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학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :국제대학원 국제학과(국제지역학전공),2019. 8. 신성호. ; MDGs 채택과 함께 2000 년대 초반부터 개발 협력에 열렬히 기여한 한국은 선진국과 개발도상국 간의 격차를 해소하기 위해 개발 경험을 공유하고 개발 프로젝트에 자금을 지원해왔다. 본 연구는 한국의 핵심 협력 국가와 특히 세네갈의 사례 연구를 중심으로 아프리카 개발도상국들에 대한 아프리카 개발 정책 또는 접근 방식을 검토한다. 한국의 개발 협력 전략, ODA, 무역 및 외국인 직접 투자에 사용되는 도구를 면밀히 조사한다. Marcel Mauss 의 선물 이론은 선진국과 개발도상국 사이의 개발협력을 설명하는 이론적 도구로 사용된다. 분석 기간인 2000-2016 년 사이에 한국의 원조 규모는 점차 커지고 있지만, 이러한 원조가 꼭 최빈국(LDCs)으로 향하지 않는 것으로 나타난다. 최빈국이 특히 많은 아프리카의 국가들은 최근에 한국 원조의 동기에 의문을 제기하며, 한국의 원조가 이익 기반인지 인도주의적 동기를 가진지에 대한 논의가 계속된다. 한국의 지원은 주로 정부 기관인 KOICA 및 EDCF 에서부터 유∙무상 차관으로 구성된다. 보다 효과적이고 효율적인 지원을 위해 전략 계획, 중기 전략 및 CPS 를 구성함으로써 한국의 개발협력이 향상되었다. 그러나 아프리카 국가들에서는 개발 자금 조달 도구가 많이 사용되지 않고 있으며 이는 아프리카에서 한국의 낮은 개발협력 수준과 비효율성을 설명한다. 핵심 협력 국가 중 하나인 세네갈은 EDCF 기금과 KOICA 의 많은 프로젝트에 의해 많은 사회 기반 시설과 경제 기반 시설이 제공되었다. 그러나 세네갈에서는 일반적으로 아프리카와 마찬가지로 FDI 의 규모가 매우 작고 무역은 크게 세네갈의 수산물 수출과 전자 기기 수입으로 이루어져있다. 연구의 결론에서는 정책 권고안으로, 아시아 협력 국가들과 마찬가지로 아프리카 협력 국가들과도 무역, FDI 및 기타 개발 금융 도구 개발에 중점을 두어 인프라, 인적 자본, 노하우를 개발하고, 일자리를 창출하며 경제 성장을 촉진해야한다고 저자가 주장한다. 이렇게 하면 한국의 개발협력 효율적을 높아질 것이고 한국과 협력 국가들 간의 윈 - 윈 (win-win) 상황이 이루어질 수 있을 것이다. ; Strongly engaged in Development Cooperation in the early 2000s with the adoption of the MDGs, South Korea committed to support developing countries by sharing its development experiences and funding development projects to bridge the gap between developed economies and poor countries. This paper examines the Korean Development Cooperation Policy or approach in respect with African countries, with a focus on Korea's Priority partner countries and particularly with a case study of Senegal. It scrutinizes the instruments used in the Korean Development Cooperation, ODA, trade and FDI. The Gift Theory of Marcel Mauss is used as theoretical tool to explain DC between developed countries and developing ones. In the analysis period 2000-2016, there is clear evidence that South Korea's support volume is increasing over the years, however, it is not necessarily destined to LDCs, among which numerous African countries, questioning its motives, some argue interest-based, others humanitarian based. Its assistance is mainly constituted of grants and loans with its governmental agencies, KOICA and EDCF respectively. With the strategic plan, the mid-term strategies and the CPS, Korea enhanced it DC for a more effective and efficient support. However, with African countries, not many development financing tools are being used and that explains the low level of Korean DC in Africa, hence its inefficiency. As a priority partner country, Senegal benefited of EDCF funds and lots of projects from KOICA in the social as well as in the economic infrastructures. However, in Senegal, as in Africa in general, the volume of FDI is very low and trade is composed of Senegal's exports of fisheries and imports of Electronic devices, mainly. As a policy recommendation to conclude, it is argued that developing trade, FDI, and other development financing tools, as it is the case with its Asian partner countries, would develop infrastructures, human capital, know how, create job and boost the economic growth in the recipient countries and make South Korea's DC an efficient one and a win-win deal. ; ABSTRACT . I Table of Contents . III Acronyms and Abbreviations . VI List of tables . IX List of figures . XI CHAPTER I : Introduction .1 1. Significance of the study .3 2. Purpose of the research .4 3. Hypothesis and research questions .5 4. Scope of the research .6 5. Organization of the thesis .7 CHAPTER II : THEORY AND METHODOLOGY .9 1. Literature review: South Korea development cooperation policy and practices .9 2 Theoretical framework . 14 3 Methodology . 23 CHAPTER III : ANALYSIS OF SOUTH KOREA'S DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION POLICY (APPROACH) IN AFRICA . 25 1. Background . 25 a. Overview of main characteristics of the African continent. 25 b. Brief history of Africa-Korea relations . 26 c. South Korea Development Cooperation and Africa . 29 2. Framework of Korean Development Cooperation . 32 a. South Korea Development Cooperation instruments . 35 3. Analysis of the development cooperation tools in Priority Partners countries in Africa 55 a. South Korea ODA to Its African Priority countries . 55 b. Trade between South Korea and its Priority partner countries . 62 c. South Korea FDI to its African Priority countries . 65 CHAPTER IV: Case study: South Korea's Development Cooperation with Senegal . 66 1. Korea's CPS for Senegal . 70 2. Korea's ODA to Senegal . 72 a. KOICA grants to Senegal . 78 b. Korea loans to Senegal . 84 3. Trade between Korea and Senegal . 88 4. Korea Foreign Direct Investment to Senegal . 90 5. Remittances . 93 6. Public- Private Partnerships (PPPs) . 95 7. Brief comparison between Korean and Japanese ODA to Africa and Senegal. 96 8. Summary of the key findings . 99 9. Lessons from Discussions . 102 CHAPTER V: Policy Recommendations & Conclusion . 105 1. Policy Recommendation for a Better Cooperation for Mutual Economic Gains . 105 a. To South Korea . 105 b. To Senegal and African Countries . 107 2. Conclusion . 112 a. Limitations . 112 b. Development Cooperation: A strategic cooperation for the benefit of all . 113 Appendix . 115 REFERENCES . 116 ; Master

Дослідження присвячено аналізу просодичних особливостей у мовленні ірландців. Ірландський варіант англійської мови характеризується ситуацією двомовності, в якій проявляється вплив британського варіанта англійської мови, а також загальними тенденціями розвитку притаманними національному і регіональним варіантам англійської мови. Дослідники мовної ситуації в республіці Ірландія відмічають, що двомовність в Ірландії можна розділити на чотири періоди: 1) початок британського вторгнення (ХІІ-ХVІ ст.), що характеризується плавним і поступовим витисненням ірландської мови англійською, однак ірландська мова все ще домінує у суспільстві; 2) дискримінація ірландської мови у результаті чого ірландська мова була практично повністю витіснена англійською з основних сфер функціонування, і збереглась в основному у побуті в сільській місцевості; 3) посилення боротьби за незалежність від Великої Британії та повернення ірландській мові статусу офіційної мови; 4) повернення ірландській мові статусу офіційної мови, зростання її престижу, при цьому небагато носіїв володіють нею, що пояснюється тривалою відмовою від її використання. У ситуації двомовності рідну мову не можна ототожнювати з домінуючою мовою. При їхній диференціації необхідно мати на увазі роль, яка приділяється кожній з них у спілкуванні і роль, яку виконує кожна з мов у соціальному стані мовця. Під впливом певних соціальних умов одна з мов стає домінантною. Безперечно, при дослідженні проблем контактування мов у суспільстві необхідно мати на увазі соціально-економічні та соціально-історичні фактори, які відіграють найважливішу роль у розвитку кожної конкретної мови. У пропонованому дослідженні представлено результати інструментального аналізу просодичних особливостей мовлення ірландців з Півдня і Півночі країни. Варіативний характер частотних особливостей зумовлено як історичними контактами між Ірландією та Англією, так і неоднорідним характером інтеграційних процесів у різних територіальних ареалах. Просодичними маркерами ірландської англійської мови є висока частотність спадного термінального тону, варіативний характер частотного діапазону. ; Исследование посвящено анализу просодических особенностей в речи ирландцев. Ирландский вариант английского языка характеризуется ситуацией двуязычия, в котором проявляется влияние британского варианта английского языка, а также общими тенденциями развития присущими национальному и региональным вариантам английского языка. Исследователи языковой ситуации в республике Ирландия отмечают, что двуязычие в Ирландии можно разделить на четыре периода: 1) начало британского вторжения ( ХІІ-ХVІ вв.), который характеризуется плавным и постепенным вытеснениям ирландского языка английским, однако ирландский язык все еще доминирует в обществе; 2) дискриминация ирландского языка в результате чего ирландский был практически полностью вытеснен английским из основных сфер функционирования, и сохранился в основном в быту в сельской местности; 3) усиление борьбы за независимость от Великобритании и возвращение ирландскому языку статуса официального языка; 4) возвращение ирландскому языку статуса официального языка, рост его престижа, при этом немного носителей владеют ним, что объясняется продолжительным отказом от его использования. В ситуации двуязычия родной язык нельзя отождествлять с доминирующим языком. При их дифференциации необходимо иметь в виду роль, которая отводится каждому из них в общении и роль, которую выполняет каждый язык в социальном положении говорящего. Под влиянием определенных социальных условий один из языков становится доминантным. Бесспорно, при исследовании проблем контактирования языков в обществе необходимо иметь в виду социально-экономические и социально-исторические факторы, которые играют самую важную роль в развитии каждого конкретного языка. В настоящем исследовании представлены результаты инструментального анализа просодических особенностей речи ирландцев с Юга и Северы страны. Вариативный характер частотных особенностей обусловлен как историческими контактами между Ирландией и Англией, так и неоднородным характером интеграционных процессов в разных территориальных ареалах. Просодическим маркером ирландского английского языка является высокая частотность нисходящего терминального тона, вариативный характер частотного диапазона. ; The investigation is dedicated to the analysis of prosodic peculiarities of Irish speech. The bilingual situation in which influence of the British English as well as general tendencies of the development common for national and regional variants of the English language characterize the Irish variant of English. Bilinguism in Ireland can be divided into four periods : 1) the beginning of British invasion which is characterized by gradual ousting of the Irish language; 2) the second period is characterized by discrimination of the Irish language, which was totally ousted from all the spheres of functioning, only it existed in rural regions; 3) the third period of its history is marked by the struggle for independence and the return of the native Irish language; 4) the growing of the Irish language prestige, giving it the official status mark the fourth period. During the historical process there were developed strong political, cultural and economic ties, however Britain has always dominated and thus, influenced differences between the two languages – the English and the Irish. It has been noted by the investigators of the linguistic situation in Ireland, a long refusal of the Irish language usage led to English language prevalence, even when the Irish language got the official status. There exists an exact division of the spheres of the Irish and the English usage and their social marking. Men are more conservative in daily language usage. Women often mix both the languages in speech. If one language displays the other there exists bilingual situation, so that neither displacement nor full perception is present. This fact allows to hope on preserving the Irish language. The material of the investigation which consists of quazispontaneous monological utterances of native Irish speakers from two regions – the North and the South of Ireland, was investigated with the help of perceptive and acoustic analyses. Perceptive analysis has revealed that the usage of Low Falling terminal tone has been the most frequent, as well as the variable character of frequency range Rising Head has also been recurrent in the Irish speech informants of the southern part of the country.

AbstrakPertikaian Bersenjata selanjutnya disebut PB tidak dapat dihilangkan dari peradaban manusia, sebab telah terjadi sepanjang sejarah manusia.Dalam pertikaian bersenjata dikenal Prinsip-Prinsip Pembedaan yang diatur dalam Protokol Tambahan 1 Konvensi Jenewa 1949 Art. 57 dan 57 (1) CIHL Rules 15-21. Kemudian dijelaskan mengenai benda-benda kombatan dan non kombatan dalam Konvensi Jenewa IV Art. 33, Art. 52 (1, 2) dan CIHLRule 7. Kemudian aturan mengenai perlindungan terhadap benda-benda budaya yang diatur pada Protokol Tambahan 1 Konvensi Jenewa 1949, Art. 38, 53, 85 serta Prtokol Tambahan II Konvensi Jenewa 1949, Art. 16. PB selalu menggunakan senjata, senjata yang digunakan pada setiap zaman memiliki kriteria dan karakteristik yang berbeda-beda. Senjata yang dimaksud dalam penelitian ini adalah senjata Rudal Balistik Antar Benua (Inter Continental Ballistic Missile/ICBM). Dalam dunia internasional terdapat aturan terkait PB secara umum yaitu Konvensi Den Haag dan Konvensi Jenewa kemudian diatur dalam Hukum Humaniter Internasional selanjutnya disebut HHI. Dalam HHI terdapat larangan bahwa tidak boleh menyerang pihak non-kombatan atau diluar militer, baik orang maupun benda-benda yang tidak memiliki afiliasi dengan militer. ICBM memiliki kelemahan kemungkinan salah sasaran (CEP)merupakan sistem penghitungan yang menggunakan algoritma dengan kemungkinan error 1%, salah sasaran ICBMyang diakibatkan oleh jarak yang sangat jauh, sehingga senjata ini tidak dapat secara pasti diarahkan pada militer, yang berakibat pada kemungkinan mengancam pihak non-kombatan yang dilindungi oleh HHI, serta tidak dapat memenuhi aturan HHI yang mewajibkan setiap senjata harus dapat dipastikan membedakan pihak kombatan dengan non-kombatan. CEP yang dimiliki senjata ICBMberbanding lurus dengan jarak senjatanya, sehingga semakin jauh jarak senjata, maka akan semakin rentan ICBMmelanggar aturan pada HHI. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah menganalisis dan merumuskan (1) urgensi aturan jarak maksimal jangkauan senjata ICBM. (2) Mengetahui bentuk sumber hukum pengaturan internasional yang seperti apa yang cocok untuk diterapkan pada permasalahan yang diteliti. Jenis penelitian dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif. Pendekatan penelitian yang digunakan untuk menjawab isu hukum dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan perundang-undangan, pendekatan konseptual, dan pendekatan historis, serta menggunakan teknik analisa preskriptif. Bahan hukum yang digunakan adalah bahan hukum primer,bahan hukum sekunderdan bahan hukum tersier.Hasil penelitian dan pembahasan menjelaskan bahwa perkembangan dan penggunaan senjata ICBM dengan jarak jangkauan yang tidak terbatas kemudian memiliki CEP selain melanggar aturan-aturan yang disebutkan diatas, juga melanggar aturan Direct Attack yang diatur dalam Protokol Tambahan I Art. 49 (1), 51 (2) juga CIHL Rule 1. Juga dapat memberikan ancaman kedamaian pada dunia internasional yang diatur dalam UN Charter Art. 1.Kata Kunci: Pertikaian Bersenjata, ICBM,CEP,Prinsip Pembedaan, HHI. AbstractArmed conflictknownas PB cannot be eliminated from human civilization, causes have occurred throughout human history. In known armed conflicts the Principles of Distinction are set out in Additional Protocol 1 Geneva Convention 1949 Art. 57 and 57 (1) CIHL Rules 15-21. Then it is explained about combatant and non-combatant objects in the Geneva Art Convention IV. 33, Art. 52 (1, 2) and CIHL Rule 7. The rules regarding the protection of cultural objects are regulated in Additional Protocol 1 Geneva Conventions 1949, Art. 38, 53, 85 and Additional Protocol II of the Geneva Convention 1949, Art. 16. PB always uses weapons, weapons used in every era have different criteria and characteristics. The weapon referred to in this study is the Inter Continental Ballistic Missile (ICBM). In the international world there are PB related rules in general, namely the Hague Convention and the Geneva Convention then regulated in International Humanitarian Law, hereinafter referred to as IHL. In the IHLthere is a prohibition that it is not permissible to attack non-combatants or outside the military, both people and objects that have no affiliation with the military. ICBM has the possibility of misstarget weakness (CEP) is a calculation system that uses an algorithm with a possible error of 1%, missdirectICBM caused by very long distances, so that these weapons cannot be directed towards the military, which results in the possibility of threatening non-combatant,combatants protected by IHL, and unable to comply with IHLrules requiring each weapon to be able to be sure to distinguish combatants from non-combatants. The CEP possessed by ICBM weapons is directly proportional to the distance of the weapon, so that the farther the distance of the weapon, the more vulnerable the ICBM is to violate the rules on IHL. The purpose of this study was to analyze and formulate (1) the urgency of the rules for maximum distance of ICBM weapons range. (2) Knowing what form of international regulatory law is suitable for applying to the problem under study. The type of research in this study is normative juridical research. The research approach used to answer legal issues in this study is the legislative approach, conceptual approach, and historical approach, and uses prescriptive analysis techniques. Legal materials used are primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials. The results of the study and discussion explained that the development and use of ICBM weapons with unlimited range and then had CEP in addition to violating the rules mentioned above, also violated the Direct Attack rules stipulated in Additional Protocol I Art. 49 (1), 51 (2) also CIHL Rule 1. It can also provide a threat to peace in the international world as stipulated in the UN Charter Art. 1.Keywords:Armed Conflict, ICBM, CEP, Principle of Distinction, IHL.

Diese Dissertation untersucht den politischen Missbrauch von Medien und deren Instrumentalisierung während der NATO-Bombardierung Jugoslawiens im März / Juni 1999. Vor der Fokussierung auf globale Quellen konzentriert sich diese Arbeit auf die internen Implikationen und Konsequenzen der lokalen Medienberichterstattung, sowohl von der Regierung als auch von den unabhängigen Medien.Ich wählte zwei serbische Tageszeitungen aus, beide mit Sitz in Belgrad, Serbien. Eine davon ist Politika, die zur Zeit (und in den meisten der 1990er Jahre) regierungsnah und ausgesprochen nationalistisch war, und Glas javnosti, ein Ventil, dass bis zu einem gewissen Grad als Vertreter der freien Meinungsäußerung während des Konflikts angesehen wurde. Es ist umstritten, ob ein Outlet völlig unabhängig sein und der freien Meinungsäußerung folgen kann, angesichts der besonderen Umstände, unter denen sich die Medienfreiheit 1999 und in den folgenden Jahren (lokal und global) befand. ^Der andere Grund war, dass ein vom Krieg zerrüttetes Land nicht der Boden war, wo gesunde oder vernünftige politische und soziale Perspektiven wuchsen.Der Medienkrieg wurde in den 90er Jahren immer wieder durch Konflikte angefacht, erreichte aber während der Intervention im Kosovo im Jahr 1999 seinen Höhepunkt. Sowohl die von mir erwähnten als auch die anderen Stellen im Land spiegeln weitgehend den Umfang und die Art der Berichterstattung während des Konflikts wider und zeigen die offenkundig verdeckte und aufgedeckte Sicht auf die Entwicklung des Krieges - ihre Perspektiven basieren vollständig auf ihr politisches Eigentum.Der Missbrauch von Medien während der Kosovo-Intervention im Jahr 1999: Ich werde zeigen, dass die serbischen Medien ihre Berichterstattung auf ihre Eigentumsstrukturen stützen - das heißt, auf dem politischen Hintergrund, der sich stark auf das auswirkte, was dem allgemeinen Publikum gemeldet wurde. ^Es kann argumentiert werden, dass heute nicht viel anders wäre: Die regierungsnahen Papiere würden höchstwahrscheinlich eine nationalistische Tirade aus jeder neuen Information oder Veranstaltung machen, während unabhängige Medien für Anerkennung und Unterstützung in einem Land kämpften, in dem die Medienfreiheiten begraben wurden und wieder zum Leben erweckt, als irgendjemand zählen kann.Als Methode habe ich die Berichterstattung über das Verhalten der Regierung gegenüber äußeren Kräften, die "die territoriale Integrität und Souveränität Jugoslawiens bedrohten, chronologisch interpretieren und vergleichen. Es war nicht sehr schwierig, Artikel und Materialien aus der Zeit zu finden. Sie sind reichlich in spezialisierten Archiven in Belgrad, sowie online. Beispiele davon werden in mehreren Kapiteln gegeben, mit präzisen Erläuterungen zur Relevanz der Daten und Vorfälle, die gemeldet wurden. ^Diese Arbeit wird auch versuchen, auf Dinge hinzuweisen, die aufgrund politischer Manipulation und (Selbst-) Zensur nicht aus der Berichterstattung ausgelassen wurden.Hauptsächlich wird die Arbeit zeigen, wie eine tief instrumentalisierte und vereinfachte Darstellung sehr schwerer Konflikte sein kann und wie leicht Polarisierung auftritt, wenn sie in und durch die Medien durchgesetzt wird, besonders an Orten mit einer Geschichte ethnischer Spannungen. Ich werde anhand von Beispielen von Vorfällen und Ereignissen erklären, wie Machtmissbrauch und strikte Zensur über jedem unabhängigen Medienunternehmen aufgetaucht sind.Durch die Präsentationen der Artikel werden wir schrittweise das Gesamtbild sehen und eine Atmosphäre schaffen, die damals existierte: vollständige Zensur und Propaganda, angeheizt durch den starken politischen Hintergrund und gelegentliche Spuren von professionellem Journalismus und freier Rede auf der anderen Seite. ^Dies zeigt das Ausmaß des Missbrauchs der Medien und den Unterschied zwischen diesem politischen Einfluss auf der einen Seite, der freien Rede und den Zielen auf der anderen Seite. ; Master Thesis: Instrumentalization of local media during 1999 Kosovo humanitarian interventionInterdisciplinary Joint Masters Programme in South-Eastern European StudiesStudent: Kristina StevancevicProfessor: Florian BieberAutumn/Winter semester 2017This thesis examines political misuse of media outlets and their instrumentalisation during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in March-June 1999. Rather than what global media outlets fixated on, the thesis focuses on internal implications and consequences that local media coverage had, from the pro-government and from the independent standpoint. I chose two Serbian daily newspapers, both with headquarters in Belgrade, Serbia. One is Politika, which was pro-governmental and outspokenly nationalistic at the time (and through most of the 1990s), and Glas javnosti, an outlet seen to a degree as a representative of free speech during the conflict. ^It is debatable whether any outlet could be entirely independent and adherent to free speech, given the particular circumstances in which media freedom found itself in 1999. and the following years (locally and globally). The other reason was that a war-torn country was not the ground where healthy or reasonable political and social perspectives grew. The media war was being continually fueled by conflicts throughout the 1990s, but peaked during the 1999 intervention in Kosovo. Both of the outlets I mentioned as well as others in the country reflect to a great extent the volume and type of reporting done during the conflict, and show the apparent covered and uncovered view of the development of the war - their perspectives being entirely based on their political ownership. ^The political misuse of media during the Kosovo intervention in 1999: I will showcase that Serb media outlets based their coverage on their ownership structures- that is, on the political background that interfered heavily with what was being reported to the general audience. It can be argued that not much would be different today: the pro-government papers would very likely make a nationalistic tirade out of any new information or event, while independent outlets would struggle for recognition and support in a country where media freedoms have been buried and brought back to life more times than anyone can count. As a method I chose to chronologically interpret and compare the reporting done in regards to the behavior of the government towards outside forces which were "threatening the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Yugoslavia. Finding articles and materials from the time was not very difficult; they are plentiful in specialized archives in Belgrade, as well as online. ^Examples of them will be given in several chapters, with precise explanations about the relevance of dates and incidents which were reported. This thesis will also try to point out things that were not being omitted from reporting due to political manipulation and (self-) censorship. Mainly, the thesis will show how a deeply instrumentalised and simplified depiction of very serious conflicts can be, and how easily polarisation occurs when it is enforced in and through the media, especially in places with a history of ethnic tensions. I will explain through examples of incidents and events how the abuse of power and strict censorship loomed over each independent media outlet. Through the presentations of the articles we will gradually see the bigger picture and recreate an atmosphere that existed at the time: complete censorship and propaganda, fueled by the strong political background, and occasional traces of professional journalism and free speech on the other side. ^This will show the extent of misuse of the media, and the difference between that political influence on one side, against free speech and objectives on the other. ; submitted by Kristina Stevančević ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2017 ; (VLID)2422854

The Discrimination Act has played an essential role in protecting the right to equality in the ACT but has not been substantially reviewed since its enactment in 1991 . The HRC requested this report to aid that review process. The report considers the need to include an equality duty in the Discrimination Act and formulates a duty based on examples in proposed and existing discrimination legislation. Part 1: Why the ACT Discrimination Act needs a positive duty All existing Australian discrimination law prohibits discrimination on listed grounds. Those laws are 'negative' because they create a duty not to discriminate. 'Positive' duties require duty-bearers to act, an equality duty might for example, require duty-bearers to promote equality. The Discrimination Act prohibits discrimination rather than imposing positive duties. Aside from the HRC's own-motion inquiry power, the Act is a 'complaintsled' model that only applies once a complaint has been received. Legislation that depends on complaints is only as powerful as the people who rely on it. Victims of discrimination often come from the most vulnerable groups in society, while those responsible for discrimination can be well-financed, experienced litigants. Positive duties shift the responsibility to implement discrimination law to duty-bearers, reducing the burden on victims. Prohibitions are reactive and while they have successfully eliminated many of the most overt forms of discrimination, 'negative' duties a re ill-suited to more complex sources of inequality like indirect discrimination and entrenched disadvantage. Indirect discrimination occurs where a condition of employment or access to services applies to all people in the same way, but is harder for certain people to comply with for reasons related to a an attribute protected under discrimination law. Indirect discrimination is prohibited under the Discrimination Act but is hard to identify and has become increasingly difficult to prove. Past discrimination can result in entrenched disadvantage so great that those people most in need of protection fall outside the ambit of discrimination law. 'Mainstreaming' equality overcomes many of the flaws associated with the reactive, complaints-led model by placing equality considerations at the centre of all policies and decision-making by duty-bearers. An equality duty based on a mainstreaming model is recommended for the ACT. Part 2: Positive duties throughout Australia and the world A number of jurisdictions have already included or propose to include positive duties in their discrimination legislation. Almost all of the provisions considered create a two-part duty requiring the elimination of discrimination and promotion of equality. Most adopt a similar mainstreaming framework, requiring duty-bearers to develop, implement, report on and commit to ongoing revision of compulsory equality plans or voluntary a~tion plans. Those plans are typically based on consultation with protected groups and analysis of the equality impacts of existing policies. The plans set objectives and establish standards against which progress can be tested. Patterns in enforcement measures have also emerged, revealing a degree of consensus as to how positive duties should be framed, what they should involve and how they should be enforced. Many duties only apply in an employment context but more recent legislation extends further. Slight differences in duties allow the ACT to choose the most successful elements from each: The Canadian and NT Acts expand the requirement to 'accommodate' needs, traditionally used in disability discrimination legislation, to create a more general positive duty. WA imposes a positive duty through policy rather than legislation. Northern Ireland imposes an obligation to promote 'good relations' between particular groups. Welsh legislation imposes a duty on its National Assembly and creates a right to judicial review. South Africa's PEPUDA imposes duties on all its citizens. The UK's GED, OED and RED create separate obligations but a recent review has recommended that they be combined to 'declutter' the law. As the only other jurisdiction in Australia with a bill of rights, Vic toria's proposed Equality Act provides a useful example for the ACT. Part 3: A positive duty for the ACT Discrimination Act The final stage of the report recommends a range of options and a preferred model for a positive duty in the ACT. To be effective and minimise potential administrative burdens, any positive duty added to the Discrimination Act must be suited to the needs, existing institutions and policies of the Territory. Recent amendments to the HRA make it unlawful for public authorities to act 'in a way that is incompatible with human rights '. Public authorities are also required to submit annual reports on measures taken in relation to the HRA, multiculturalism, women, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders. These obligations are similar to those that might be imposed by a positive duty and could be modified and. expanded to cover private entities and form the basis for a duty under the Discrimination Act. Recommendations for the form that duty might take are listed on the following page. Conclusion As the first jurisdiction in Australia to adopt a bill of rights, the ACT has a proud history at the forefront of human rights in this country. Although equality duties are a relatively recent development in discrimination law, their enactment in an increasing number of jurisdictions demonstrates a clear momentum toward the establishment of positive duties as a standard element of discrimination legislation. The ACT is ready to take this next step toward achieving substantive equality within our community; without a positive duty, we risk being left behind and unable to provide the protections necessary to overcome entrenched disadvantage and guarantee equality for all.

The long history of the Mediterranean records striking examples of success and failure of land use models and management practices, which, in the latter case, are a heavy heritage for the soil resource in this basin. At present day, many forms of soil degradation threaten Mediterranean soils as, for instance, salinization, pollution, structural degradation and erosion. There is a geographical pattern of distribution of these forms of soil degradation and soil erosion is first in rank as far as sloping areas are concerned. Corresponding to a very large surface of Mediterranean land, these are especially sensitive areas, where soils are a qualitatively scarce resource. Sloping Mediterranean agri-environments heir a very significant part of cropping systems, crops and products traditional of the basin, vineyards and olive groves being the most relevant ones. Improvements in productivity and economic income of these areas are imperative to reduce population depletion and its impacts on territory sustainability. On the other hand, the long-term cultivated and highly eroded slopes ask for alternative land use models and management options that allow recovery of already much degraded environments. The importance of sloping areas, their land uses and misuses, comes also from their hydrological key role that, in the Mediterranean, has large consequences for water conservation, flood hazard and off-site effects of soil erosion. Soil protection initiatives are needed to cope with the threats to soil resource highlighted above. The thematic strategy for soil protection in Europe clearly sets the topic in high priority at policy level, as the need for soil protection is there stated in specific terms. This new political background encourages defining specifically oriented rationale in view soil protection measures design and implementation. Actually, expertise acquired in the last couple of decades throughout Europe, as part of the European strong research efforts in the topic, shows the high level of specialization necessary to tackle with soil protection issues. The still growing research-borne information has to be converted into technically useful tools for ―real world‖ problem solving. The thematic strategy for soil protection in Europe asks for such a challenge and problems posed on Mediterranean sloping areas are certainly important test-subjects. Foreword T. de Figueiredo & N. Evelpidou vi Figueiredo & Evelpidou As requirements stated in regulations eventually issued from the thematic strategy for soil protection in Europe become more specific, demand is expected to grow for technical staff able to deal with the design and implementation of soil protection measures. This is why and what for SPinSMEDE was designed, planned and organized. SPinSMEDE, acronym for Soil Protection in Sloping Mediterranean Agri- Environments, labels an Erasmus Intensive Programne that first took place in spring 2008, in Portugal, at Escola Superior Agrária of the Instituto Politécnico de Bragança. Intensive Programmes, within the Lifelong Learning Programme, are short duration higher education programmes, fully creditated within the ECTS framework. They stem on a transnational partnership of EU Universities, where students and professors come from, as in an Erasmus mobility scheme. For SPinSMEDE two-week and 6 credits Intensive Programme, the Polytechnic Institute of Bragança, the co-ordinating institution, promoted a partnership including the Wageningen University (The Netherlands), the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens (Greece), the University of Lleida (Spain), and the Unversity of Santiago de Compostela (Spain). The book objectives, target audience and general sequence of subjects, are all the same as those defined for the programme itself. Therefore, it is aimed at providing basic tools to assess soil degradation and to design soil protection initiatives in Mediterranean sloping areas. Rooted in both the EU thematic strategy for soil protection in Europe and the special environmental sensitivity of Mediterranean slopes, it is oriented towards the capacitation in such specific issue of post-graduation students, especially those with background in agricultural, forest or environmental engineering and those from life or earth sciences. The programme comprises two main parts, and this is reflected in the book contents. In order to allow a better insight on the Mediterranean environment, the texts of overview lectures addressed to geography and geology, climate, soils and vegetation are also presented. Background subjects, the first part, addresses soil degradation processes and assessment, soil protection measures design and implementation applying technical and socio-economic criteria. It is intended to provide the base knowledge necessary to better understand subjects treated in the second part. Selected case studies are presented and explored in the second part, and they concern land use typical of Mediterranean slopes, such as vineyards, olive groves, forests or shrubs. Not by chance, the book falls somewhere between the classical text book and the professionally oriented handbook. As so, after a more theorectically developed topic, the reader may find exercises that set the necessary links with ―real world‖ conditions and problems, and that guide in the application of methods to approach it. This book assembles the texts and reading material of most of the lectures and exercises given during the two editions of SPinSMEDE, the 2008, held in Bragança, and the 2009, held in Athens (a third edition is planned for spring 2010, in Santiago de Compostela). It is felt as a still in progress work, because the relevance of this thematic seemingly requires the attention of a wider audience than the one it may reach now, and, in turn, this goal asks for editorial refinements that, for the moment, could not be achieved according to expectations. Editors and contributors deeply wish their work to serve the outstanding and demanding cause of soil resource protection in the Mediterranean sloping agri-environments.

The Pentagon's plan for floating piers and a causeway to surge humanitarian aid into Gaza is drawing fire from military experts for its lack of detail, potential danger to U.S. troops, and risk of mission creep. Bottom line, it's a bit of a head-scratcher."Biden is committing the United States military to conducting a highly complex, very expensive, low-production operation to bring food into the strip — when Biden could massively increase the amount of food into the strip with far less effort or expense: demand that Israel merely open the damn gates and roll the hundreds of trucks awaiting entry right now. Today," exclaimed (Ret.) Lt. Col. Daniel Davis, senior fellow at Defense Priorities, in an exchange with RS."This is an absurd idea, on so many levels," Davis added.The Pentagon said Tuesday that five Army cargo and support ships have left their base at Fort Eustis, Virginia, to assist the building of "roll on-roll off pier capability" just off the Gaza shore in order to begin a mission of injecting "two million meals a day" into the starving strip. The efforts, as announced Friday, will take an estimated 60 days.These massive ships will be able to carry the enormous amount of materials and personnel needed to construct what the Pentagon says will be a floating pier to which aid loaded at Cyprus will be taken. That aid, according to Pentagon spokesman Maj. Gen. Pat Ryder, will then be moved by Navy logistic support vessels to a floating causeway — about 1,800 feet long with two lanes and anchored to the beach of Gaza — that will also be constructed by the U.S. military as part of the mission.Questions remain how the aid will get to the beach (the Pentagon insists it won't be via U.S. military) and to actual Gazans, given the intense Israeli security there, and ongoing shelling, bombings, and other combat activity inside the strip. As to the delivery and security questions, Ryder said in his Friday briefing that "we're continuing to plan and coordinate with partners in the region."Much of the criticism about this plan points out that there there has been plenty of aid waiting at the borders already, but Israeli inspections and the lack of security — including incidents where Israel has been accused of attacking aid workers and Palestinians forming up for aid — has prevented critical deliveries.According to reports Friday a new inspection process will supposedly take place in Cyprus, the starting point of a new maritime corridor just established by the U.S., United Arab Emirates, and European countries. This may have all been Bibi Netanyahu's idea (reportedly, based on a single source), but there has been no official confirmation from Israel that it has agreed to allow aid into Gaza from the beach. Furthermore, this U.S. effort is expected to involve "more than 1,000 U.S. forces" — quite a fungible number — between the Army and Navy. Michael DiMino, a former career CIA military analyst and counterterrorism officer who is now a program manager at Defense Priorities, notes that Ryder did not have much to say Friday when asked about the potential vulnerability of troops, and how much role they might play in staging aid operations."It is a non-trivial concern that troops may come under attack," by militants, particularly Hamas, DiMino said. "That is shocking to me that there is no real explanation about what the contingency plans are. How are we going to respond if our troops or government personnel come under attack?"The hackles were raised when Ryder was asked two key questions in the DoD briefing room. One, if the U.S. has received assurances from Israel that it will not fire on Palestinians seeking to retrieve the aid, and the second, whether there is concern that U.S. troops could be fired upon by Hamas.On the first, Ryder said, "look our focus is on delivering the aid, I'm not going to speak for the Israelis." On the second, he said, "that's certainly a risk, again if Hamas truly does care about the Palestinian people then one would hope that this international mission would be able to happen unhindered." DiMino says his "Spidey senses are tingling," as there is "no such thing as zero risk." "I think the biggest potential problem is mission creep," he said, noting we have no guarantee that this won't go from "one pier to two piers, to beach head, to forward operating base — in for a penny, in for a pound."Ultimately, DiMino said, "you'll now have a fixed U.S. presence in the warzone, in what is probably the most unstable place in the world right now."He said the lack of detail from the Pentagon (Ryder said Tuesday that, for operational security reasons, they would not say exactly where the construction would take place) on the size, scope, and manpower, and most importantly, what the beach operation would look like and who would secure deliveries there, is raising serious questions.The Wall Street Journal published an article Sunday that suggested that the administration was in talks with private contractors specializing in humanitarian aid missions in conflict zones. The one named is Fog Bow, which is run almost entirely by former U.S. military and intelligence officers, including Mick Mulroy, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Middle East under Trump, U.S. Marine, and 20-year veteran of the CIA. The administration has not yet entered into any formal arrangements, according to the paper.Fog Bow has quite a bit of cross pollination with the Lobo Institute, a consulting firm which also counts former military and intelligence officials, along with diplomats and humanitarian experts, among its expert ranks. The institute says it advises on current wars and "how to end conflicts and prevent their recurrence, and how to help those most affected," but it also provides tactical training "to prepare intelligence and special operations units for both current and future irregular warfare operations."Using private contractors to deliver the aid from causeway to beach and beyond could be a gambit to put a "non-military face" on these military operations, as (Ret.) Col. Doug Macgregor points out to RS, and there are plenty of former Special Operations forces ready to earn a paycheck. It was also suggested in the WSJ article that Fog Bow has already offered to begin delivering aid by sea before the pier is built and to start dredging a corridor on a "private beachfront" to allow barges to land close to shore.The WSJ also confirmed that the Qatari government has already offered $60 million for Fog Bow's efforts. This begs the question of how much this has already been spelled out and greenlighted, in addition to the ultimate cost to U.S. taxpayers. That angle has yet to be revealed, but considering the heavy lift of ships, materiel, fuel and labor, this is going to run into the hundreds of millions, at least, say experts.Lt. Col. Davis said he is incensed with what he said is a needless burden and potential risks. "Instead of using the powerful leverage we have — plane-loads of military kit and ammunition daily to Israel and diplomatic resources at the UN Security Council — Biden is leaving all the tools unused and is instead allowing (Israeli prime minister Benjamin) Netanyahu to fully run the show, and Biden is spending millions of American dollars and diverting U.S. military assets to do what Netanyahu could do for free.""It is shameful at every level," he added. "There's nothing good for the U.S. in this, and it won't even do much to alleviate the suffering of the Palestinians."

The leaders of the world's largest economies will gather this weekend in New Delhi, India, for the G20 summit. The meeting comes at a complex time for the grouping, which is one of the rare venues where Russian, Chinese, American and European leaders have to rub shoulders each year.India no doubt hopes to boost its profile as a Global South leader by focusing on issues like climate change and global food prices, but this year's summit risks being paralyzed by Russia's war in Ukraine, arguments over which prevented the grouping from agreeing on a joint communique at its 2022 meeting.Further complicating the summit is the fact that Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping are not planning to attend. Xi's snub has drawn particular attention given increasing tensions between the U.S. and China, which got a rare respite last year when the Chinese leader held a three-hour meeting with U.S. President Joe Biden.Few analysts are better positioned to break down these dynamics than Kishore Mahbubani, Singapore's former ambassador to the United Nations and a distinguished fellow at the Asia Research Institute. After a 30-year career in diplomacy, Mahbubani has emerged as a leading commentator on international affairs with a special focus on Asia and the Global South.RS caught up with Mahbubani over email to get his take on the summit and the shifting geopolitical landscape that will frame it. The following conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.RS: What is India hoping to get from the G20 Summit? How does it factor into Prime Minister Narendra Modi's vision for India's role in the world?Mahbubani: The G20 summit is a big deal for PM Modi and his government. He has both domestic and international goals to achieve at this meeting. Domestically, a successful G20 will raise the stature of his government and himself in the build-up to the national elections in 2024. Internationally, PM Modi would like to position India as an emerging world leader. Hence, he will work hard to enhance the voice of the Global South in the G20 summit in India. He will push hard to get the African Union represented as a member.RS: Notably, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin have both chosen to forgo this year's event. How will their absence affect the meetings?Mahbubani: Putin's absence is not surprising. He also missed the G20 summit in Bali last year. He is preoccupied with the war in Ukraine. He may also be shunned by other leaders. Hence, it is wise for Putin not to attend. However, if Xi Jinping decides not to participate, it will sadly diminish the significance of the G20 Summit. The most important bilateral relationship in the world is between the U.S. and China. Just before the G20 summit in Bali in November 2022, [Indonesian] President Jokowi invited me to breakfast to discuss the agenda. I told him that the world would thank him if he organized a good meeting between President Joe Biden and President Xi Jinping. He responded to me by saying, "Please don't worry. I've given them the nicest room in Bali for the meeting." This worked. Biden and Xi had a good meeting. The world breathed a sigh of relief. There will not be a similar sigh of relief after the G20 summit in New Delhi.Please let me add here that it is possible that President Xi may have decided not to attend this meeting in New Delhi as he will have another opportunity to meet President Biden in the U.S. for the APEC Summit in November.RS: Biden will be in attendance in New Delhi. Do you have a sense of what the United States is hoping to get from the summit?Mahbubani: The U.S. is courting India ferociously. Paradoxically, the best comparison to make of this courtship is with the ferocious courtship of China by the U.S. to counterbalance the Soviet Union in the 1970s. Today, to counterbalance China, the U.S. is courting India. This is why President Biden is attending the G20 summit in India and skipping the East Asia Summit in Indonesia. Realistically, the U.S. does not expect to get much from the G20 Summit in India. The most successful G20 summit ever was the 2009 meeting in London, when the G20 came together to rescue the U.S. and other Western economies during the global financial crisis. Today, the U.S. economy is doing relatively well. Hence, the U.S. expects little from the G20 summit in New Delhi. Little of substance will emerge from the summit. It may well prove to be, like many G7 meetings, a photo opportunity for the leaders attending it.RS: Do you expect the war in Ukraine to dominate conversation as it has in other international forums? Are you concerned that it will pull attention away from other global issues, like climate change and the ongoing food crisis?Mahbubani: There will be a continuing tension between the leaders of the Global South and the G7 leaders attending the G20 meeting. The Global South would like to focus on their preoccupations, like their ongoing development challenges, including the food crisis. They would also like the G7 leaders to fulfill their commitments to help the Global South fight climate change. By contrast, the G7 leaders would want to focus on the war on Ukraine and try to get a strong statement condemning Russia at the meeting. There will be no meeting of minds between the Global South and G7 leaders. At best, one can expect a compromise which tries to fudge the big differences between the two sides.In many ways, it is fortunate that India is hosting the G20 summit this year. The only major country that enjoys a high level of trust from both the Global South and G7 countries is India. Only India can pull off a compromise solution between the two sides. If India fails, it will show that the gap between the two sides is too big to be bridged. The world will remain divided.RS: The event comes less than a month after BRICS held a much-remarked summit in South Africa, where the group formally invited Saudi Arabia, Iran, the UAE, Ethiopia, Argentina and Egypt to join. BRICS and the G7 each now have seven members of the G20. Do you expect these groups to act as competing blocs in the summit? How does the rise of BRICS change the G20's dynamics?
Mahbubani: Over the past 20 years, the global media, especially the Western media, has paid far more attention to G7 events than to BRICS events. This reflects a major error of judgment. The G7 is a sunset organization. BRICS is a sunrise organization. In 1990, in PPP terms, the combined Gross National Product (GNP) of G7 was more than double that of the BRICS countries. Today, it is less. Equally significantly, 40 countries have applied to join BRICS. There is no similar rush of applications to join the G7. In my book, The Asian 21st Century (which is an open access book), I describe how the world is psychologically preparing for the Asian century. The 88 percent of the world's population who live outside the West understand this reality. The 12 percent who live in the West don't understand this.If the West wishes to pursue a wiser course of action, it should use the forthcoming G20 summit in New Delhi to build new bridges with the Global South. It should also learn to share power by allowing, for example, Global South representatives to run organizations like the IMF and World Bank. Sadly, the West is unlikely to do this. Hence, it will waste the valuable opportunity provided by the G20 summit meeting in New Delhi to build new bridges to the Global South.

Over the years, world leaders have continued to troubleshoot approaches to combating hunger. Although the increasing hunger appears to be affecting countries in different continents of the world, African countries and part Asia appear to be most hit. This study examines the nexus between literary journalism and combating the global hunger crisis with specific attention to Nigeria. Specifically, the study examined the extent literary journalism can be deployed to combat hunger, the techniques to deploy in using literary journalism to drive government policies on food sufficiency and encourage public participation in agriculture. Literary journalism, though an emerging field, has the potential of promoting agricultural activities and policies that will lead to eventual food security. Literary journalism presents an opportunity through which agriculture can be developed and food security enhanced. Understanding the approaches and techniques of literary journalism for combating global food crisis is a significant contribution to literature in the following ways: First, it will provide newer insights into the role of literary journalism in agricultural development and food security. In the second place, this study contributes to literature by opening a new vista in the study of literary journalism. The International Food Policy Research Institute in collaboration with the Food and Agriculture Organization in its Global Hunger Index grouped Nigeria among countries with a high level of hunger threat, with an index of 25.5 which was categorized as serious hunger threat. Based on the concept of 'breakable rules' by Mark Kramer, the following characteristics of literary journalism stand out: immersion in the story worlds; developing implicit rules (covenants) on accuracy and sincerity; description mainly about everyday, routine events; development of meaning, based on a consistent reaction of readers. This study raises the following researcher questions: To what extent can literary journalism promote food security? What literary journalism techniques can be used to encourage participation in agriculture? What literary journalism techniques can be used to drive government policies and programs in agriculture? A total of 30 respondents provided narratives on the nexus between literary journalism and food sufficiency. A structured interview guide was used as the instrument for data collection while thematic analysis guide was used to analyze the result of study. The result of the semi-structured interview revealed that literary journalism can aid in combating food crisis globally and in Nigeria in particular to a large extent. It was also found that the techniques to be used for combating food crisis include scene-by scene, infotainment, dialogue, subjectivity and accuracy. During the interview sessions, it was discovered that the respondents reported that literary journalism has not been given its pride of place in Nigeria, unlike other parts of the world like the United States of America where it has been in practice since the 1960s.These results were examined with the framework of ACADA model. The model stands for Assessment, Communication, Analysis Design and Action. The model was developed by the United Nations for International Children Emergency Fund. The implications of these results on food sufficiency and the expansion of literature on literary journalism were also discussed. ; В течение многих лет мировые лидеры продолжают решать вопросы борьбы с голодом. Хотя растущий голод влияет на страны разных континентов мира, африканские страны и часть Азии, кажется, наиболее поражены этой проблемой. Это исследование рассматривает взаимосвязь между литературной публицистикой и борьбой с глобальным продовольственным кризисом, с фокусом на Нигерии. В частности, в исследовании рассмотрены степень развертывания литературной публицистики для борьбы с голодом, техники ее развертывания с целью стимулирования государственной политики для достаточного обеспечения продовольствием и поощрения общественного участия в сельском хозяйстве. Несмотря на то, что литературная публицистика является новым жанром коммуникаций в Нигерии, она имеет потенциал содействия сельскохозяйственной деятельности и государственной политике по обеспечению продовольственной безопасности. Понимание подходов и методов литературной публицистики для борьбы с глобальным продовольственным кризисом, во-первых, предоставляет новейшие представления о роли публицистики в развитии сельского хозяйства и продовольственной безопасности; во-вторых, способствует развитию и самого этого жанра, открывая новые перспективы его изучения. Международный научно-исследовательский институт продовольственной политики в сотрудничестве с Продовольственной и сельскохозяйственной организацией в своем Глобальном индексе голода отнес Нигерию к странам с высоким уровнем угрозы голода, с индексом 25,5 (серьезная угроза голода). Основываясь на концепте «возбуждаемых правил» Марка Крамера, авторы выделяют такие характеристики литературной публицистики: погружение в мир историй; разработка неявных правил (заветов) по точности и искренности; описание главным образом повседневных, рутинных событий; развитие смысла, основанного на последовательной реакции читателей. В этом исследовании возникают следующие эвристические вопросы: насколько литературная публицистика может способствовать продовольственной безопасности? Методы литературной публицистики можно использовать для поощрения участия в сельском хозяйстве? Методы литературной публицистики можно использовать для управления политикой и программами правительства в сельском хозяйстве? Всего 30 респондентов предоставили рассказы (нарративы) о связи между литературной публицистикой и продовольственной достаточностью. В качестве инструмента для сбора данных использовалось структурированное интервью, а для обработки результатов исследования использовался тематический анализ. Результаты полуструктурированного интервью показали, что литературная публицистика может помогать в борьбе с продовольственным кризисом во всем мире и в Нигерии. Также было обнаружено, что методы, которые используются для борьбы с продовольственным кризисом, включают: сцену за сценой, инфотейнмент (комбинация информации и развлечений), диалог, субъективность и точность. Во время интервью было выявлено, что литературная публицистика не получила должного места в Нигерии, в отличие от других стран, например, Соединенных Штатов Америки, где она практикуется с 1960-х годов. Эти результаты исследовались в рамках модели ACADA (оценка, коммуникация, анализ, дизайн, действия). Модель была разработана Организацией Объединенных Наций для Международного фонда чрезвычайных ситуаций для детей. Обсуждались также возможности влияния полученных результатов на достаточное обеспечение продуктами питания и расширение ареала действия литературной публицистики. ; Протягом багатьох років світові лідери продовжують розв'язувати питання боротьби з голодом. Хоча зростаючий голод впливає на країни різних континентів світу, африканські країни і частина Азії, здається, найбільше вражені цією проблемою. Це дослідження розглядає взаємозв'язок між літературною публіцистикою та боротьбою з глобальною продовольчою кризою, з фокусом на Нігерії. Зокрема, в дослідженні розглянуто ступінь розгортання літературної публіцистики для боротьби з голодом, техніки її розгортання з метою стимулювання державної політики щодо достатнього забезпечення продовольством та заохочення громадської участі в сільському господарстві. Попри те, що літературна публіцистика є новим жанром комунікацій в Нігерії, вона має потенціал сприяння сільськогосподарській діяльності та державній політиці із забезпечення продовольчої безпеки. Розуміння підходів і методів літературної публіцистики для боротьби з глобальною продовольчою кризою, по-перше, надає найновіші уявлення про роль публіцистики в розвитку сільського господарства та продовольчої безпеки; по-друге, сприяє розвитку і самого цього жанру, відкриваючи нові перспективи його вивчення. Міжнародний науково-дослідний інститут продовольчої політики у співпраці з Продовольчою та сільськогосподарською організацією у своєму Глобальному індексі голоду відніс Нігерію до країн з високим рівнем загрози голоду, з індексом 25,5 (серйозна загроза голоду). Базуючись на концепті «порушуваних правил» Марка Крамера, автори виділяють такі характеристики літературної публіцистики: занурення в світ історій; розробка неявних правил (завітів) щодо точності та щирості; опис головним чином повсякденних, рутинних подій; розвиток сенсу, заснованого на послідовній реакції читачів. У цьому дослідженні виникають наступні евристичні запитання: наскільки літературна публіцистика може сприяти продовольчій безпеці? Які методи літературної публіцистики можна використовувати для заохочення участі в сільському господарстві? Які методи літературної публіцистики можна використовувати для управління політикою та програмами уряду в сільському господарстві? Загалом 30 респондентів надали розповіді (наративи) про зв'язок між літературною публіцистикою та продовольчою достатністю. Як інструмент для збору даних використовувалось структуроване інтерв'ю, а для опрацювання результатів дослідження використовувався тематичний аналіз. Результат напівструктурованого інтерв'ю показав, що літературна публіцистика може допомагати у боротьбі з продовольчою кризою в усьому світі і в Нігерії. Також було виявлено, що методи, які використовуються для боротьби з продовольчою кризою, включають: сцену за сценою, інфотейнмент (комбінація інформації та розваг), діалог, суб'єктивність і точність. Під час інтерв'ю було виявлено, що літературна публіцистика не отримала належного місця в Нігерії, на відміну від інших країн, наприклад, Сполучених Штатів Америки, де вона практикується з 1960-х років. Ці результати досліджувалися в рамках моделі ACADA (оцінка, комунікація, аналіз, дизайн, дії). Модель була розроблена Організацією Об'єднаних Націй для Міжнародного фонду надзвичайних ситуацій для дітей. Обговорювалися також можливості впливу отриманих результатів на достатнє забезпечення продуктами харчування та розширення ареалу дії літературної публіцистики.

Over the years, world leaders have continued to troubleshoot approaches to combating hunger. Although the increasing hunger appears to be affecting countries in different continents of the world, African countries and part Asia appear to be most hit. This study examines the nexus between literary journalism and combating the global hunger crisis with specific attention to Nigeria. Specifically, the study examined the extent literary journalism can be deployed to combat hunger, the techniques to deploy in using literary journalism to drive government policies on food sufficiency and encourage public participation in agriculture. Literary journalism, though an emerging field, has the potential of promoting agricultural activities and policies that will lead to eventual food security. Literary journalism presents an opportunity through which agriculture can be developed and food security enhanced. Understanding the approaches and techniques of literary journalism for combating global food crisis is a significant contribution to literature in the following ways: First, it will provide newer insights into the role of literary journalism in agricultural development and food security. In the second place, this study contributes to literature by opening a new vista in the study of literary journalism. The International Food Policy Research Institute in collaboration with the Food and Agriculture Organization in its Global Hunger Index grouped Nigeria among countries with a high level of hunger threat, with an index of 25.5 which was categorized as serious hunger threat. Based on the concept of 'breakable rules' by Mark Kramer, the following characteristics of literary journalism stand out: immersion in the story worlds; developing implicit rules (covenants) on accuracy and sincerity; description mainly about everyday, routine events; development of meaning, based on a consistent reaction of readers. This study raises the following researcher questions: To what extent can literary journalism promote food security? What literary journalism techniques can be used to encourage participation in agriculture? What literary journalism techniques can be used to drive government policies and programs in agriculture? A total of 30 respondents provided narratives on the nexus between literary journalism and food sufficiency. A structured interview guide was used as the instrument for data collection while thematic analysis guide was used to analyze the result of study. The result of the semi-structured interview revealed that literary journalism can aid in combating food crisis globally and in Nigeria in particular to a large extent. It was also found that the techniques to be used for combating food crisis include scene-by scene, infotainment, dialogue, subjectivity and accuracy. During the interview sessions, it was discovered that the respondents reported that literary journalism has not been given its pride of place in Nigeria, unlike other parts of the world like the United States of America where it has been in practice since the 1960s.These results were examined with the framework of ACADA model. The model stands for Assessment, Communication, Analysis Design and Action. The model was developed by the United Nations for International Children Emergency Fund. The implications of these results on food sufficiency and the expansion of literature on literary journalism were also discussed. ; В течение многих лет мировые лидеры продолжают решать вопросы борьбы с голодом. Хотя растущий голод влияет на страны разных континентов мира, африканские страны и часть Азии, кажется, наиболее поражены этой проблемой. Это исследование рассматривает взаимосвязь между литературной публицистикой и борьбой с глобальным продовольственным кризисом, с фокусом на Нигерии. В частности, в исследовании рассмотрены степень развертывания литературной публицистики для борьбы с голодом, техники ее развертывания с целью стимулирования государственной политики для достаточного обеспечения продовольствием и поощрения общественного участия в сельском хозяйстве. Несмотря на то, что литературная публицистика является новым жанром коммуникаций в Нигерии, она имеет потенциал содействия сельскохозяйственной деятельности и государственной политике по обеспечению продовольственной безопасности. Понимание подходов и методов литературной публицистики для борьбы с глобальным продовольственным кризисом, во-первых, предоставляет новейшие представления о роли публицистики в развитии сельского хозяйства и продовольственной безопасности; во-вторых, способствует развитию и самого этого жанра, открывая новые перспективы его изучения. Международный научно-исследовательский институт продовольственной политики в сотрудничестве с Продовольственной и сельскохозяйственной организацией в своем Глобальном индексе голода отнес Нигерию к странам с высоким уровнем угрозы голода, с индексом 25,5 (серьезная угроза голода). Основываясь на концепте «возбуждаемых правил» Марка Крамера, авторы выделяют такие характеристики литературной публицистики: погружение в мир историй; разработка неявных правил (заветов) по точности и искренности; описание главным образом повседневных, рутинных событий; развитие смысла, основанного на последовательной реакции читателей. В этом исследовании возникают следующие эвристические вопросы: насколько литературная публицистика может способствовать продовольственной безопасности? Методы литературной публицистики можно использовать для поощрения участия в сельском хозяйстве? Методы литературной публицистики можно использовать для управления политикой и программами правительства в сельском хозяйстве? Всего 30 респондентов предоставили рассказы (нарративы) о связи между литературной публицистикой и продовольственной достаточностью. В качестве инструмента для сбора данных использовалось структурированное интервью, а для обработки результатов исследования использовался тематический анализ. Результаты полуструктурированного интервью показали, что литературная публицистика может помогать в борьбе с продовольственным кризисом во всем мире и в Нигерии. Также было обнаружено, что методы, которые используются для борьбы с продовольственным кризисом, включают: сцену за сценой, инфотейнмент (комбинация информации и развлечений), диалог, субъективность и точность. Во время интервью было выявлено, что литературная публицистика не получила должного места в Нигерии, в отличие от других стран, например, Соединенных Штатов Америки, где она практикуется с 1960-х годов. Эти результаты исследовались в рамках модели ACADA (оценка, коммуникация, анализ, дизайн, действия). Модель была разработана Организацией Объединенных Наций для Международного фонда чрезвычайных ситуаций для детей. Обсуждались также возможности влияния полученных результатов на достаточное обеспечение продуктами питания и расширение ареала действия литературной публицистики. ; Протягом багатьох років світові лідери продовжують розв'язувати питання боротьби з голодом. Хоча зростаючий голод впливає на країни різних континентів світу, африканські країни і частина Азії, здається, найбільше вражені цією проблемою. Це дослідження розглядає взаємозв'язок між літературною публіцистикою та боротьбою з глобальною продовольчою кризою, з фокусом на Нігерії. Зокрема, в дослідженні розглянуто ступінь розгортання літературної публіцистики для боротьби з голодом, техніки її розгортання з метою стимулювання державної політики щодо достатнього забезпечення продовольством та заохочення громадської участі в сільському господарстві. Попри те, що літературна публіцистика є новим жанром комунікацій в Нігерії, вона має потенціал сприяння сільськогосподарській діяльності та державній політиці із забезпечення продовольчої безпеки. Розуміння підходів і методів літературної публіцистики для боротьби з глобальною продовольчою кризою, по-перше, надає найновіші уявлення про роль публіцистики в розвитку сільського господарства та продовольчої безпеки; по-друге, сприяє розвитку і самого цього жанру, відкриваючи нові перспективи його вивчення. Міжнародний науково-дослідний інститут продовольчої політики у співпраці з Продовольчою та сільськогосподарською організацією у своєму Глобальному індексі голоду відніс Нігерію до країн з високим рівнем загрози голоду, з індексом 25,5 (серйозна загроза голоду). Базуючись на концепті «порушуваних правил» Марка Крамера, автори виділяють такі характеристики літературної публіцистики: занурення в світ історій; розробка неявних правил (завітів) щодо точності та щирості; опис головним чином повсякденних, рутинних подій; розвиток сенсу, заснованого на послідовній реакції читачів. У цьому дослідженні виникають наступні евристичні запитання: наскільки літературна публіцистика може сприяти продовольчій безпеці? Які методи літературної публіцистики можна використовувати для заохочення участі в сільському господарстві? Які методи літературної публіцистики можна використовувати для управління політикою та програмами уряду в сільському господарстві? Загалом 30 респондентів надали розповіді (наративи) про зв'язок між літературною публіцистикою та продовольчою достатністю. Як інструмент для збору даних використовувалось структуроване інтерв'ю, а для опрацювання результатів дослідження використовувався тематичний аналіз. Результат напівструктурованого інтерв'ю показав, що літературна публіцистика може допомагати у боротьбі з продовольчою кризою в усьому світі і в Нігерії. Також було виявлено, що методи, які використовуються для боротьби з продовольчою кризою, включають: сцену за сценою, інфотейнмент (комбінація інформації та розваг), діалог, суб'єктивність і точність. Під час інтерв'ю було виявлено, що літературна публіцистика не отримала належного місця в Нігерії, на відміну від інших країн, наприклад, Сполучених Штатів Америки, де вона практикується з 1960-х років. Ці результати досліджувалися в рамках моделі ACADA (оцінка, комунікація, аналіз, дизайн, дії). Модель була розроблена Організацією Об'єднаних Націй для Міжнародного фонду надзвичайних ситуацій для дітей. Обговорювалися також можливості впливу отриманих результатів на достатнє забезпечення продуктами харчування та розширення ареалу дії літературної публіцистики.

Machine generated contents note: -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Arab Awakening -- 3. The Historical and Political Context -- 4. Social Structures and Social Development -- 5. Political Economy -- 6. Institutions, Parties and Elections -- 7. Religion and Politics -- 8. Civil Society and Political Change -- 9. Gender and Politics -- 10. The Military, Security and Conflict -- 11. The Middle East and the Wider World -- 12. After the Awakening

Die spannend erzählte, reich illustrierte Geschichte der napoleonischen Befreiungskriege reicht vom Aufstieg Napoleons bis zu den Karlsbader Beschlüssen von 1819. (2)

Illuminating the class issues that shaped the racial uplift movement, Touré Reed explores the ideology and policies of the Urban League's activities in New York and Chicago during the first half of the twentieth century. Reed argues that racial uplift in the Urban League reflected many of the class biases pervading contemporaneous social reform movements, resulting in an emphasis on behavioral, rather than structural, remedies to the disadvantages faced by Afro-Americans. Reed traces the Urban League's ideology to the famed Chicago School of Sociology. The Chicago School offered Leaguers power