потребами оптимізації державної політики в музейній галузі, зокрема, створенням ефективних державних програм зі збереження національного Музейного фонду. Реформування в цій сфері суспільного життя зумовлюється насамперед необхідністю створення єдиної державної уніфікованої системи обліку музейних предметів з усіх зібрань музеїв України. Наукова новизна полягає в запропонованих концептуальних підходах щодо збереження й повернення музейних цінностей у випадку збройних конфліктів та протистоянь. Методологія дослідження. Реалізації завдання дослідження підпорядкована теоретико-методологічна база, до складу якої входить комплекс методів, серед яких первинні – у вигляді збору інформації про рівень дослідженості теми, вивчення джерел, авторські спостереження та досвід, а також вторинні методи, які використані для обробки та аналізу отриманої інформації. Несформованість єдиної державної зведеної інформаційної бази даних на сьогодні унеможливлює встановлення масштабів втрат музейних цінностей на окупованих територіях. На прикладі музеїв окупованого Луганська доведено, що питання збереження пам'яток культури України повинно стати нагальним для органів влади всіх рівнів, а музейна спільнота має долучитися до обговорення зазначених проблем, створення та впровадження принципово нових шляхів та заходів зі збереження музейних фондів України, зважаючи на величезні втрати національних культурних цінностей за останні роки. Складання та публікація каталогів колекцій певних музейних установ і Музейного фонду України загалом мають стати стратегічним напрямом державної політики в галузі культури й музейної сфери, запобіжником остаточній втраті пам'яток у випадках збройних конфліктів. Висновки. Результати дослідження можна застосувати для відновлення та практичного оновлення діяльності музеїв після їхнього повернення до складу України, а також для розроблення науково-методичних рекомендацій щодо удосконалення обліку пам'яток культури України й державних програм зі збереження національного культурного надбання.

IN CROATIAN: Godine 2017. Hrvatsko filozofsko društvo obilježilo je dvije obljetnice: 500. obljetnicu protestantske reformacije i 100. obljetnicu Oktobarske revolucije. Početkom protestantske reformacije simbolično se određuje 31. listopada 1517. godine kada je Martin Luther na vrata crkve u Wittenbergu objesio svojih 95 teza o oprostima grijeha. Događaji koji su uslijedili, predvođeni pozivom više društvenih i vjerskih pokreta na crkvenu reformu, doveli su do raskola Zapadne crkve, nastanka protestantizma te brojnih drugih političkih, ekonomskih i društvenih promjena. Oktobarska revolucija 1917. godine predstavlja drugu i posljednju fazu Ruske revolucije kao odgovora carskom politikom nezadovoljnih seljaka, radnika i vojnika. Njezine su neposredne posljedice bile ukidanje apsolutističke monarhije na čelu s carem Nikolom II., a posredne inauguracija sovjetskog režima i nastanak Sovjetskog Saveza kao vodeće svjetske sile. Premda navedena povijesna zbivanja ne dijele ni mjesto ni trenutak, zajednička osobina protestantske reformacije i Oktobarske revolucije odnosi se na njihov neizmjeran politički, kulturni, ekonomski i intelektualni utjecaj na suvremenu sliku svijeta. Također, njihova je zajednička ontološka pretpostavka sadržana u društvenom momentumu, čiji su pokretači nezadovoljstvo i kritika postojećih okolnosti te nada (naivna ili učena) u mogućnost njihove promjene. Drugim riječima rečeno, u prirodi je reformacija i revolucija transgresija (za)danoga, pri čemu se reformacijske promjene najčešće određuju kao usmjerene k popravljanju, a revolucijske k rušenju postojećih društvenih struktura.Ova je distinkcija ujedno opterećena brojnim normativnim određenjima. S jedne strane, npr. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Karl Marx, Hannah Arendt, Rosa Luxemburg i Gajo Petrović – premda, dakako, iz bitno različitih teorijskih ishodišta – promoviraju vrijednost revolucija i njihovu neumitnost za ostvarenje boljeg društva i svijeta. S druge strane, teoretičari poput Edmunda Burkea, Karla Poppera i Francisa Fukuyame revolucijama odriču trajnu i pozitivnu ulogu u promjeni postojećega jer one, u svojim krajnjim konsekvencama, parafraziramo li čuvenu Büchnerovu rečenicu, poput Saturna, jedu svoju djecu. Pritom oni revolucijama najčešće suprotstavljaju reformacije kao mirne i postupne mijene (obnove, poboljšanja ili usavršavanja), koje ne riskiraju pad u bezvlađe i kaos. Unatoč ovakvim analitičkim distinkcijama, granice između revolucija i reformacija propusne su, o čemu najbolje svjedoči upravo protestantska reformacija, a nerijetko su spoznatljive tek post festum. Imajući u vidu navedeno, interdisciplinarni simpozij s međunarodnim sudjelovanjem "Reformacije i revolucije. Povodom 500. obljetnice protestantske reformacije i 100. obljetnice Oktobarske revolucije", održan u Zagrebu 14.–16. prosinca 2017. godine, nije samo predstavio izlaganja u kojima se promišljalo filozofsko, geopolitičko, kulturno i ekonomsko nasljeđe protestantske reformacije i Oktobarske revolucije nego i izlaganja u kojima su se razmatrali pojmovi reformacije i revolucije kao takvi, njihovo značenje, položaj danas te njihove perspektive u budućnosti. Izbor radova koji su nastali na osnovi izlaganja sa spomenutog simpozija donosimo u ovoj knjizi. --- IN ENGLISH: In 2017, the Croatian Philosophical Society marked two anniversaries: the 500th anniversary of the Protestant Reformation and the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution. The beginning of the Protestant Reformation is symbolically set on October 31, 1517, when Martin Luther nailed his 95 theses on indulgences on the door of a church in Wittenberg. The events that followed, driven by the call of several social and religious movements for church reform, led to the schism of the Western Church, the emergence of Protestantism and many other political, economic and social changes. The October Revolution of 1917 represents the second and last phase of the Russian Revolution policy as a response of peasants, workers and soldiers dissatisfied by the tsarist policy. Its immediate consequences were the abolition of the absolutist monarchy led by Tsar Nicholas II, and indirect the inauguration of the Soviet regime and the emergence of the Soviet Union as the world's leading power. Although these historical events do not share a place or a moment, the common feature of the Protestant Reformation and the October Revolution relates to their immeasurable political, cultural, economic and intellectual impact on the contemporary image of the world. Also, their common ontological assumption is contained in the social momentum, whose drivers are dissatisfaction and criticism of existing circumstances, and hope (naïve or educated) in the possibility of their change. In other words, in the nature of the reformations and the revolutions is a transgression of the given, where the reformation changes are most often defined as aimed at repairing, and the revolutionary changes at the destruction of existing social structures. The latter distinction is burdened by numerous normative denotations. On the one hand, for example, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Karl Marx, Hannah Arendt, Rosa Luxemburg and Gajo Petrović – although, of course, from fundamentally different theoretical starting positions – promote the value of revolutions and their inevitability in the creation of a better society and world. On the other hand, theorists like Edmund Burke, Karl Popper, and Francis Fukuyama deny revolutions a lasting and positive role in changing the existing because they, in their ultimate consequences, to paraphrase Büchner's famous sentence, like Saturn, devour their own children. At the same time, they usually position revolutions in contrast to reformations, peaceful and gradual changes (renewals, improvements or refinements), which do not risk falling into anarchy and chaos. Despite such analytical distinctions, the boundaries between revolutions and reformations are blurred, as best demonstrated by the Protestant Reformation, and are often recognizable only post festum. With this in mind, an interdisciplinary symposium with international participation "Reformations and Revolutions. On the occasion of the 500th anniversary of the Protestant Reformation and the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution", held in Zagreb on 14-16 December 2017, not only presented talks reflecting on the philosophical, geopolitical, cultural and economic heritage of the Protestant Reformation and the October Revolution, but also those discussing the concepts of reformation and of revolution as such, their meaning, contemporary position and their future perspectives. The selection of papers from the mentioned symposium is presented in this book.

Purpose of the article. The purpose set by the author of the article in the study of this topic is to outline the issue of preservation and return of museum collections from the temporarily occupied territories to the cultural heritage of Ukraine. The relevance of the article is due to the current needs of optimizing state policy in the museum sphere, creating effective government programs to preserve the national museum fund. Reforms in this sphere of public life are generated by the need to create a single state unified system of accounting for museum objects from all museum collections in Ukraine. The scientific novelty of the research is that the research proposes conceptual approaches to preserving and restoring museum values in the event of armed conflict and confrontation. Research Methodology. The implementation of the research task is subject to a theoretical and methodological basis, which includes a set of methods, among which the primary is in the form of collecting information on the level of research topic, studying sources, author's observations and experience, as well as secondary methods used for the purpose of processing and analysis of the obtained information. The absence of a single state consolidated information database makes it impossible to determine the extent of the loss of museum values on the occupied territories. On the example of the occupied Luhansk's museums author proves that the issue of preservation of cultural monuments of Ukraine should become urgent for authorities of all levels, and the museum community should be involved in discussing these problems, creating and implementing fundamentally new ways and measures to preserve the museum funds of Ukraine, considering the huge loss of national cultural values. The compilation and publication of collections catalogues of individual museum institutions and the Museum Fund of Ukraine as a whole should become a strategic direction of the state policy in the field of culture and museum sphere, as a preventer of the final loss of monuments in cases of armed conflict. Conclusions. The research results can be applied for the restoration and practical updating of the Lugansk museums' activity upon their return to Ukraine, as well as for the development of scientific and methodological recommendations for improving the accounting of cultural monuments of Ukraine and the State Programs for the preservation of national cultural heritage. ; Цель статьи. Задача, которую ставит автор статьи в исследовании данной темы, заключается в определение проблематики сохранения и возвращения музейных коллекций с временно оккупированных территорий к культурному достоянию Украины. Актуальность темы обусловлена современными потребностями оптимизации государственной политики в музейной отрасли, в частности, созданием эффективных государственных программ по сохранению национального Музейного фонда. Реформирование в этой сфере общественной жизни обусловлено, прежде всего, необходимостью создания единой государственной унифицированной системы учета музейных предметов из всех собраний музеев Украины. Научная новизна заключается в предложенных концептуальных подходах по сохранению и возвращению музейных ценностей в случае вооруженных конфликтов и противостояний. Методология исследования. Реализации задачи исследования подчинена теоретико-методологическая база, в состав которой входит комплекс методов, среди которых первичные – в виде сбора информации об уровне изученности темы, освоение источников, авторские наблюдения и опыт, а также вторичные методы, использованные для обработки и анализа полученной информации. Несформированность единой государственной сводной информационной базы данных сегодня делает невозможным установление масштабов потерь музейных ценностей на оккупированных территориях. На примере музеев оккупированного Луганская доказано, что вопрос сохранения памятников культуры Украины должен стать актуальным для органов власти всех уровней, а музейное сообщество присоединиться к обсуждению указанных проблем, созданию и внедрению принципиально новых путей и мероприятий по сохранению музейных фондов Украины, учитывая огромные потери национальных культурных ценностей за последние годы. Составление и публикация каталогов коллекций определенных музейных учреждений и Музейного фонда Украины в целом должны стать стратегическим направлением государственной политики в области культуры и музейной сферы, предохранителем окончательной потере памятников в случаях вооруженных конфликтов. Выводы. Результаты исследования можно применить для восстановления и практического обновления деятельности музеев после их возвращения в состав Украины, а также для разработки научно-методических рекомендаций по совершенствованию учета памятников культуры Украины и государственных программ по сохранению национального культурного достояния. ; Мета статті. Завдання, яке ставить автор статті у дослідженні поданої теми, полягає в окресленні проблематики збереження й повернення музейних колекцій із тимчасово окупованих територій до культурного надбання України. Актуальність теми зумовлена сучасними потребами оптимізації державної політики в музейній галузі, зокрема, створенням ефективних державних програм зі збереження національного Музейного фонду. Реформування в цій сфері суспільного життя зумовлюється насамперед необхідністю створення єдиної державної уніфікованої системи обліку музейних предметів з усіх зібрань музеїв України. Наукова новизна полягає в запропонованих концептуальних підходах щодо збереження й повернення музейних цінностей у випадку збройних конфліктів та протистоянь. Методологія дослідження. Реалізації завдання дослідження підпорядкована теоретико-методологічна база, до складу якої входить комплекс методів, серед яких первинні – у вигляді збору інформації про рівень дослідженості теми, вивчення джерел, авторські спостереження та досвід, а також вторинні методи, які використані для обробки та аналізу отриманої інформації. Несформованість єдиної державної зведеної інформаційної бази даних на сьогодні унеможливлює встановлення масштабів втрат музейних цінностей на окупованих територіях. На прикладі музеїв окупованого Луганська доведено, що питання збереження пам'яток культури України повинно стати нагальним для органів влади всіх рівнів, а музейна спільнота має долучитися до обговорення зазначених проблем, створення та впровадження принципово нових шляхів та заходів зі збереження музейних фондів України, зважаючи на величезні втрати національних культурних цінностей за останні роки. Складання та публікація каталогів колекцій певних музейних установ і Музейного фонду України загалом мають стати стратегічним напрямом державної політики в галузі культури й музейної сфери, запобіжником остаточній втраті пам'яток у випадках збройних конфліктів. Висновки. Результати дослідження можна застосувати для відновлення та практичного оновлення діяльності музеїв після їхнього повернення до складу України, а також для розроблення науково-методичних рекомендацій щодо удосконалення обліку пам'яток культури України й державних програм зі збереження національного культурного надбання.

In the article the author makes main emphasis on an attempt to reconstruct in details the character and attitudes of the power that directly influenced on the activity of Orthodox religious fund. A lot of factors depended on this, one of which and the most important one was the activity of the entire Orthodox Church in Bukovina. The transformations in the structure of the Orthodox Church in Bukovina, which began as a result of the transition the region from the Austrian Empire under the royal patronage of Romania, were examined. First of all the King in Bukovina was submitted by Minister-Delegates that represented his interests there. Although, as the historical facts showed, they could change some laws that were under Romanian law. In the research is highlighted that fund was guided in his management by "Spiritual rules" of April 29, 1786 with all amendments and supplements in the Austro -Hungarian Empire. But under the leadership of Minister Iank Flondor, there have been changes in the administration of the fund. He considered it appropriate to transfer the fund management to bishop of Bukovina, which was done in the decree of 23 January 1919. The Metropolitan of those times, Vladimir de Reptu, was notified by letter of April 2, 1919. Such decision, in the author's opinion, was the most correct, because all money of the Orthodox fund were expropriated in churches and monasteries. Minister apparently relied on the sad experience of the Austrian government intervention in the management of the fund, which has received a loan from the fund, that was used for military operations. Such policy of minister-delegate with his seat in Chernivtsi was not approved by another minister in the government of Bukovina – Ion Nistor. Being open Ukrainophobe, he perceived all actions in favor of the Orthodox Ukrainian people as extraneous. Under his pressure I. Flondor was forced to resign, while his place was taken by I. Nistor. I. Nistor considered the authorization of religious fund management to the Metropolitan of Bukovina was "illegal, hasty and ill-advised". Therefore, in the 26th of April 1919 the Minister introduced the Metropolitan the letter where the patron of fund was called the King of Romania Ferdynant and the management of fund that was passed to the bishop. The changes in this regard were on the basis of the decree-law, not just a simple letter of local government to the Metropolitan. That's why fund continued to follow the Austrian regulations. Events that occurred further in Bukovina under Romanian left much to be desired. At the Church Congress, held in 3-25th of October, 1921, it was renamed the Orthodox Church from the "Greek-East" to "Orthodox-Romanian", also were changed the name "Greco- Eastern religious Fund of Bucovina" to "Orthodox-Romanian religious fund". As a result of these changes Ukrainian were denied the right to use the lands of the fund and profess the avital Orthodox faith because they didn't have their church any more. The aim of these measures was the assimilation of the Ukrainian population in Bukovina. These decisions were challenged in the Congress by Dr. E. Kozak, who justly noted the equal rights for the Orthodox Church as Ukrainian, so Romanian. The scientist proposed to change its name to "Ukrainian-Romanian" or to leave as it was. In defense of fund Dr. Simon Smereka had stood, who said that when the fund renamed, Ukrainian would be deprived of the right to use it. Continued their policy of Romanization, they were dismissed from the university. The politics of Romanian Crown facilitated the process of liquidation fund, issuing in 1921 a law on agrarian reform, all agricultural lands would pass in the property to the peasants. In total, the fund has been selected 115 estates, of which 51 had possession of up to 100 hectares, and 64 – more than 100 hectares. The activity of the fund in the postwar period brought no benefit to Orthodox Ukrainian population and all nationalities that had lived in Bukovina. A complete assimilation of all spheres of life by Romanian authorities led to the cultural and spiritual decline. New administrators has led to a severe crisis, which had a disastrous effect on the Orthodox Church and, in particular, on the fund. With no restrictions on the use of forests, that remained virtually the only wealth of fund, has led to a drop in income and non-payment of salaries and pensions of the clergy. Romanian period made Ukrainians the national hostages and threw the clergy under the influence of totalitarian political regime. Unlike the Austrian administration, which has been characterized by a German order, seriousness and discipline, the Romanian administration of interwar period was frivolous. The Church Fund to the collapse of the Austro - Hungarian functioned and was controlled by the Spiritual Regulation, unchangable since 1786, and the new government entrusted the management to the two diametrically opposed entities, Bukovina Metropolis and the Ministry of Agriculture in Bucharest, crushing all kinds of conflicting regulations and church rights for the wealth until the Charter fund in 1925. Although during the attempt to amend in the diocesan fund management, Romanians suffered from inefficiency of theirs laws and again returned to the "Spiritual rules". ; В статье исследуются отношения "новой" румынской власти с церковью и методы управления Православным религиозным фондом до национализации земель Фонда сельскохозяйственного назначения и принятия регламента 1925 г. Автор приводит примеры несогласованных действий королевской диктатуры на местах, которые в дальнейшем привели к упадку Фонда. Исследователь освещает ход оккупации Буковины и плановый процесс ассимиляции населения. Представлены события, отражающие настроения жителей Буковины и представителей ду- ховенства в дискуссии с властными представителями на Конгрессе. ; У статті досліджуються відносини "нової" румунської влади з церквою та методи управлін- ня Православним релігійним фондом до націоналізації земель Фонду сільськогосподарського призначення та прийняття регламенту 1925 р. Автор наводить приклади неузгоджених дій королівської диктатури на місцях, що в подальшому призвели до занепаду Фонду. Дослідник висвітлює хід окупації Буковини та плановий процес асиміляції населення. Висвітлені події, що відображають настрої жителів Буковини та представників духовенства в дискусії з владними представниками на Конгресі.