Suchergebnisse

The U.S. relations to Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People's Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved gov­ernmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region.

The U.S. relations to Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People's Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved gov­ernmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region.

This research aimed to develop a Physical Education, Sports, and Health (PJOK) learning in the form of public policy intervention through the determination of physical fitness as an element of school accreditation assessment at schools in Kabupaten Aceh Besar. This qualitative research made use of a natural approach. The subject of this study was the stakeholders at the district of Aceh Besar. The data were drawn using the purposive and snowball technique completed with the triangulation method focusing on emic perspective. Meanwhile, the data were analyzed qualitatively. The result of this study shows that the PJOK learning at schools in Kabupaten Aceh Besar had been running properly. Nevertheless, theories presentation dominated classes sessions compared to practices. Viewed from the quality and quantity, the PJOK teacher as the main human resources was considered fulfilling the standard. Nevertheless, after being reviewed within the existing bureaucratic structure there was no area which was responsible for the sports development at school. The financing for PJOK teaching-learning processes from the APBK budget had not been specifically allocated according to its needs. According to the standard, the number of facilities was still very limited. The research subject as a whole hoped that there was serious attention from the regional government to the PJOK teaching-learning processes by issuing specific policy concerning this matter. In conclusion, all subjects of this study stated their agreement if the government issues a public policy by determining physical fitness as one of the assessment elements of school accreditation at the education unit in Kabupaten Aceh Besar. In order to implement the policy, it is necessary for the district council (DPRK) of Kabupaten Aceh Besar to issue a legal foundation in the form of district regulation (Qanun).

The foreign policy of the United States of America toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), commonly known as North Korea, has an important role in maintaining the peace, stability, and security of Eastern Asia. From the partition of the Korean peninsula following World War II to the country's development of nuclear weapons, the foreign policy of the U.S. had to evolve based on the circumstances in North Korea. The United States, along with China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea, have key roles surrounding the discussions with North Korea. The thesis focuses solely on the presidential administrations of Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard Nixon, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama; these men had the greatest impact on U.S. foreign policy with North Korea. The thesis takes a qualitative approach of research by using primarily government documents, historical records from presidential administrations, articles from foreign policy journals, and books by foreign policy experts. Throughout the research, two common themes of U.S. relations toward North Korea emerge, uncertainty and defiance. North Korea's secretive regime makes it difficult for U.S. presidential administrations to determine the intentions of North Korea's actions. Furthermore, the uncertainty often leads to defiant and aggressive actions by North Korea. From the USS Pueblo crisis to the bombing of Yeonpyeong Island, presidential administrations had to walk a fine line of responding with aggression, negotiations, or appeasement. The thesis examines not only the options and implementations of each presidential administration, but also looks toward possible solutions for maintaining peace and stability in Eastern Asia by improving relations with North Korea. ; 2011-05-01 ; B.A. ; Sciences, Department of Political Science ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

The article provides an analysis of the USA policy with regard to the DPRK under President Joe Biden administration. The issues related to transformation of American approaches are examined against the background of the President Trump failure to reach a Grand Bargain with Kim Chong Un on the nuclear problem. The peculiarity of the situation on the Korean Peninsula is that over the past quarter of century a variety of avenues and modalities have been explored and applied by the United States and other parties concerned to approach the resolution of nuclear problem. However, all of those attempts have proved to be unsuccessful so far. Although the Biden administration rolled out its North Korea policy review still in April 2021, the White House has yet to chart its clearly articulated strategy aimed at breaking the current crisis around nuclear issue. While distancing itself from the previous course for achieving final and comprehensive resolution of the nuclear problem, nowadays Washington is aiming at addressing more limited but practical goals related to ensuring the security concerns of both the United States and its Asian allies like Japan and South Korea. Particular attention is given to the new concepts of "arms control" and "risk management" in tackling nuclear issue which are gaining some popularity and have been broadly discussed by American academic community. The author argues that any move to accept directly or indirectly North Korea's nuclear status and deal with it as nuclear power may have profound and negative impact on security situation on the Korean Peninsula and North East Asia as a whole. The only acceptable goal is to achieve nuclear disarmament of North Korea with proper verification measures although move forward towards that goal would require time and energy.

The article examines those factors that allowed the Kim family regime to stay in power in extremely unfavorable environment. In political science literature, it is generally accepted that an authoritarian regime faces three major threats: an elite conspiracy/coup, a mass protest, a foreign invasion. The article demonstrates that in the case of the DPRK, which is a much poorer part of a divided country, the potential threat of mass popular protests might be higher than in many other authoritarian regimes. However, the autocrat and his entourage successfully counter this threat by exercising an unusually thorough policy of informational self-isolation, further reinforced by strict administrative control and police surveillance. On the other hand, the ever present threat of Seoul-led "unification-by-absorption" strengthens the elites' unity and reduces the likelihood of conspiracies. This is important since elite conspiracies and coups have constituted the major danger for post-1945 autocracies. North Korean elites understand that even a successful coup can eventually provoke the outbreak of popular discontent, followed by the collapse of North Korean statehood and German-style unification under Seoul's control. Under this scenario, conspiracy's winners and losers will perish alike, with all members of the current elite having little chance to retain their power and privileges. Hence, the elite has reasons not to "rock the boat." Finally, the threat of a foreign invasion (or foreign intervention into a domestic crisis) is successfully neutralized by the existence of a nuclear deterrent. Since the North Korean faces a grave existential threat which is created by the existence of the South, it is ready to sacrifice the economic development for the sake of political stability. Hence, the elite is willing to invest large resources into military programs and overlook the difficulties the self-isolation and other survival-oriented policies create for the economic development of the country.

The main purpose of my considerations will be to present the most important determinants and relationships that characterize China-North Korea relations during the presidency of Xi Jinping. Based on the available literature on the subject, I would like to try to answer the question whether the relations of the two entities should be considered as rough friendship or long-term partnership. In addition, I intend to state whether mutual ties should be expected in the future.At the beginning I will describe the relations between China and North Korea during the Cold War, when both countries fought in the Korean conflict against the United States and the United Nations. In addition, it would be appropriate to look at the relations of both entities from 1955 to the fall of the USSR, when the North Korean dictator, Kim Il-sung, as part of his doctrine of independence (Juche) balanced in foreign policy between China and the Soviet Union. Post-Cold War times and Beijing's relationship with Pyongyang will also be of interest to me until 2013, when the North Korean nuclear program became an increasingly contentious issue. In the rest of the work, it will be important to describe the relationship of both countries since Xi Jinping took power in China and Kim Jong Un in North Korea. At that time, despite official declarations of cooperation, relations between the two countries remained cool. It was only the direct negotiations between North Korea and the United States since 2018 that increased its importance in Chinese policy, as evidenced by the visit of the to Pyongyang discussed in the text in June 2019. In the article I intend to raise economic contacts between both entities.In summary, I am trying to answer the question of how relations between China and North Korea will develop in the future. I intend to assess whether the growing role of the DPRK in an international configuration it can contribute to wider, strategic ties with Beijing.

International sanctions, political instruments at the service of states and international organisations, enjoy currently high significance in international practice. They have been used in large cases and in different forms against sanctioned subjects like North Korea. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) is target of one of the most extensive, severe and enduring sanctions ever imposed on a State since the end of World War II. They are primarily carried by a western policy of active pursue of nuclear weapons and WMD proliferation, or "counter-proliferation" policy. However, they face serious problems of justifiability which will be dealt here without losing sight of the broad political conflict linked to them. It is a critical appraisal of the occidentalist perspective with some remarks on the role of UN sanctions in the North Korean-American nuclear conflict. ; Las sanciones internacionales, instrumentos políticos al servicio de los Estados y organizaciones internacionales como la ONU, están gozando actualmente de gran coyuntura en la práctica internacional. Han sido empleadas en numerosas ocasiones y en diversas formas contra los sancionados, como en el caso norcoreano. La República Popular Democrática de Corea (RPDC) es objeto de unas de las sanciones internacionales más extensas, duras y duraderas que se hayan impuesto a un Estado desde el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ellas obedecen en primer orden a la política occidental de persecución enérgica de la proliferación de armas nucleares y armas de destrucción masiva, o política de "contra-proliferación". Sin embargo, ellas también enfrentan serios problemas de efectividad, legalidad y legitimidad, que han de ser tratados aquí teniendo presente el amplio conflicto político vinculado necesariamente a ellas. Se trata de un estudio crítico con anotaciones sobre el rol de las sanciones de la ONU en el conflicto nuclear norcoreano-estadounidense

Introduction. Socio-philosophical studies of the patterns of conflict being in modern discourse need to be clarified from the point of ontology. The analysis of the conflict specifics of a closed society in an ideological perspective allows us to discover the ontological foundations of self-conflict. In order to empirically reinforce conflict research, the relationship of conflict and ideology should be considered on the basis of specific cases. North Korean sociocultural realities are among the most visible forms of a closed society in modern discourse and provide ample opportunity to comprehend the conflicting reality modeled by ideological tools of influencing the mass consciousness.Methodology and sources. Methodologically, the work is based on social and philosophical reflection based on direct observations in North Korea during a visit to Pyongyang in the autumn of 2016 and a content analysis of Russian literature acquired in North Korea (works by Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il, fundamental scientific works by North Korean scientists and periodicals of an ideological nature).Results and discussion. Ideology is understood as a variety of views and ideas transmitted to the subject with the goal of reorienting or keeping his perception in a certain mode of sociocultural reality. The subject's ideological programming in modern discourse claims to be a leader in the field of modeling sociocultural life in general and, in particular, the "conflict reality" cluster. The author analyzes the ideological foundations of North Korean conflict reality, laid down by the founder of the state, Kim Il Sung, and continued by his heir Kim Jong Il in the militarized Songun doctrine.Conclusion. On the base of study of the ideological aspects of conflict reality in the DPRK, it can be concluded that in a closed society, the ontological boundary between the real and the apparent in everyday life is eliminated. At the same time, a closed society with a paramilitary ideology meets the criteria for a successful development for a third world country, as embodied in globalist dogma.

The North Korean nuclear missile crisis came in 2017 as a result of DPRK improving their missile capabilities. The crisis exacerbated the tension in the relationship between the US and North Korea. Both sides now openly declare that they are ready to use nuclear weapons. The purpose of this article is to conduct a comprehensive study of possible US strategies of tackling North Korean nuclear crisis and to identify the most probable option. The research is based primarily on statistical data as well as on the analysis of the official US political discourse. In the course of this study, we come to the conclusion that the likelihood of a military escalation of the crisis is extremely low. The strategy chosen by the US is that of economic and military pressure, and the US intends to coerce its counterpart to negotiations from a position of strength. Russia's involvement in the negotiation process is extremely unlikely. The US has chosen to act unilaterally.Key words: North Korea, USA, nuclear missile crisis, policy, Trump, Kim Jong-Un, international security. ; Северокорейский ракетно-ядерный кризис в 2017 г. стал результатом совершенствования КНДР своего потенциала в области ракетных технологий. Кризис обострил отношения между США и КНДР. Обе стороны конфликта открыто заявляют о готовности применения ядерного оружия. Цель данной статьи – провести комплексное исследование возможных стратегий США в отношении северокорейского ядерного кризиса и выявить наиболее вероятный сценарий действий администрации США, основываясь в первую очередь на статистических данных, а также на анализе официального американского политического дискурса. В ходе данного исследования мы приходим к выводу, что вероятность военной эскалации кризиса крайне низка. Стратегия, избранная США, – это преимущественно экономическое и военное давление, принуждение к переговорам. Вовлечение России в переговорный процесс крайне маловероятно. США выбрали стратегию односторонних действий.Ключевые слова: КНДР, ядерно-ракетный кризис, политика, Д. Трамп, Ким Чен Ын, международная безопасность.

2006/2007 ; The conflict on the Korean peninsula has both global and regional dimensions, since in its origin lay disagreement between the two Korean states and at the same time it has been influenced by the interplay of the major powers that landed support to the corresponding allies. Due to its specific position in the region between China, Japan and on the border with Russia, Korea has been highly attractive as a sphere of influence for each of the major powers. Thus, the developments on the Korean peninsula have for decades been reflecting both regional dynamics of its direct parties and the transformation of the global political system. During the period after the end of the Cold war, with the new international processes coming to the stage – global transformations that occurred in world politics – the Korean problem has acquired new traits. The development of the North Korean nuclear crisis has been determined by general transformation of the international system after the Cold war, the reshuffle of power in the region of the North-East Asia, by the dynamics of bilateral relations in the region after the collapse of the Soviet union, the increasing role of the USA and China in the region and by political and economic conditions inside the regional states. The Korean problem is very multifaceted. It contains a series of the most complex issues, which modern world politics has to attend to. The matters of security which concern the situation in Korea include unsanctioned nuclear status of the DPRK, weapons of mass destruction (WMD) proliferation, military regroup in the region (the system of bilateral military treaties between the USA and Japan, the USA and the Republic of Korea), together with the threat of a collapse of the North Korean regime and political, economic and social problems it would inevitably cause. ; XX Ciclo

Значение выводов и научных обобщений, к которым пришла в результате своего творчества Наталья Евгеньевна Бажанова, являвшаяся ведущим российским корееведом, выходит далеко за рамки корейской проблематики. Они представляют большой интерес как для экспертного сообщества, так и для широкого круга читателей. Анализ политического и экономического развития КНДР позволил Бажановой выделить характерные черты авторитарных режимов и нерыночной экономики и проследить, как они влияют на внешнюю политику и международные отношения. Наталья Евгеньевна внесла большой вклад в развитие исторической науки. Ею были впервые введены в научный оборот уникальные документы по истории Корейской войны 1950-1953 гг., позволяющие понять причины, ход и последствия этого конфликта. Бажанова ярко проявила себя в качестве политолога, анализируя и прогнозируя развитие международной ситуации на Корейском полуострове, внося конструктивные предложения, направленные на урегулирование корейской ядерной проблемы. Значительны труды Бажановой по российско-корейским отношениям. Особую ценность представляют собой ее выводы о современном развитии отношений между нашими странами, а также по проблеме международного многостороннего взаимодействия в вопросе корейского урегулирования. Наталья Евгеньевна была автором монографий и публицистических работ, посвященных многим странам мира, в том числе США, Франции, Италии, Китаю, вложив свой незаурядный талант в исследование этих тем. Работы Бажановой отличает внутренняя логика, глубина и легкий, прозрачный стиль изложения. ; Significance of the findings and scientific generalizations, which were made by the the leading Russian scientist of Korean Studies Natalia Bazhanova, goes far beyond the Korean issues. It is of great interest for both the expert community, and for a wide range of readers. Analysis of the political and economic development of the DPRK allowed Bazhanova highlight the characteristics of authoritarian regimes and non-market economy, and to see how they affect the foreign policy and international relations. Natalia Evgen''evna has made a great contribution to the development of historical science. She was the first who introduced into scientific use unique documents on the history of the Korean War of 1950-1953, allowing to understand the causes, course and consequences of the conflict. Bajanova proved itself as a political scientist, analyzing and forecasting the development of the international situation on the Korean Peninsula, making constructive proposals aimed at resolving the North Korean nuclear problem. The works of Bazhanova dedicated to Russian-Korean relations are very significant. Her conclusions on the current development of relations between our two countries are especially valuable, as well as on international multilateral cooperation in the matter of a Korean settlement. Natalia Evgen''evna was the author of monograph, publicistic books and papers devoted to the many countries of the world, including the United States, France, Italy, China. She put her exceptional talent to the study of these topics. The works of Bazhanova characterized by internal logic, depth and light, have "transparent" style of presentation.

Preliminary Material /K. Togo -- Prologue. From The Meiji Restoration To The Pacific War /K. Togo -- Chapter One. After The War: New Values And The Peace Treaty /K. Togo -- Chapter Two. The United States: Political And Security Relations /K. Togo -- Chapter Three. The United States: Economic Relations /K. Togo -- Chapter Four. China: Economic Development And Wounded Feelings /K. Togo -- Chapter Five. Korea: South Korean Relations Develop With Complexity, Will North Korean Relations Start? /K. Togo -- Chapter Six. Asia And The Pacific: Expanding Relations From Bilateral To Multilateral /K. Togo -- Chapter Seven. Russia: Territorial Disputes And Strengthening The Relationship /K. Togo -- Chapter Eight. Europe: Struggle For Relevance /K. Togo -- Chapter Nine. The Middle East: Oil Diplomacy And Issues Of War And Peace /K. Togo -- Chapter Ten. Official Development Assistance: From Recipient To Donor Number One /K. Togo -- Chapter Eleven. Multilateral Economic Diplomacy: From Participant To Positive Contributor /K. Togo -- Chapter Twelve. Multilateral Political Diplomacy: The United Nations And Peacekeeping Operations /K. Togo -- Chapter Thirteen. Major Foreign Policy Issues From 2004 To /K. Togo -- Bibliography /K. Togo -- Treaty Of Peace With Japan (Excerpts) /K. Togo -- Treaty Of Mutual Cooperation And Security Between Japan And The United States Of America /K. Togo -- Treaty On Basic Relations Between Japan And The Republic Of Korea /K. Togo -- Joint Communiqué Of The Government Of Japan And The Government Of The People's Republic Of China /K. Togo -- Joint Declaration On Relations Between The European Community And Its Member States And Japan /K. Togo -- Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration On Security: Alliance For The 21st Century /K. Togo -- Japan-Republic Of Korea Joint Declaration: A New Japan-Republic Of Korea Partnership Towards The Twenty-First Century /K. Togo -- Irkutsk Statement By The Prime Minister Of Japan And The President Of The Russian Federation On The Continuation Of Future Negotiations On The Issue Of A Peace Treaty /K. Togo -- Japan-Dprk Pyongyang Declaration /K. Togo -- Index /K. Togo.

The article analyzes new moments in Japan's national security policy introduced by the documents which have been adopted by the Japanese cabinet in December 2022 — National Security Strategy, National Defense Program Guidelines and Medium Term Defense Program. The main attention is paid to the depiction of the external security environment, and above all to the assessment of China and Russia as the countries of greatest concern from the point of view of security policy. Noting that the documents do not use the term "threat" in China's assessment, the author concludes that Japan takes a more cautious position than the United States, trying not to be drawn into a confrontation between superpowers. As for Russia, the greatest alarmism is expressed not in relation to its policy as such, but in relation to its potential blocking with China on an anti—Japanese basis — the main "nightmare" for Tokyo.
The article considers the issue of the "counter-offensive" missile potential provided for by the new strategy, which would allow Japan to strike at the enemy from a remote distance in the event of a direct threat to its security. The acquisition of such a potential has become particularly relevant for Japan in connection with the development of missile technologies of neighboring "hostile" countries — the DPRK and the PRC, as well as the general progress of missile weapons in the world, including the hypersonic ones. As part of the new approach, it is planned to create an integrated air and missile defense system that combines the capabilities of intercepting enemy missiles and counterattacking on strategic and military enemy targets.

An important change in the security policy will also be the acute increase in defense spending declared by the documents under review. The biggest problem lies in the unresolved issue of the financial sources of the defense budget, which must ensure the implementation of the adopted strategy.