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An early-2008 Foreign Policy index found that 88% of active and retired American servicemen and women agree that the war in Iraq has stretched the United States military dangerously thin. Another 60% think that the US military today is weaker than it was five years ago. 74% of those surveyed hold low regards for the civilian leadership expressing that civilian policymakers set unreasonable goals for the US military to accomplish. With current military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan serving as backdrops, these inflections serve as the basis of a much-needed conversation on the evolving roles and responsibilities of civilian and military agencies in the post-conflict environment.
The immediate solutions to the military's frustrations have been logical if not only reactionary or temporary stopgaps. If the military is stretched too thin, then expand it. Over the next five years there will be substantial increases in the Army and Marine Corps by as much as over 90,000 troops. If the military is weakening, then strengthen it. The President's 2008 defense budget pushes defense spending to levels not seen since the Reagan Administration, bringing with it a slew of new military hardware meant to keep the US military on the cutting edge of technology and flexible in the face of emerging threats. If the military is lacking comprehensive training and doctrine to combat insurgencies, then revise doctrine. In December 2007, the US Army and Marine Corps revamped their Counterinsurgency Field Manual, the first time in over two decades either service had published a field manual devoted to counterinsurgency.3
The next President of the United States will face a dynamic range of transnational threats that will likely make us rethink the way modern wars are fought. From terrorism and counterinsurgency to combating the spread of weapons of mass destruction, from illicit trafficking of drugs, people, and guns back to traditional conventional warfare with rising superpowers such as China and Russia, the United States must maintain a variety of diplomatic and military responses at its disposal. As emerging threats in the twenty-first century appear to be rooted at the nexus of security and development, a single-sided military solution cannot fully resolve a multi-dimensional problem. There is a need to develop a more comprehensive civil-military approach to combating terrorism, insurgency, and asymmetric warfare, something that has not fully materialized on the strategic or on the operational level. In order to do this, there is a need to tear down the stereotypes and reintroduce the hippie (statesmen) to the snake-eater (soldier).

With the help of examples of FTOs in Belgium, France, Italy and the UK, we have applied some of the features of SE approaches to the context of FT. It appears that FTOs are particularly significant examples of SEs, combining in different ways economic, social and sometimes political dimensions. From more NGO-like to more business-like configurations, all FTOs of our sample seem to respect the key features of SEs, under which the primacy of 23 the social mission, the limited (if any) profit distribution, the focus on innovation and at least some degree of self-financing. Nevertheless, there is some heterogeneity in terms of FTOs' goals and activities. While all FTOs seem to combine, at least, economic and social dimensions – although at varying degrees and forms –, the political dimension is not present in the same way for all FTOs. Pioneer FTOs generally conduct education and advocacy activities in a developed and explicit way. Newcomer FTOs, however, have heterogeneous profiles in terms of political involvement, as the positioning seems to depend much on the entrepreneur's choices. In terms of governance, practices are also very diverse in terms of leaders' profiles, legal forms and stakeholders' involvement in the decision-making structures. Some FTOs are quasi-individual ventures and are thus close to some American approaches of SE. Other FTOs are much more multi-stakeholder and fit better in the EMES conceptualisation of SE. The governance structure also seems to reflect to a certain extent the positioning of the FTO towards the different dimensions of FT. FTOs led by activists and having volunteers or partner NGOs on their Board seem to have a stronger focus on non-economic (social and political) goals. In the other sense, very economic-oriented FTOs are often run by managers with a business background and governed by their manager and/or their shareholders. As a conclusion, this article has tried to provide some theoretical and empirical support to the implicit link that has been established, both in the academic world and in the field practice, between FT and SE. The diversity of the FT sector echoes the rich diversity of SEs' practices and conceptualisations. In such sense, considering FTOs as SEs is probably made easier because of the wide and flexible theoretical framework of SE – few authors claiming to have a "definition" of SE. If more restricted conceptions of SE were to emerge – e.g., the limitation of SE to formal Third Sector legal forms, or to 100% market financing –, then part of the FTOs would be excluded from the SE area. In such sense, FT appears as an important laboratory the evolutions of which can feed the theoretical construction of SE. ; Peer reviewed

In the United States, the Executive branch possesses virtually unbridled classification authority to keep information from the public. Although the Freedom of Information Act and whistleblower protection laws serve as some check on the Executive's power over national security information, these tools remain largely ineffectual. Because the desire for tight information control competes with the demands of newsgathering, a "game of leaks" has developed among government officials and reporters in which the press alternatively serves as lapdogs, watchdogs, and scapegoats for the Executive branch. This Article demonstrates that the government has been communicating information to the public through leaks ever since the administration of President Theodore Roosevelt. Legal developments in the current climate, including the on-going prosecution of two lobbyists for violations of the Espionage Act in the American-Israeli Public Affairs Committee case, have the potential to establish precedents that could pose dire consequences for this crucial information flow. This Article scrutinizes the constitutionality of prosecuting the non-government parties for the publication of classified information by examining the long and complicated history of the relationship between the press and the Executive branch and the role leaks play in the dissemination of classified information to the public today. After examining the relationship between the press and the Executive branch as well as tracing the development of the reasoning behind the applicable First Amendment doctrine, this Article ultimately argues that in any prosecution against a non-government actor for disseminating national security information, the government must demonstrate that the disclosure posed an immediate and direct threat to national security, but also that the offender either intended the disclosure to harm the United States or help a foreign nation, or that the offender was recklessly indifferent to the harm that the disclosure would cause. Given that the Executive branch has so much power to control the dissemination of national security information to the public, and itself leaks information to support its agenda, its power to punish the publication of leaks must be extremely limited. An intent requirement is consistent with the Supreme Court's free speech jurisprudence and helps achieve this goal. An intent requirement will encourage the government and the press to continue their historical cooperation when the publication of certain information poses a possible threat to national security interests. It will create an incentive for the government officials to explain their national security concerns to the press, and will simultaneously hold the press accountable for any reckless disregard shown to genuine threats. This approach seeks to strike the proper balance between the Executive's vast ability to control the dissemination of national security information to the public—often through calculated leaks—and the need to maintain the secrecy of information that is truly sensitive.

25 pags., 16 figs., 9 tabs., 2 apps. ; A spectral survey of IRC +10216 has been carried out in the range 11-14 μm with a spectral resolution of about 4 km s_1. We have identified a forest of lines in six bands of C2H2 involving the vibrational states from the ground to 3v5 and in two bands of HCN, involving the vibrational states from the ground up to 2v 2. Some of these transitions are observed also in H13CCH and H13CN. We have estimated the kinetic, vibrational, and rotational temperatures and the abundances and column densities of C2H 2 and HCN between 1R* and 300R* (≃1.5 × 1016 cm) by fitting about 300 of these rovibrational lines. The envelope can be divided into three regions with approximate boundaries at 0.019″ (the stellar photosphere), 0.1″ (the inner dust formation zone), and 0.4″ (outer dust formation zone). Most of the lines might require a large microturbulence broadening. The derived abundances of C 2H2 and HCN increase by factors of 10 and 4, respectively, from the innermost envelope outward. The derived column densities for both C2H2 and HCN are ≃1.6 × 1019 cm-2. Vibrational states up to 3000 K above ground are populated, suggesting pumping by near-infrared radiation from the star and innermost envelope. Low rotational levels can be considered under LTE, while those with J > 20-30 are not thermalized. A few lines require special analysis to deal with effects like overlap with lines of other molecules. © 2008. The American Astronomical Society. All rights reserved. ; J. C. and J. P. F. would like to thank the Spanish Ministerio de Educacion y Ciencia for funding support through grant ESP2004-665, AYA2003-2785, and the ''Comunidad de Madrid'' government under PRICIT project S-0505/ESP-0237 (ASTROCAM). During this study, J. P. F. was supported by the CSIC and the ''Fondo Social Europeo'' under internship grant from the I3P Programme. This study is supported in part by the EuropeanCommunity's human potential Programme under contract MCRTNCT- 2004-51230, ''Molecular Universe''. M. J. R. is supported by grant AST 03-07497. Development of TEXES was supported by grants from the NSF and USRA. Observations with TEXES were supported by NSF grant AST 02-05518 and AST 06-07312. M. J. R., J. H. L., and others want to thank IRTF, which is operated by the University of Hawaii under Cooperative Agreement NCC 5-538 with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Office of Space Science, Planetary Astronomy Program ; Peer Reviewed

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License.-- et al. ; [Background]: Neuroblastic tumours (NBTs) represent a heterogeneous spectrum of neoplastic diseases associated with multiple genetic alterations. Structural and numerical chromosomal changes are frequent and are predictive parameters of NBTs outcome. We performed a comparative analysis of the biological entities constituted by NBTs with different ploidy status. [Methods]: Gene expression profiling of 49 diagnostic primary NBTs with ploidy data was performed using oligonucleotide microarray. Further analyses using Quantitative Real-Time Polymerase Chain Reaction (Q-PCR); array-Comparative Genomic Hybridization (aCGH); and Fluorescent in situ Hybridization (FISH) were performed to investigate the correlation between aneuploidy, chromosomal changes and gene expression profiles. [Results]: Gene expression profiling of 49 primary near-triploid and near-diploid/tetraploid NBTs revealed distinct expression profiles associated with each NBT subgroup. A statistically significant portion of genes mapped to 1p36 (P = 0.01) and 17p13-q21 (P < 0.0001), described as recurrently altered in NBTs. Over 90% of these genes showed higher expression in near-triploid NBTs and the majority are involved in cell differentiation pathways. Specific chromosomal abnormalities observed in NBTs, 1p loss, 17q and whole chromosome 17 gains, were reflected in the gene expression profiles. Comparison between gene copy number and expression levels suggests that differential expression might be only partly dependent on gene copy number. Intratumoural clonal heterogeneity was observed in all NBTs, with marked interclonal variability in near-diploid/tetraploid tumours. [Conclusion]: NBTs with different cellular DNA content display distinct transcriptional profiles with a significant portion of differentially expressed genes mapping to specific chromosomal regions known to be associated with outcome. Furthermore, our results demonstrate that these specific genetic abnormalities are highly heterogeneous in all NBTs, and suggest that NBTs with different ploidy status may result from different mechanisms of aneuploidy driving tumourigenesis. ; This work was supported by: Career Development Award 2001 (to J. M.) from the American Society of Clinical Oncology (ASCO) and grants from the Spanish Ministry of Health (Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Fondo de Investigación Sanitaria, 2007; PI070286) (CL) and Spanish Society against Cancer (Asociación Española Contra el Cáncer, 2007) (JM and CL). The Developmental tumour biology laboratory, Hospital Sant Joan de Déu in Barcelona, is additionally supported by the Catalan government (AGAUR, Generalitat de Catalunya, 2005SGR00605; 2006FI00404), and the donation from Margarita del Pozo Fund. Supported in part by the National Cancer Institute grant CA106450 (NKC and WG), The Robert Steel Foundation (NKC), Hope Street Kids (NKC), and Katie's Find A Cure Fund (NKC) and the Government of Castilla y León (EdA). ; Peer reviewed

Parece que el proceso de la nacionalización de las masas en España que se inició hacia finales del siglo xix no tuvo mucho éxito. Para estudiar la coyuntura nacionalista analizamos en una primera parte algunas de las principales conmemoraciones de héroes nacionales que se organizaron durante la Restauración. Los primeros centenarios se organizaron más bien como respuesta a similares festejos fuera de España. Solamente después del Desastre los políticos dinásticos empezaron a sentir la necesidad de fomentar activamente el sentimiento nacional de la población. Sin embargo, esta situación duró muy poco. A partir de 1909 los liberales perdieron su interés por este tipo de movilización nacionalista, dejando el campo a los conservadores y tradicionalistas. Esto se puso de manifiesto con el centenario de El Greco de 1914, que es el objeto de análisis en la segunda parte. Aunque desde finales del siglo xix intelectuales y artistas innovadores habían convertido a El Greco en uno de sus héroes nacionales, ellos no contribuyeron apenas a la conmemoración. De hecho, el centenario fue confiscado por las élites tradicionales con el fin de provocar la adhesión y admiración de la población hacia los logros de la nación española y del Estado central. ; It seems that the process of the nationalisation of the masses in Spain, which started at the end of the nineteenth century, was not very success-ful. In the first part of this article some of the major commemorations that were organized during the period of the Restauration are analysed in or-der to know more about the causes of this relative failure. The first com-memorations of national héroes were organised primarily as an answer to similar festivities abroad. Only after the humiliating defeat in the Spanish-American War of 1898 mainstream politicians started to become aware of the need to actively stimulate the national feelings of the population. Ho-wever, this awareness did not last. Particularly after 1909 the liberáis started to lose their interest in this type of nationalist mobilisation, leaving the field to conservatives and traditionalists. This also became manifest with the third centennial of El Greco in 1914, which is analysed in the second part. Although from the end of the nineteenth century innovative intellec-tuals and artists had converted El Greco into one of their main national héroes, they were almost completely absent during the commemoration. The centennial in fact was dominated by the traditional élites, who used it to encourage the adhesión and admiration of the population to the great achievements of the Spanish nation and the central state.

[ES] El Convenio de Oviedo, de 1997, demuestra la dificultad de llegar a acuerdos internacionales sobre cómo regular la investigación biomédica, en especial los límites de la investigación con embriones. Algunos temas de Bioética muestran la pluralidad de doctrinas y de sistemas morales; es más, pueden indicar el final de la era del consenso. El final de la pax bioetica, que tanto significó para el éxito de la disciplina a lo largo de tres décadas. Tender puentes, forjar consenso ha sido, en efecto, una de las contribuciones más valiosas del discurso bioético y de los nuevos expertos en Bioética. Desde los años setenta, los principios del Liberalismo y las actitudes pragmáticas han sido el núcleo de su ideología, un tipo de consenso «americano» para poner fronteras a las ideologías políticas o radicales. Sin embargo, la actual agenda ampliada de la Bioética, así su expansión internacional, están minando el consenso básico. Un giro más político de la Bioética podría, tal vez, ofrecer algunos acuerdos sobre temas específicos. Este tipo de consenso estaría también más cerca de los intereses de los ciudadanos, así como del nuevo contexto, global y social: sería un consenso «republicano», por así decirlo. El artículo analiza la evolución desde la etapa del consenso –tender puentes, principios comunes, procedimientos «no densos»– hacia los acuerdos plurales –contextuales, «densos»–, teniendo en cuenta la pluralidad de los valores morales y de las fronteras culturales. ; [EN] The Oviedo Convention proved in 1997 how difficult could be an international agreement concerning the regulation of biomedical research, particularly the limits of research on human embryos. Some bioethical issues show the plurality of doctrines and moral systems; moreover they could detect the end of the consensus's era. It could be the end of the pax bioetica, which determined the wide success of the discipline during three decades. Building bridges, building consensus had been a very valuable contribution of the bioethical discourse, and of the new bioethical experts, indeed. Since the seventies, Liberal principles and Pragmatic attitudes were the implicit core of their ideology, a kind of «American» consensus to build frontiers against the political, or radical ideologies. Now the enlarged agenda of Bioethics and its international expansion are undermining the basic consensus, though. A political turn of Bioethics could probably offer some agreements around specific issues. That kind of consensus would adjust to citizens needs and to the new context, global and local; a «republican» consensus, so to say. The article analyses the transition from the consensus's era –the building of bridges, the common principles, the «thin» procedures– to the plural agreements –contextual, «thick»–, taking account of the plurality in moral values and of the cultural frontiers.

Die Studie wird in fünf Teile unterteilt: Das erste Kapitel beschäftigt sich mit Patentanmeldungen und geförderten Patenten im USPTO, WIPO, und EPO. In diesem Kapitel wird die Korrelation zwischen dem BIP und der länderspezifischen Patentanzahl analysiert. Das zweite Kapitel gibt einen Überblick über die Literatur über Patente in MEDLINE. In diesem Kapitel wird eine szientometrische Analyse durchgeführt, damit die Entwicklung der Patentliteratur in MEDLINE über den Zeitraum von 1965 bis 2005 quantitativ gemessen werden kann. Das dritte Kapitel befasst sich mit der Literatur über Patente im SCI. In diesem Kapitel werden alle Dokumente, die vom SCI über den Zeitraum 1965 bis 2005 als "Patents" indexiert wurden, unter die Lupe genommen. Das vierte Kapitel analysiert die Patenten, die im SCI zitiert werden. Das fünfte Kapitel analysiert die Anzahl der Literaturhinweise (Referenzen) pro Veröffentlichung im SCI über den Zeitraum 1970-2005. In diesem Hinblick wurde eine Gesamtzahl von 10,000 Dokumenten pro Jahr ausgesucht sowie der Bedeutungswert von Nennungen pro Zeitschrift berechnet. Die Analyse der Daten ergab: Die USA sind das führende Land bezüglich der Erstellung und der Zulassung von Patenten, gleichermaßen gefolgt von Japan und Deutschland. Die Halbwertszeit der Zitierung von Patenten beträgt seit 1994 konstant 8,1 Jahre. Das ist eine 41% längere Zitierungsrate gegenüber den allgemeinen wissenschaftlichen Dokumenten im SCI. Es gibt eine lineare Korrelation zwischen der Zahl von Literaturhinweisen (Referenzen) in einem Journal, wie sie im SCI erfasst sind, und der Wahrscheinlichkeit zitiert zu werden. Die Anzahl der Literaturhinweise (Referenzen) pro Veröffentlichung zwischen 1970 und 2005 im SCI ist ständig angestiegen. Die Selbstzitation von Zeitschriften bei einer steigenden Zahl von Verweisen beeinflusst die Steigerung des Impact Factor im SCI. Die Leitartikelpolitik der Sprachen wurde in der MEDLINE und im SCI geändert. ; This study is divided into five sections. The first section consists of patent applications and granted patents issued by USPTO, WIPO), and EPO. In this section the relationship between the GDP and country's patent quantity is analysed. The second section analysis the patent literature in MEDLINE. In this section a scientometric analysis is performed to assess the quantitative trend of patent literature in MEDLINE throughout 1965-2005. The third section analysis the patent literature in the SCI. In this section all documents indexed as a topic of "patents" in the SCI throughout 1965-2005 are analysed. The fourth section analysis the citations to the patent documents indexed in the SCI, and illustrate the average number of cited references per paper for patent citing documents. The fifth section analysis the references per paper in the SCI through 1970-2005. The Analyses of data showed: The USA is the leading country filing and granting patents followed by Japan and Germany respectively. The half-life of citations to the patent-documents is 41% higher than the half-life of citations to the general scientific documents in the SCI. The number of references per paper from 1970 to 2005 has steadily increased. The rough constant percentage of self-citation of journals and the growing increase of references per paper led to the absolute growing number of self-citations and to the increase of the Impact Factor of the citing journals in the SCI. The editorial policy of languages is being changed in MEDLINE and in the SCI. The consideration of policy makers in these databases have been focused on the literature of science in English. There was a tendency in the last decades towards collaboration in scientific publishing with American authors that can be observed in the SCI with authors from different countries.

All will agree that the Constitution creates a unitary chief executive officer, the President, at the head of the government Congress defines to do the work its statutes detail. Disagreement arises over what his function entails. Once Congress has defined some element of government and specified its responsibilities, we know that the constitutional roles of both Congress and the courts are those of oversight of the agency and its assigned work, not the actual performance of that work. But is it the same for the President? When Congress confers authority on the Environmental Protection Agency to regulate various forms of pollution, on the Occupational Safety and Health Administration to regulate workplace safety, on the Food & Drug Administration to regulate the safety of food, drugs and medical devices, etc., etc., is it in legal contemplation giving the President the authority to decide these matters, or only to oversee them? One might think this a fairly elementary question, yet it is one that has divided Attorneys General from the beginning of the Republic and that divides scholars still. Does it deny the unitary characteristic of the American presidency to suggest that in relation to the general concerns of administrative law, and absent actual congressional delegation of decisional authority to the President, his role is limited to executive oversight of the agency on whom that authority is statutorily conferred? Our Constitution explicitly gives us a unitary head of state, but it leaves the framework of government almost completely to congressional design. If its text makes any choice between President as overseer of the resulting assemblage, and President as necessarily entitled "decider," the implicit message is that of oversight, not decision. Congress's arrangements of government are a part of the law that the President is to assure will "be faithfully executed," and the text anticipates that those arrangements will place "duties" elsewhere in the executive branch it defines. The size and ambition of contemporary government, in a country dedicated to the rule of law and resolute to defend itself against unchecked individual power, point the same direction. Congress can, to be sure, give the President decisional authority, and it has sometimes done so. In limited contexts – foreign relations, military affairs, coordination of arguably conflicting mandates – the argument for inherent presidential decisional authority is stronger. But in the ordinary world of domestic administration responsibilities that Congress has delegated to a particular governmental actor it has created, that delegation is a part of the law whose faithful execution the President is to assure. Oversight, and not decision.

2011 Summer. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; This dissertation describes a research project that examined and interpreted the text of Colorado House Bill 1023 (2006) and the narratives embedded in this policy text. The research context was framed by current debates at the national and state levels on the issue of postsecondary education benefits for undocumented students. Analysis of the data led to the illumination of the rationalization for denying in-state tuition benefits to undocumented graduates from public high-schools in Colorado. This rationalization was found to be based on selected ideological beliefs that were then identified and interpreted. The study employed a qualitative research design. The method of inquiry was grounded in a constructivist-interpretive methodology. The methods of analysis and interpretation were thematic analysis, hermeneutic interpretation, and narrative policy analysis. The data consisted of Colorado policy texts concerning immigration and membership issues, related federal legislation, and state statutes from Texas and California. The data were first analyzed using thematic networks analysis and then hermeneutic interpretation. Narrative policy analysis was subsequently employed to synthesize the themes that emerged in the thematic analysis and hermeneutic interpretation. A dominant policy narrative and counter policy narrative were generated, and from these a metanarrative evolved. The thematic analysis yielded an internal or legalistic interpretation of the verification regulations of lawful presence requirement set forth in Colorado HB 06S-1023. The hermeneutic interpretation revealed that this Colorado policy was framed according to the principle of self-sufficiency for immigrant admission and notions of restrictive membership for resident aliens. The interpretive analysis also showed that the interaction of negative constructions of undocumented immigrants with structures of social dominance led to a narrative of exclusion and objectification of these resident aliens. The narrative policy analysis related Colorado HB 06S-1023 to a dominant policy narrative that reinforced the legal grounds for the delegitimization and social exclusion of undocumented immigrants. A metanarrative derived from the comparison of these narratives and was interpreted as the contrast between we want them, but we don't want them to explain how official government texts of the state of Colorado rationalized the issue of undocumented immigrants' rights and the state's responsibilities in this regard. The interpretation of the data contributed perspectives that advance the understanding of the social issue regarding the restriction on public benefits for undocumented immigrants currently residing in American communities. Specifically, this interpretation provided insights on the case of undocumented students in Colorado who, as a result of current state legislation, are denied access to in-state tuition benefits. The study also contributed another approach to meaning-creation processes and understanding the meaning of a policy text. Recommendations for further research on this topic and related themes were identified.

"Peace in the Middle East." As a child, I had always assumed this phrase was in reference to a specific conflict or war that would soon be over; however, peace in the Middle Eastnow seems to be a process of huge proportions with no visible end. Numerous conflicts encompass the problems in the Middle East, most of which have been exacerbated by ineffectual and biased American foreign policy. Of these conflicts, one of the most long-standing and heartbreaking is between the Israelis and Palestinians. With the unequivocal support of the US, Israelhas largely been able to pursue whatever policy it desired, while the Palestinians were left with a corrupt "government" that had no clout in the international community, especially with Israel. For decades, and through two intifadas, the Palestinian people have suffered through oppression and tremendous human rights violations, all the while expecting that the international community, once they realized the truth behind what was going on, would do something about their plight. However, after failed peace processes andIsrael's further incursion into Palestinian areas, the Palestinian people democratically voted for change, for Hamas. Even thoughIsraeland many Western countries dismiss Hamas as nothing more than a "terrorist" organization, Hamas has done tremendous good for the Palestinian people, in way of providing much needed social services. Therefore, after briefly describing the situation that the Palestinians live in, the first sections of my paper discuss what Hamas stands for, how the group has risen to power, and why Palestinians support Hamas. Once Hamas was elected, the group immediately faced incredible challenges. Thus, the next portion of my thesis analyzes the challenges facing Hamas now that they have shifted from opposition group to the governing party. Besides internal disputes over policy, Hamas must find a way to work with Fatah, control security in the occupied territories, and find funding in the wake of the economic boycott placed on Hamas by many Western countries. Finally, I discuss what implications Hamas's electoral victory will have on the conflict betweenIsraelandPalestine. Initially, I focus on what the repercussions will be for Hamas's own policies and how Hamas has changed since the elections, as well as what changes Fatah will likely make. Then, I talk about the prospects for a peace agreement with Hamas in power. Finally, I make the claim that Hamas would be a capable governing party, given international support and the lifting of the boycott. Furthermore, I argue that the main impediment to peace is not that Hamas is a "terrorist" group or thatIsraelhas been building a separation barrier, but that theUSis unwilling to pressureIsraelto enter into negotiations with Hamas, with an honest ambition to make peace.

The Information Science area in Brazil (including Library, Archival and Documentation studies) has been suffering an academic consolidation during the last ten years, specially by means of the development of PhD and MSc programs, as well as by a complex and efficient governmental system of research supporting. In this sense, Brazil could build its epistemological background based on foreign influences (specially North American, English, French and Spanish ones), as well on a self-reflection about social, economical, and cultural aspects inherent to the Brazilian reality. Such a scientific landscape has allowed the country to taking part in most of the theoretical and methodological international discussions in the Information Science scenery. Considering those questions, it presents a landscape of Brazilian postgraduate and research support system in Information Science which makes possible to conclude, on one side, that there are not enough PhD and MSc programs to respond to the growing demands of the area (specially the needs for professors in Archival and Library Science Undergraduate courses) and, on the other side, that the strong governmental research support policies and the existence of scientific associations like ANCIB furnish a very unique environment for scientific research, academic exchange and, as a consequence, the advance of Information Science in Brazil. ; A área de Ciência da Informação no Brasil (envolvendo estudos relativos a Biblioteconomia, Arquivologia e Documentação) vem se consolidando academicamente no decorrer das últimas três décadas, notadamente a partir dos programas de pós-graduação stricto sensu (mestrado e doutorado) na área, bem como por um complexo e eficiente sistema governamental de apoio à investigação científica por meio de agências de fomento. Dessa forma, o país pôde construir sua base epistemológica a partir de uma simbiose e da abordagem crítica de distintas influências científicas externas (notadamente inglesas, norte-americanas, francesas espanholas) e de uma reflexão própria sobre aspectos de natureza sócio-econômico-cultural inerentes à realidade brasileira, o que tem contribuído para o diálogo internacional na área, em termos de reflexão teórica e metodológica e contribuído para a participação do Brasil em ações interinstitucionais em âmbito internacional. Desse modo, apresenta-se um panorama do sistema brasileiro de pós-graduação e de incentivo à investigação científica, com especial destaque para a realidade da área de Ciência da Informação, concluindo- se, por um lado, que é ainda insuficiente do número de cursos de mestrado e doutorado existentes face às crescentes demandas de capacitação docente dos cursos de graduação na área e, por outro, que o forte investimento governamental por meio de políticas públicas de apoio à pesquisa, bem como a existência da ANCIB, como espaço acadêmico para reflexão e interlocução da comunidade científica da área, sinalizam para uma efetiva consolidação acadêmica da área no país.

Para enriquecer y superar la comprensión eurocéntrica histórica del fenómeno americano es preciso indagar en la reflexión que sobre éste realizan los propios pensadores de América. En este ocasión, nuestra particular elección ha recaído en José Carlos Mariátegui (1895-1930) y su obra Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (1928). Si bien su pensamiento fue poco formal, estuvo enriquecido por intuiciones y observaciones que aún esperan su oportunidad de tener un papel activo en la interpretación de nuestra cultura. Este trabajo se centra en la visión de la literatura peruana a partir de los aportes desde variadas perspectivas que realiza Mariátegui. Si bien parte de un método interpretativo relativamente rígido -materialista, economicista, historicista, lógico-dialéctico-, su obra tiene toda la amplitud crítica y la profundidad existencial que le da su posición privilegiada de observador y partícipe de los procesos políticos y sociales de la vida peruana. En sus comentarios sobre la literatura peruana, Mariátegui destaca el papel de Cesar Vallejo quien, nacido y criado en la sierra peruana, es el primer poeta capaz de representar a la nación con sus dos mundos: el mundo indio y el mundo mestizo. De esta manera, el pensamiento de Mariátegui nos ayuda a entender el carácter de la literatura peruana desde una novedosa y diferente perspectiva. ; To enrich and overcome the Eurocentric historical understanding of the American phenomenon, it is necessary to question about the reflection upon this experience realized by thinkers of America themselves. On this occasion, our particular choice has fallen on Jose Carlos Mariategui (1895-1930) and his work Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (1928). While his thinking was little formal, it was enriched by intuitions and observations that are still waiting their chance to take an active role in the understanding of our culture. This work focuses on the vision of the Peruvian literature from the inputs from various perspectives designed by Mariategui. Though the author starts from an interpretative method relatively rigid-materialist, economicist, historicist, logico-dialectical, his work provides a wide criticism and an existential depth that give him a privileged position as an observer and participant in political and social processes of Peruvian life. In its comments on the Peruvian literature, Mariategui emphasizes the role of Cesar Vallejo, who was born and raised in the mountains of Peru, and is the first poet capable of representing the nation with its two worlds: the Indian world Indian and the mestizo world. Thus, the thought of Mariategui helps us to understand the nature of the Peruvian literature from a new and different perspective. ; Fil: Pérez, Alberto Julián. Texas Tech University

This project paper aims to analyze the staff turnover of international non governmental organizations (NGO) and particularly the case of the International Rescue Committee (IRC). Non government non profit organizations are one type of the institutions that provide employment opportunities in addition to the private sectors and government institutions. The success of NGOs is determined by the availability and commitment of efficient and effective human resources. However, currently most of the NGOs are highly affected by staff turnover and therefore the quality of the service they provide to the beneficiaries is affected and the financial and non-financial cost of replacing vacant posts is significantly increased. In order to identify the causes and impact of the staff turnover in IRC, the project has used both primary and secondary data. With regard to primary data, first hand data have been collected through questionnaire filled by twelve terminated, thirty one existing non-management and seven management staffs of the organization selected based purposive sampling. Moreover data about the trend of both existing and terminated staff were collected from the organization. IRC (An American NGO) was founded at the suggestion of Albert Einstein in 1933 with the objective to assist Germans suffering under Hitler. Currently it works in twenty five countries and fifteen are found in Africa. IRC Ethiopia program has started in 2000 in response to the severe drought in Somali Region. With 209 permanent employees IRC Ethiopia participate in education and Community service, Environmental Health (Water and Sanitation), Health, and other sectors in the four refugee camps and local communities. Since from the period 2004/2005 to 2006/2007 the total number of staffs terminated from the IRC is counted to 89. However, though the organization does not keep detailed record for each resigned/terminated staffs, the total number of terminated staffs since from establishment is around 174. This indicates that the organization has lost almost 45% (174 out of 383) of its employees due to different reasons. The analysis of the three year period figures portray that most of the employees are terminated /resigned from the IRC during the first months of their employment period. Of the total terminated 89 employees, the highest share of terminated staff based on position is counted for the Officer and Assistant positions. Regarding termination based on filed office Assosa and department Education and Community service takes the lion shares.The findings of the study also revealed that the causes of staff turnover are a combination of factors. Family problems, poor leadership, dissatisfaction with the job, better opportunity in other organizations, dissatisfaction with the area, and educational opportunity are some of the causes. Based on the findings recommendations are suggested.