Detailed Assessment of Observance ; This assessment is focused on the Superintendencia de Seguros de la Nacion (SSN) in Argentina. SSN has responsibility for regulation and supervision of all players in the insurance market. In addition to its role as a supervisor, SSN has powers to issue regulations, is responsible for advising the executive on issues related to insurance, and can propose draft bills. The laws are passed by the national legislative branch and enacted by the national executive branch. The assessment was performed using the 2007 version of the core principles for insurance supervision issued by the International Association of Insurance Supervisors (IAIS). This paper is structured into following four parts: part one is information and methodology used for the assessment; part two is institutional and macro prudential setting, part three gives summary assessment; and part four gives authorities' responses.
This paper tracks the process through which FIAS, the investment climate advisory service of the World Bank Group advised the government of Latvia from 1998 to 2004 on ways to improve the business environment, achieve higher rates of economic growth, and thereby alleviate poverty. This case study shows that it is reasonable to describe how assistance by FIAS led to an improved business environment. The role that FIAS advice played may be discerned at the level of benefits accruing to the target population (i.e., the amount of resources freed up by lower costs associated with administrative procedures). Whether these benefits accruing to the business community translated into higher rates of investment and productivity, and thus to higher economic growth and reduced poverty, is a function of the entire political, social, and economic structure in Latvia. It is evident that there are many links in the chain of causation, and that the direct attribution FIAS can claim diminishes at every step downstream from its activities. Credit for success must be shared with the Government of Latvia and its immediate stakeholders (i.e., the businesses and their associations), the European Union accession process, the input of many other complementary projects, market forces, and fortuitous timing.
The College Metcuty. VOL. IV. GETTYSBURG, PA., JULY, 1896. No. 5. THE COLLEGE MEfiCUftr, Published each month during the college year by the Students of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. STAFF. Editor: ROB3IN B. WOLF, '97. Associate Editors : LEWIS C. MANGES, '97. ED. W. MEISENHELDER, '98. SAMUEL J. MILLER '97. CHARLES T. JOHN W. OTT, '97. CHARLES H. E. L. KOLLER, '98. LARK TILP, Alumni Association Editor: REV. D. FRANK GARLAND, A. M., Baltimore, Md. Business Manager: HARRY R, SMITH, '97. Assistant Business Manager: JOHN E. MEISENHELDER, '97. -n.-.iru ("One volume (ten months). U'UMS-\Slngle copies Finable is advance. $1,110 .15 AH Students are requested to hand us matter tor publication. The Alumni and ex-members or the College will favor us by sending information concerning their whereabouts or any items they may think would be interesting for publication. All subscriptions and business matters should be addressed to the business manager. , Matter intended for publication should be addressed to the Editor Address, THE COLLEGE MEKCUHY, Gettysburg, Pa! CONTENTS. ABSTRACT or BACCALAUREATE SERMON, - 66 THE PLACE or THE Y. M. C. A. IN THE \ ,R SOCIOLOGY OF THE COLLEGE, | CLASS-DAY EXERCISES, . - --- 71 CLASS-DAY POEM, - 71 JUNIOR ORATORICAL CONTEST, - 71 HOME, SWEET HOME. - 71 ROLL OF HONOR, - - -.- - - - - - -74 COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT PROGRAM. --- 74 DEGREES. -74 SPECIAL ANNOUNCEMENT, - - 75 ALUMNI NOTES, 75 SrF.ciAL ANNOUNCEMENT, - - - 77 COLLEGE LOCALS, -' --- . 77 ATHLETICS, 79 HOTEL LOOKOUT, --81 ABSTRACT OF BACCALAUREATE SERMON. BY II. W. MCKNIGHT, D D., IX. D. li'h- 8: 5. "See, saith He, that thou make all things according to the pattern showed to thee in the Mount." These words relate to the building of the tabernacle in the wilderness. It was to sub-serve such great purposes in the camp of the chosen people that God himself had revealed the pattern of it to Moses on Mount Sinai, in-dicating and fixing both its general plan and its minutest details, and saying to him : "See that thou make all things according- to the pattern showed to thee.'' Moses was, first, to grasp clearly the plan, the ideal. He was to go to his work, not aimlessly, but knowing what he was to do and how he was to do it. Definiteness of plan, distinctness of ideal, and fidelity to it were to him the esseutialconditions of success. The lessons thus taught are easily discerned. They are applicable now and here. You, my young friends, are about to go down from a veritable mount of privilege and preparatory training to engagements and a mission that have been fixed for you in the divine plan. Your intended work is to be constructive. You are to be builders in a very high and real sense—builders of character, organizers and constructors of a lifework as solemn in its im-port as destiny and as enduring as the endless cycles of eternity. Nor are you left to guess what you are to do and how you are to do it. God, who has built the universe and formed its myriad and minutest parts together in a comprehensive and harmonious plan, whose purpose shines in every star, blooms in every flower, is enfolded in every seed and finds ex-pression in every voice of nature, has his plan, also, for your life and work. He has embod-ied it for your guidance in the precepts and principles of His word. He has revealed it 67 THE COLLEGE MERCURY. most clearly and impressively in the spotless example of His Son. He has brought you up to that other mount of latest and sweetest reve-lation, the mount of the cross, that you might with open-face behold and with grateful hearts love the heavenly pattern of living and work-ing. Fidelity to this divine ideal is central and all inclusive in your preparation for life. To ignore it is the madness of turning from light to darkness. To practically neglect it will be to repeat the fatal mistake of the foolish builder who "built his house upon the sand," and whose plans and efforts and hopes came to naught in the ruin wrought by the tempest's and torrent's fury. Speaking to you, therefore, in the name of your instructors and delivering to you the final and affectionate charge of the institution, whose training you have received, permit me to set before you the pattern of a true life, to urge you to embody it in the ideal, and plans you form for your work, and to re-peat to you the solemn injunction : "See that you make all things according to it.'' He then presented and discussed the ideal of a true life as ist. The subordination of the material to the spiritual. 2nd. The embodiment of beneficence. 3rd. Having as its radiant centre—its Holy of Holies, God, his will, grace and glory. After discussing these points he addressed the class as follows : "My young friends of the class of'96: In sending you forth now, the Institution is concerned, not only for what you will do, but also for the spirit in which you will do it. It would have you adopt as the stand-ard by which you will measure your achieve-ments a high and worthy ideal and aim. What you will do, the spheres you will fill, will be determined largely by your endowments and opportunities, by circumstances not always within your control. You may not be per-mitted to choose what you will do, but you can determine the spirit in which you will do it. This, more than anything else, will settle the question of your worthiness and real suc-cess. Ideals and aims, whether right or wrong, true or false, lofty or low, though but neutral facts, mere abstractions, become a vitalized force to those who make them their own—a power to be measured only by the comprehen-siveness and reach of the principles involved. Whether in the form of proverbs, mottoes or doctrine, they have masterful force. Men bow before them as the ripened corn before the au-tumn winds. How the recent re-statement of the Monroe doctrine, our nation's ideal for this continent, and its interposition against the ag-gression of England roused the people with readiness to subordinate to it all other interests and to defend it at any cost : "Freedom for the American slave," too, was once only an abstraction, and those who cherished it were decried as wild enthusiasts, but it asserted its sway and, through the proclamation of Presi-dent Lincoln and the victories of the Union arms, became a sublime reality in the disen-thrallment of swarthy millions. Of the Puri-tans, whose unswerving devotion to truth and the principles of liberty once made them seem so visionary, whose name has become familiar as any household word in the homes of free-dom, and whose imperishable memorial is the civil and religious liberty of England and America. Macaulay, tracing the power that swayed them to its source, has well said: "They derived their character from the daily contemplation of superior beings and eternal interests." All history attests the fact that all men who have done the best and largest work first wrought out in thought the pattern of their work. They anticipated the end from the beginning and set their aims toward it as the pilot holds the prow of his ship towards the harbor beyond the sea. Greatness and steadiness of aim impelled Paul and Luther to heroic deeds and made them a world-wide force. The loftiness of their ideals drew them up with increasing strength into spheres of sub-limest achievement. Nor can you come into excellence of char-acter and work in any other way. "Purpose," it has been wisely said, "is what gives life a meaning." It rouses and directs the energies, THE COLLEGE MERCURY. 68 and prevents drifting. Bind your life to that which is great and good, and greatness and goodness will be your enduring portion. A worthy ideal will give its ennobling impress to vour character and work, in any sphere, even as the beauty of the blossom is determined by the colors laid at the root of the tree. In the very sense of incompleteness, of "having not yet attained" which it begets and perpetuates vou will find a prime condition of progress, and an urgency to such sustained effort as in-sures increasing effectiveness and power. "Mrs. Sarah Larman Smith," it is said, "learned to talk of Christ to the Arab women in a few months, and Schwartz to the Hindoos in three weeks." Why? A great purpose— to preach the gospel to the benighted and per-ishing, quickened their faculties and enabled them to do in a few weeks or months what to minds, lacking such inspiration, would have been the work of years. So let it be with you. While you dwell among things which seem temporal and have to do with them, look above and beyond them at the things which are un-seen and eternal. Let your ideal of living and working be a pattern showed to you in the Mount of God, a celestial power and iuspira: tion in the doing of earthly things. Grasp its full significance "in the perfect man" in whom the ideal became the real, and pattern was changed with person. Let His love constrain you ; His arms control you ; His example in-spire and mould you ; let it be Christ for you to live, and the end will be, must be, eternal gain. "See that you make all things accord-ing to the pattern showed to you in the Mount.'' THE PLACE OF THE Y. M. C. A. IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE COLLEGE. BY DR. ENOCH PERRINE. A change international in extent has revo-lutionized the college world. Barriers between the different classes and between professors and students have been broken down. An-tagonism between different professors and bit-ter contention between colleges has largely disappeared. Colleges are bound even in an international fellowship. All departments contribute to this movement, the Y. M. C. A. most of all, suggesting a sociology of the col-lege. The young man coming to college thinks first of his social status, the attitude of other students, and whether he shall make war or peace. Formerly he had to conquer a place and having established his reputation as a dangerous man, he visited the newer comer with the same horrors to which he had been subjected. Now the Y. M. C. A. meets him at the beginning and does numberless acts of kindness, exhibiting the characteristics of Christ, "the first true gentleman that ever breathed." It thus binds the college world fast by social ties. This must be done in the college before we can expect, it to obtain out-side, since in the college are peculiar incen-tives for the work. The young man next adjusts himself to his intellectual environment. He begins to be shut in by the material success about him and may be tempted to leave behind his "trailing clouds of glory." Then the Y. M. C. A. can direct aright his thought, insisting that God ought to be traced everywhere, thus binding all his intellectual efforts around the cross of Christ, "by whom all things consist." The importance and office of the intellect in the pursuit of truth will be plain to him. Darwin suffered an atrophy ou his poetic and spiritual side and the Y. M. C. A. may prevent such a fate from overtaking their fellows, thus pre-venting the head from freezing the heart and working a great benefit in the Intellectual life of the college. As he proceeds in the acquisition of knowl-edge, the young student will begin to think that in ideas alone there is a defense against moral degredation and a nepenthe for all dis-appointments. Culture will keep corruption from his hands—will be a shelter in the time of storm. Orators and poets shall be his all in all. Then the Y. M. C. A. may give him 69 THK COLLEGE MERCURY. right conceptions as to the Moral life, assert-ing that it is pitiful when the soul mounts higher but comes not closer to God and prov-ing that he only is truly moral who bases his life upon God. All parts of the social life are to be harmonized under one supreme principle. This is to be found at the foot of the cross and any other proposal is but a scheme of decep-tion leaving the mighty turmoil to seethe and boil underneath in undiminished horror. As the Y. M. C. A. insists upon this no man of culture will wail with Mathew Arnold that "most men die unfreed, having seen nothing, still unblest." But all these results may be successfully ac-complished and yet the student may miss the crowning glory. He may play the gentleman in the highest outward sense, may go willingly to the point where his logical faculties assure him that'there is a God, may develop his aesthetic sense so that the moral thing shall seem to be a beautiful thing, and yet blending by all this glory he may not know that he is really in Chimerian darkness. Then the Y. M. C. A. can declare that only he truly loves who loves a personality, that no one ever got beyond a cold respect for an abstraction, though that abstraction be a s.ream of tend-ency that makes for righteousness, and that one must see the king in his beauty before he will get that larger outlook without which life is flat, stale and unprofitable. The Y. M. C. A. can bring about this very desirable change of view better than any other agency about the college since the ordinary student out of Christ, now that he is no longer in the acad-emy, will resent the efforts of his professors to a greater degree than he will those of his fel-lows. Hence in the Social, Intellectual, Moral and Spiritual life of the college, the Y. M. C. A. can make its influence felt at every point, con-tributing that great and final binding force which will make the students in colleges in all lauds a more nearly compact body, and hence furnishing the material for an enduring sociol-ogy inside the college that shall spread out-ward in power and bring the world into a fed-erated parliament that-shall be the longest known to history'. FINE ART'S LIFE. BY L. P. EISENHART. Delightfully care-free seems the Fine Art's career to most of us. Light-hearted and blith-some, it is like the Arcadian life of poetic lore. But beneath its ruddy surface are the marks of many a suffering, the traces of many a heartache. The working of these hidden cares gives to genius its wonted lustre. Sons of art whatever be its realm are all of one brotherhood. The story of the one is the re-told tale of the other. The history of Italy is one great romance. It is the story of sailors, painters and poets. But its fulcrum chapter is the tale of that life-tossed son of Florence. Dante. Born into the throes of civil war, banished from office, de-serted by his friends, he was turned out of his beloved Florence, a heart-broken exile. Sor-row- stricken, death-doomed, he became a wan-derer with no home on earth. An American poet told his life-story in the epithet "world-worn." But his thoughts kept tending toward the eternal world. There his tender pitying soul found a calm repose. This hidden pain of a wrecked and thwarted usefulness showed itself seared and smarting in the Divine Comedy. Had he been spared these suffer-ings, the world would have lost its greatest epic, "the voice often silent centuries" would have been unheard. Insanity made an exile of another Italian bard. Vexed in spirit and failing in body, it was during the same moments of his prison lite that he poured forth his sweetest strains. In another clime those ballads which inspired a nation's people with the love of country are the life thoughts of a poverty-cursed poet. England's master poet in the trouble time of life wrote his best tragedies. A German poet touched the key-note of Fine Art's life when he said of a fellow-craftsman, "The Muse of THE COEEEGE MERCURY. 70 Comedy kissed him on the lips, but the Muse of Tragedy on the heart." Many a versed line lightly passed by has in it the throb and heart-break of tragic every day. The picture of Scott's departure from life-bought Abbottsford is painted in cold, gray colors. We who read his tales of Scotland life scarce realize the pathos and romance of their writer's ill-fated career. Of it his own words were: "But death would have them from me, if misfortunes had spared them." Pride-stricken, broken in body and crushed in spirit he toiled until his fingers could no longer grasp that noted pen. Scott, the minstrel of Highlandlays, the story-teller of border life appeared in the tragic fifth act of his life as Scott the great-hearted man. The life of Robert Louis Stevenson was one long struggle for health. It was this that led him into the pleasant scenes of Scotland, brought him to America, and finally carried him to the island of Samoa. Yet in these blighted years came his creative mood, came too his working day. *'I count life just a stuff To try the soul's strength on, educe the man." Delightful Jean Paul Richter gave this word-ing to our theme—thought. "Fate does with poets, as'we-do with birds—it darkens the warbler's cage until he has caught the oft-played air that he is to sing." Workers at canvas and easel have painted with real meaning in dark, sombre hues. Michel Angelo working for years on those Florentine frescoes, a victim of civil strife and hated by his fellow-painters is a picture not to be forgotten. Many a time did faithless patrons and flights for liberty stay his brush. The sweet-faced Madonnas of an earlier art age are their master's souls in color. Had they life, theirs would be a touching tale of dingy garrets, sleepless nights, days of untold hunger. Pressing poverty and a father's violence made intense the storm and stress period of Beethoven's life. Few were the moments not embittered by trouble at home, ingratitude of friends and the sting of unjust criticism. But life itself seemed lost when the dearest of all senses to him was gradually passing away. His own sonatas could no longer make sound-harmony. It was at this time that he poured forth his great symphonies, those tales of human woe. That was poetic music, the music of the soul. Not one of Schubert's greater operas was placed upon the stage ; nor was he ever to hear his own symphonies ; to him starvation was an uncanny darkness, ever near by. The Fine Art's life of our master musicians is a song in minors. The saddening notes of their soul-touching sonatas are the echoes of many sufferings. Behind the richly-colored scenes of the glit-tering theatre have been acted life's sternest realities. Queens of the stage and kings among actors have not only acted tragedies but have also lived them. While yet a mere boy, Edwin Booth, snow-bound amid the' wastes of Nevada, heard the news of his father's death, the loss of his only hope. The woman of his first love, the companion in his art, died in his absence. Then came the rash act of a lunatic brother, which cast a shadow over the whole world and for a moment his reputation and honored name seemed lost. But a nation's sympathy and the sense of duty to his great art called him back from his gloomy retire-ment. Returning, "he saw his fortune of more than a million dollars, together with the toil of some of the best years of his life frittered away." "A crowning hurt was the gradual passing away of his style of dramatic art. Booth was a dreamer, made sublime by suffer-ing. It was his cares and sorrows that made him dreamy and mysterious in Hamlet, tender and majestic in Richelieu, frenzied and at the same time affectionate in King Eear. May we not say, then, that often has it been the storm and stress of things that has cried to the Fine Art's soul, "Awake !" The Kalendar is the name of an interesting exchange that comes to our table from the Woman's College, of Baltimore. 71 THE COLLEGE MERCURY. CLASS-DAY EXERCISES. TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 16, 1896. Master of Ceremonies, - - - - L. P. EISENHART. Music—Orchestra. CLASS EXERCISES. Class Roll, ARTHUR C. CARTY. Class History, IRA O. MOSER. Class Poem, EDNA M. LOOMIS. Music—Orchestra. Presentation Oration, - - WILLIAM R. REITZEL. Class Prophecy, FRED. J. BAUM. Peace Cup Oration, WILLIAMG. BRUBAKER. Mantle Presentation, - - - - WILLIAM MENGES. Junior Response, HENRY W. BIKI.E. Final Parade around the buildings, headed by the Band. CLASS-DAY POEM. From our Freshman year to Senior, College life meant toil and pain ; Now, lessons all are learned, and never Need we con them o'er again. Oh, the joy this thought brings with it; Joy wo feel but cannot speak. No more trials with mathematics, Logic, chemistry, or Greek. Yet, amid these thoughts of pleasure, I am in a dreadful fix; For the class must have a poem, And what will rhyme with '96? All the words by Webster given, All of those in Worcester found, One by one I've looked them over, But they give no classic sound. Days and nights I've toiled in anguish, 'Till my brain is in a mix; But not a word of sound poetic, Will make a rhyme with '96. All the class has done and conquered, All its record pnre and bright, Merit words of beauty, surely, Yet with prosy pen I write. I would say, the class are noble, Yet I only call them "bricks;" It is slang, I know, but truly, Noble will not rhyme with six. When I say of this or that one, He does well, he never sticks, Do not criticise my language, It's all the fault of '96. I would say they all are students, Aud I say, "They burn their wicks ;" Midnight oil would sound much better, But that won't rhyme with '96. Sometimes, classes passed thro' college, Trusting in a horse that kicks; Some have wasted time, but never, Was this done by '96. Some, the Faculty have worried, With their wild and foolish tricks. Neither this, nor any such thing, Has been done by '96. Thus, our record's full of honor; Not a conscience here that pricks! Every heart is brave and loyal, In the class of'96. But our college days are over, And we turn in sadness round; Noting now, with tender memories, Each familiar sight and sound. Hall, and "dorm" and "lab" and chapel, And the solemn clock that ticks, Mid our jokes and smiles the warrant For the death of'96. Now, the time has come for parting; Hall and Campus, loved of yore, Loved forever, we must leave you, We may dwell with you no more. Gettysburg, our Alma Mater, Mournful is the latch that clicks, As we pass beyond thy portal, A long farewell to '96. JUNIOR ORATORICAL CONTEST. WEDNESDAY, The Magnetism of Mystery, Our Debt to our Forefathers, National Character, - The Model American, - Home, Sweet Home, r International Arbitration, The Mission of the Jew, - Shoals of Success. - fPhrenakosmian. ♦Philomathsan. JUNE 17, 1896. GEORGE W. ENGLAR:* P. T. E- STOCKSLAGER.f - HORACE E- CLUTE.* ROBBIN B. WOLF.t - A. GERTRUDE SIEBER.* JOHN \V. OTT.f - GEORGE F. ABEL.* HENRY W. BIKLE.I HOME, SWEET HOME. BY ANNA G. SIEBER-The home is a divine institution, founded when God created our first parents in his own image and placed them in that home of prim-eval innocence to form the nucleus of the race. Even since the fallj which "brought death into the world and all our woe," the home bears the marks of divine fingers. Here love's first and finest feelings find expression and the wholesome restraints of government begin their peaceful sway. The Father of us all set the solitary in families and bound them together with ties of mutual sympathy, mutual depend-ence and mutual helpfulness. From the begin- THE COLLEGE MERCURY. 72 ning its divine sanction as well as its divine wisdom was recognized. Among the chosen people it developed into the patriarchal gov-ernment ; among the Greeks and Romans, in their highest civilization, the home was a sacred spot and the family the cradle of social and political power and the school of patriotism and religion. With the neglect of the home and a disregard for the family, came the decay of morals, the loss of power and the fall of the empire. The home must ever be the founda-tion of government, and if the foundations be destroyed, how can the individual, social and political building stand ? If the home be pro-tected and the graces of virtue, education, in-dustry and religion be carefully fostered and cultivated, the nation must live and fulfil her high destiny. The coming campaign will doubtless again fill the air with eloquent argu-ment in protection of the national sheep and the American hen and skillfully fail to mention the imperiled boy in the citadel of the Ameri-can home. Whether our great leaders recog-nize the home in their ambition for position or not, the fact remains the same, that here lies the secret of national power or weakness. There are several insidious tendencies which threaten the national life by destroying the home. There is the mad rush to the large cities early in life to secure financial advant-age. Leaving the pure mountain air, the ten-der ministries of home and nature, the asso-ciations of religion in the country or village church, the simple demands of society, the modern young man is tossed like a toy upon the jostling mass of humanity to "break every tender tie" of home, to live in the city board-ing house or hotel and to measure his untried strength with the powers of the world, the flesh and the devil. His future success in building character that will ornament society, strengthen the church, and protect the nation from potitical peril will depend largely upon the principles brought from the obscure home among the hills and valleys of his youth. The permanence of his financial and social standing must depend finally, not so much upon the tricks of trade, nor the chance of fortune, but upon the fidelity to truth, the per-sistent industry and the self-sacrificing econ-omy, laid stone upon stone, in the tedious for-mation of character about the humble home of childhood. Even wealth or position without these would be a calamity. The mountain stream, bursting from the rock, leaping with youthful glee over many a sunlit cascade, goes hurrying to the broad plain below, to turn the weels of industry, to quench the thirst ol a multitude, to join hands with kindred streams and bear upon her jew-eled decked bosom the commerce of a world. But there are a few simple laws laid down by Mother Nature, from which she must never depart. vSo, from the home must go the forces that will drive the machinery of a nation, strike hands with their kindred beyond the seas, and lift an exiled world back to God. Our success will depend upon a few simple laws which God and our Christian mothers will teach us. One of these principles is that gold must not become the individual's nor the nation's god. There are things finer than gold, more pre-cious than much fine gold. Those invisible hands that bind the gold-thirsty young man to his mother, those imperishable chords that in-crease their tension with distant separation and will not relax through the pleadings of time. Those divine threads that are woven into the web of our lives, in such a variety of color, through so many years of tender ministries, which neither the sunshine nor the rain will cause to fade. That mysterious attraction that tears the busy merchant from his surroundings to hasten to the old home, to feast the eyes upon scenes that will not perish, to quicken the affections that cannot die, to grasp the parental hand that warms with age, and to look upon the face of the only one whose feat-ures beautify with years. What strange calculations are these ! By some irresistible logic, as he stands by the grave of the departed mother, he reasons thus: 73 THE COU-EGE MERCURY. Take these stocks and bonds, these railroad and real estate interests, seize these large man-ufacturing and commercial. enterprises, take this palace of marble and bury them all, rather than let the cruel clay hide from me the treas-ured influence that crowned that life, finer than gold. Wealth must not become our ideal nor our idol. Only as it builds more homes and builds them more beautiful, adorns them with culture and religion, sweetens them as fountains of purity for the healing of the nation, strength-ens them as fortresses for her protection, will it bless our civilization. Another tendency that threatens the home is the social condition which seeks to separate the family. There is a kind of centrifugal force which tends to scatter the members of the household and destroy that bond which should bind them together with a kind of social grav-itation, which afterwards becomes the power of the community and of the state. There is danger of the boys and girls being thrown from the home nest before the fledgelings can use their wings or have wisdom to select their food. There are many temptations to lure them from the tender influences and sympa-thies of those who reared them. Even the recognized helps may prove hindrances ;. the schools that place these young lives in the hands of strangers over half their time from six years of age, the social, innocent pleasures that rob the parents of over half the remainder of their heaven-given opportunities, to say nothing of those attractions which cause many to spend the remainder of their time not spent in eating and sleeping outside of the home. How narrow the margin becomes for the home to do its work. To pi ess the plastic ma-terial into shape, to lay the artful chisel to the stone and hew with loving stroke the perfect form. How jealous the parent should be of these first and best opportunities! How guarded the sensitive plate of the mind and heart, that the first light to shine upon its deli-cate surface should reflect a perfect image ! Is the father anxious to spend the leisure hours in the home rather than in the lodge or club house, or is he too busy with his profes-sion, too closely confined to his business to im-press true character upon his own boy, who shall succeed him in business and become heir of his hard-earned estate ? Has the wife and mother been more anxious to keep flies out of the house than to keep her boy in ; has she be-stowed more thought upon velvet or brussels than upon the delicately woven character of an immortal ; has she studied to make an impres-sion upon fashionable society rather than to impress a future citizen of the State ? The law of nature will not be reversed to make amends for parental indifference or careless-ness. The colors we mix will appear on the canvas, the materials we use in the mortar will show themselves in the building. Is the home the centre of attraction and interest? Then it has its rightful place and becomes the sun of the system around which all things re-volve, from which they get their light and heat and are held in their proper orbits. De-stroy this relation, and confusion and anarchy follow. The home is a miniature government, in which the parents rule. Here begins re-spect for authority and obedience to law, the two great essentials in the security of the State; and if not learned here, may be learned too late to avert crime. Here are developed those finer affections toward brothers and sisters which, when en-larged, produce true patriotism and make "the whole world kin." Here under the form of possessions acquired and protected, the true right of ownership becomes early established, that true love of country may become the en-larged law of self-protection ; thus combining the law of chivalry to defend the innocent and the heroism of the soldier to protect the nation. The social and national life are found in min-iature in the empire of the home which, when properly controlled, becomes the ideal of the national government. The King rules his subjects with a father's tenderness. The sub-jects obey the laws, prompted by filial grati-tude for the general good. An injustice against THE COLLEGE MERCURY. 74 one member is an offense against the whole body politic. Suffering in part enlists the sympathy of the whole. A cry of distress startles the nation and all the nerves of sensa-tion carry the news and the alarm brings re-pair and relief trains over every highway of approach. The homes of the nation must ever be the fountains for the public school, the supply for the church, the protection of our liberties against internal and external foes. These must be the watch towers, and the sons and daughters the real standing army to protect our civil and religious liberties. The thousands of men who live on wheels, without a sure place to set their feet, must have a starting-point and a returning point for their souls, a tension to hold them in place more binding than the rules of the business firm, a restraint to stay their feet on the verge of temptation mightier than law, an unseen angel to stand between them and sin, to guard them from its blighting touch This starting-point is the Christian home, this tension, the mystic chord that binds them to the altar, this angel, the messenger that sits in the temple of the memory and holds the wife, the mother, the innocent children before the soul. The home is a type of Heaven, the perfec-tion of future blessedness. God, the Father of us all, Christ, the Brother of us all, we, the children. From the imperfect to the perfect, from the trial to the triumph. We are but children away from home. Earth is but the play-ground. We stretch onr tiny hands toward the stars glimmering in the dark-ness that surrounds us. We tire of these earthly toys. We cry, in our distress, to grasp the eternal. The father hears his lost childrens' piteous wail and calls us home ; sweet, sweet, home. ROLL OF HONOR. FIRST HONOR. LUTHER P. EISENHART, York. D. EDGAR RICE, Chainbersburg. GRAYSON Z. STOP, Frederick, Md. EDNA M LOOMIS, Troy. GRIFF PRIZE, FOR BEST ESSAY ON HOLMES AS THE POET OF COLLEGIANS." LUTHER P. EISENHAET, York. HASSLER GOLD MEDAL, JUNIOR LATIN PRIZE. ELKANAH M. DUCK, Spring Mills. WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF GEORGE F. ABEL, Philadelphia. BAUM SOPHOMORE MATHEMATICAL PRIZE. JAMES A. MCALLISTER, Gettysburg EFPIE ELIZABETH HESS, - - - - Taneytown, Md! WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF EDMUND W. MEISENHELDER, York. EDMUND L. ROLLER, Hanover. CHARLES T. LARK, - - - - - - Millersburg. WILLIAM H. SPRENKLE, - - - Jack's Mountain. ALBERTUS G. FUSS, . Williamsport, Md. MUHLENBERG FRESHMAN PRIZE. FOR BEST GENERAL SCHOLARSHIP. HENRY ALBERS, JR., Jersey City, N. J. WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF ARTHUR STC. BRUMBAUGH, - - - Roaring Spring. STEWARD W. HERMAN, - . York. PAUL H. BIKLE, Gettysburg. REDDIG PRIZE IN ORATORV. ANNA GERTRUDE SIEBER, . Gettysburg. WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF HENRY WOLF BIKLE, Gettysburg. GEORGE F. ABEL, Philadelphia. *—♦—» COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT PROGRAM. THURSDAY, JUNE 18, 1896. Latin Salutatory, GRAYSON Z. STUP. Christianity and the Working Class, - WEBSTER C. SPAYDE. Municipal Reform, . FREDERICK J. BAUM. Cecil Rhodes, -. MERCHANT TAILOR flje tat Work at uje) NEXT DOOF* TO 5 Suits from $12,00 to $40.00. Lowest iPrkss, \ P^^f' J Paots from $00 to $121, ^Centre Square.^ COLLEGE OF PHVSICIANS S SURGEONS, The (College of Physicians and Surgeons of Balti-more, Maryland, i.s a well-equipped school. Four ses-sions arc required for graduation. For full informa-tion send for the animal catalogue, or write to THOMAS OPIE, M. D., Dean, Cor. Calvert and Saratoga Sts. c_£p»Established 1876.-5-5 *PBN110SB SfYBRSJfc WATCHMAKER AND JEWELER, Gettfsborg Souvenir Spoons, College Souvenir Spoons, No. 10 Baltimore Street, GETTYSBURG, PENN'A. J. A TAWNEV Is ready to furnish clubs and boarding houses BREAD, ROLLS, &0., at short notice and reasonable rates. Cor.Washington and Middle Sts., Gettysburg. WiiWlsiHoSwiit DEALERS IN Fresh Beef, Veal, Lamb, Pork, Pudding, Sausage, HAMS, LARD, &c-., GETTYSBURG, IMIM'A. JOHN L. SHERDS. NEW CIGAR STORE Next door io W. M.
In: Spajić-Vrkaš, Vedrana and Ilišin, Vlasta (2005) Youth in Croatia. Faculty of Humanites and Social Sciences University of Zagreb, Research and Training Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Citizenship, Zagreb. ISBN 953-175-242-7
The results of the research described above were obtained on a representative sample of Croatian youth from 15-24 years of age in the second half of 2002. The research was carried on in the context of a regional research project on youth under the auspices of the PRONI institute from Sweden. The main objective of the project was to provide empirical data on life, needs, attitudes and aspirations of young people as a means of assisting the process of youth policy review. The process was initiated by the Council of Europe with a view to strengthen youth participation in democratic changes of the countries in the region. This report is the most recent one in a long and well-established tradition of studying youth issues in Croatia. Therefore, it often includes comments and references to earlier research findings for the purpose of determining the changes in youth trends, as well as for the purpose of validity testing of our data. On the other side, the data presented in this report may, together with earlier studies, be used as a reference point in the process of reviewing the National Programme of Action for Youth, as well as in developing a comprehensive, efficient and youth-centred national youth policy. The core of the findings is probably that the criteria for determining the upper age-level of youth period should be reviewed and extended to include those who are 30 years of age. The fact that more and more young people remain longer in education, that they decide to marry and have children later in their life, that they consider changing their job and probably, if possible, enroll in re-training programmes for that purpose, as well as that they desire to reach full independence by relying on their own abilities and endeavour, speaks in favour of the need to redesign our traditional approaches to youth upper age-limits. Other findings that help us understand some important dimensions and trends of contemporary life of Croatian youth are summarised below. The most basic socio-demographic data demonstrate that very few young people from our research who are 24 and below are married and few think of having children before the age of 25. About half of them live in a two-child nuclear family in a house/apartment of their own that, averagely, comprises more than two rooms. Very few have an opportunity to live in an apartment of their own, although four fifths express desire to live separately. The aspiration towards such independence is mainly motivated by socio-economic and maturity factors: it is a prominent feature of young people who are university students, whose fathers have more education, and who are over 20. Since the chances of having their own apartment in a reasonable period of time are rather minimal, not only due to the difficulties in finding a job but due to extremely high prices in the housing sector, such prolonged co-habitation and dependency on parents and/or relatives is a frequent cause of young people' s frustrations and is probably related to, together with other factors such as poverty and limited capacity of pre-school child-care institutions, a constant decrease in the average number of children per family. On average, young people are satisfied with their present life and expect no change in the future. Despite a high unemployment rate especially among them, approximately three quarters assess their own present and future life, the life of their closest friends and their peers in Western Europe as good or excellent. Their optimism is somewhat even higher than it was found in the end of 1990s. When asked to imagine their life in 10 years ahead majority see it as a success, either in general terms or in specific terms of their professional advancement or family happiness. Dissatisfaction with present life grows with age and with opportunities to enter the world of work and become fully independent, since the young between 20-24 years of age, both employed and unemployed are more inclined to perceive their present life as unsatisfactory. Interestingly enough, the age does not have influence on the assessment of future, which means, in the context of this research, that young people in general, irrespective of age, equally believe that future brings better opportunities. In reference to their professional and educational aspirations, almost two thirds of the young want to continue education, while one fourth of them think of finding a job. The differences are mainly determined by residential, social, and age factors. Thus, a primary aspiration of pupils and university students, as well as of those who live in Zagreb or in families of higher socio-economic status, is to continue their education. Contrary to them, rural young people, those who live in low-income families, as well as those who are over 20 are more inclined to seek for a job or to continuing the job they currently hold. Over two fifths of young people plan to leave their present place of residence so as to be able to meet their professional and educational aspirations. Almost half of this group prefer to move somewhere inside the country, most often to a bigger city which is perceived as the place that offers better opportunities for career and social positioning, while other half think of going abroad. The percentage of the young planning to leave the country for good rose from 11% in 1986 and 18% in 1999 to 19% in 2002. Their migratory plans are connected to their residential status, i.e. to the conditions in the place or region where the young actually live. Young people from Zagreb are less willing to go somewhere else; rural youth and youth from Eastern Croatia wish to migrate to another place inside Croatia more than any other group, while all groups (except youth from Middle and Northern Croatia who want that somewhat more than others) equally (do not) want to settle abroad. Data on a desired place for living are quite similar to those on migratory plans. The number of youth preferring to remain in their present place of residence and the number of those having no migratory plans are almost identical. When compared to earlier studies, we see an increase in the number of young people preferring to live in large cities. In addition, almost one quarter express their preference for living abroad, majority of which opt for a Western European country. The fact that almost one fifth of all has plans and almost one fourth prefer to live abroad indicate the existence of two closely related but, nevertheless, separate dimensions of youth migratory thinking. While the preference for other counties may mean only an inclination, having plans on migrating abroad most certainly includes active search for such a possibility. In light of our findings it means that at least one fifth of Croatian youth not only dream of leaving the country but actually make plans how to make it a reality. Employed youth is far from being satisfied with their jobs. Every second confirms his or her disappointment. Approximately one fifth of both them and those that are still in the process of education desire jobs in the service or business sector; little less in number think of entering more creative and/or dynamic professions or professions related to education, health care and social services. This means that their professional aspirations are somehow higher that those of their parents, majority of whom have secondary school completed and are mainly employed as industrial, service and shop workers or clerks. Nevertheless, if their choices are compared to the structure of the employed force in Croatia and if we add to it a rapidly changing labour market in all transitional countries, their professional preferences seem rather realistic. This is probably why almost half of the young hold that their chances for getting a preferred job are high or very high. The data also confirm that their estimations are related to age and socio-professional status since pessimism increases with age (except for the university students) and is tightly linked to unemployment status. In any case, optimism prevails among the young and it, as well, may be linked to their strong motivation to succeed in life by relying on their own abilities despite unfavourable social and economic context in which they live. It is also possible, at least partly, that self-assurance of young people comes from positive educational experience. Over half of the young state they feel happy and satisfied when thinking of their schools or universities. However, it is not clear whether their satisfaction should be understood in terms of acquiring subject-matter knowledge and skills or in terms of developing certain personal qualities through participating in school life. Earlier studies on youth have proven that the young have complex relations towards education which are the outcomes of both institutional tasks and personal expectations. Moreover, our results document that feelings about school are correlated with sex and socio-professional status.Girls and university students, in general, are more satisfied with their education, while the unemployed are among the least satisfied. It is also possible that positive feelings about education also relate to school grades. Earlier studies have shown that female pupils receive somewhat better average scores than their male schoolmates, which may explain why girls have more positive feelings about school than boys. • On the other hand, it is clear that school is by no means a source of information about the events in the country and the world for young people since a great majority of them actually receive news through ordinary media (TV, radio, newspapers and magazines). Moreover, Internet has become an important source of information about the country and the world for approximately one fifth and over one fourth of them, respectively. This shift has to do with the fact that over two thirds of the young from our study are computer users and that more than half of them already have computer at home. It is, therefore, obvious that new information and communication technologies are becoming part and parcel of young people' s daily life what needs to be taken into account when policies and programmes of action for promoting their wellbeing are designed, especially in reference to underprivileged youth. Namely, our research confirms that the use of computer correlates with residence (urban environment), family background (parents with higher education and higher socio-economic status), age, and education factors (younger population and students). Nevertheless, young people are not enslaved by new information communication technologies. Most of them spend their free time associating with friends, engaging in sport activities, going to disco-clubs, watching TV or performing outdoor activities, while far less enjoy music, reading books or art exhibitions. In addition, many young people have no daily obligations, except in relation to school and spend their free time idling or sleeping. This means that the majority of youth either do nothing or engage almost solely in the so called passive and/or receptive activities for self-entertainment. Despite that fact, almost three fourths of them claim they are more or less satisfied with how they spend their free time what brings us to the conclusion that the main problem is not the quality of their free time activities but their lack of awareness that the quality itself is being at stake. However, it should be pointed out that their opinions are related to age and socio-professional status. Young people who belong to an upper age-cohort and who are unemployed exhibit far more dissatisfaction with their free time than the youngest. Overpronounced dissatisfaction among the unemployed seems to be an indicator of an overall discontent with one' s own life. For the unemployed, free time becomes a burden not only because they cannot perceive it in terms of an offduty activity but because they can not afford it financially. In reference to the use of psychoactive substances, it seems that tobacco smoking and alcohol consumption are the most widespread types of risk behaviour among the youth. Approximately one third of them smoke cigarettes or drink alcohol daily or weekly ; three fifths are non-smokers and one fifth never drink alcohol. Smoking increases with age and employment. Alcohol, on the other hand, is solely related to gender in a way that young women drink less than their male peers. Such trend may be the sign of a subtle male initiation rite de passage that has outlived its traditional context. Since the data on smoking are more favourable than those from earlier research it may be presumed that an anti-smoking media campaign, which has been going on rather aggressively throughout the country, has brought positive effect, whereas non-existence of similar anti-alcohol campaign may be the sign of a relatively high level of a social tolerance for alcohol consumption. As far as drug are concerned, Croatian youth is more inclined to the so-called 'soft' drugs. Over one third of the young have tried or used twice or more only marijuana ; hashish and ecstasy is mentioned by less than one tenth of them, whereas other 'hard' drugs have been only tried or are consumed by 1-3% of them. The consumption of marijuana is associated with a recognizable youth group, what confirms earlier studies. A group of highest risk is made of young people between 20 and 24, male, university students, the residents of Zagreb, Istria, Croatian Littoral and Dalmatia, and whose fathers have higher education level. A great majority of young people tend to see themselves in rather positive terms: they are self-assured, think they have a good number of personal qualities; believe in their capabilities when compared to other people and have no doubts that most people they know like them. This may be related to feeling of security they experience in the context of their immediate environment since a great majority of the young claim that they can almost always get warmth, care and support from their parents and support from their friends. On the other hand, only every second of them feel the same about their teachers. It seems that most Croatian families are characterised by an exercise of indirect and flexible control over their children in the course of their growing up. In over half of the cases parents or relatives hardly ever determine rules for their children' s behaviour although they do control the choice of their friends, as well as their evening outdoor activities. Moreover, young people claim that their parents are especially keen of their school progress since they almost regularly keep records on their children school situation. • When asked about the most serious problems of their generation, the majority of young people in Croatia mention socially unacceptable behaviour, such as drug abuse, alcohol consumption and violence, unemployment, low standard of living, the lack of life chances and mass migration of young experts abroad. Since unemployment was repeatedly displayed as the major problem of young generation in earlier studies, their present preoccupation with socially unacceptable behaviour may be related either to the sample structure (majority of them are students) or to a general social climate which is, due to predominance of media campaigns mainly geared against smoking and drug abuse (but not against alcohol consumption, except for safe driving), inducing an over-sensitisation to behavioural issues causing, on the other side, the lack of awareness of existentially important issues of young people that are of an utmost importance for their independence and self-satisfaction. Young people are inclined to attribute responsibility for solving these problems primarily to themselves, their parents and public authorities, i.e. firstly to those actors that function at the private level (personal and parents' responsibility), than to public sector (government, education system) and, finally, to the civil society (nongovernmental organizations, youth associations and religious institutions). This means that youth principally count on their personal strength and family support, as well as that they have explicit expectations of state institutions, whereas they think of receiving the assistance from the civil sector only exceptionally. Notwithstanding, since half of the young studied have failed to mention personal responsibility, it clearly demonstrates that both strong sense of self-responsibility and its avoidance stand side by side as two features of Croatian youth. Among the measures that Croatian youth see as the most efficient for solving their problems two are underlined: equal education and career opportunities, on the one hand, and strict punishment of drug dealers and restrictions on alcohol selling, on the other hand. Since the majority of youth consider socially unacceptable behaviour, including drug-addiction, to be the gravest problem of their generation, it is understandable that they see the way out in strict punishing of drug dealers, (rather than consumers), what is still inadequately determined by Croatian law. Other most frequently mentioned measure has to do with the youth quest for developing society of equal chances which is in line with their perception of unemployment as the second most frequently mentioned youth problem in Croatia. Although lesser in number, the young refer to their under-representation and require their participation in decision-making to be ensured at all levels. They also require better adapting of secondary and higher education to the needs of contemporary life, as well as better quality of education, in general; some speak in favour of establishing a ministry for youth affairs, developing national strategy for promoting youth well-being, setting up of funds for youth initiatives, better legal regulations of the places of youth entertainment, i.e., the issues majority of which have already been integrated into the recently adopted National Programme of Action for Youth that is seen as an initial step in developing a national youth policy. The values that the majority of young people hold personally important or very important are healthy environment, peace in the world, gender equality, and rights and freedoms of the individual. Second group of the most personally preferable values encompasses solidarity among people, social justice, economic security, respect for differences, rule of law, inalienability of property, civil society, free market, freedom of the media, protection of minorities, religion and democratic system. The bottom of the scale is occupied by social power, national sentiment, European integration, and high economic standard. The review of their preferences demonstrates a relatively respectable level of democratic potential of young people in Croatia. They are more oriented towards comfortable life based on key principles of democracy and civil society, which is in correspondence with earlier research that have documented the shift to a more individualistic value system, including youth' s preference for independence and their focus on self-realisation and material security. However, their relative devaluation of the importance of European integration may be, on the one hand, the sign of either their dissatisfaction with, or their criticism of the way new European order has been established, partly due to the fact that Croatia has been somehow unjustly left behind. On the other hand it may be the consequence of their perceiving the integration merely in terms of a political objective of which very little they experience in everyday life. This is not to say that they devaluate the importance of European integration for Croatia as such. It would be more accurate to say that Croatian young people are becoming more and more pragmatic in their social positioning of which many think not only in the context of Croatia but in the context of Europe and the world. Having in mind a long tradition of Croatian youth emigration to Europe and the fact that almost 20% of contemporary youth plan to leave the country for good (mostly for a European country), their relation toward European integration may mean that they see it only as an added value to an already established youth migratory pattern in Croatia. of young people about the determinants of upward social mobility in Croatia reflect their accurate perception of social anomalies that, if left unquestioned, threaten to deepen social inequalities and diminish democratic potential of the society. Namely, a great majority of the young see as important or highly important for social promotion in Croatia a combination of the following variables: adaptive behaviour, personal endeavour, knowledge and skills, and connections and acquaintances. University degree, money and wealth, and the obedience and submissiveness to the 'boss', are identified less but, nevertheless, reflect a combination of appropriate and inappropriate means of social promotion. Somehow more troublesome is the finding that one third to one half of the young consider belonging to certain nation or political party, as well as bribing and corruption as important determinants of one' s success in Croatia. These data present an index of youth's perception of Croatian society as the society of unequal chances since it, by allowing nondemocratic practice to play an important role in social promotion, actually discriminates against those who in this matter believe in, and rely on their own abilities and efforts. When compared to earlier studies, it is highly troublesome that almost the same factors of social promotion are estimated as important by both socialist and ' transitional' young people in Croatia. Overall examination of the above results may be seen as an indicator of a process of relative homogenisation of young people in today' s Croatia – certainly, within the issues here examined and at the present level of analysis. There is no doubt that young people here described have many characteristic in common, especially in reference to their marital status, family pattern, housing conditions, parent' s educational background, attitudes towards present and future life, professional and educational aspirations, desired accommodation, sources of information, satisfaction with free time, positive feelings about themselves, feeling of security in relation to their parents and friends, as well as in reference to their abuse of psychoactive substances. They also share their desire for autonomy and independence, and for the recognition by the society at large, as well as their dreams of a more just society in which life opportunities would match individual abilities and endeavour. When they differ, it is mostly due to their varied socio-professional status and age. Residential status, father' s educational background, gender, and regional background are less important. The tendencies that have been documented suggest that youth are divided primarily by their actual social status and stage of attained maturity, and only secondarily by socialization factors, such as social origin in a narrow and broad sense of the term, and a gender socialization patterns. However, further analysis of data should disclose youth dominating trends with more accuracy.
THE USE OF NATURALLY OCCURRING MOOD- altering substances is deeply rooted in the traditions and cultures of many communities worldwide. As documented in other societies and historical records,1,2 various compounds have been employed for altering consciousness and for their curative effects.3 Two substances traditionally used in the Middle East include hashish and khat.4 Hashish, as cannabis, has been known in the region since ancient times.5 Khat, also known as chat, derived from the leaves and young shoots of the khat plant (Catha edulis), is used for its stimulant effect.6 Technological advances that enable high purification of drugs and transporting them fast, and increasing urbanisation, have caused these mood altering substances to be taken out of their traditional role in societies and have come to pose new, complex and challenging threats.7 These threats have been manifested in two important ways: () wider use of drugs, and (2) a shift from natural drugs to the more potent purer forms. Globally, illegal money derived from illicit drug transactions amounts to 400 billion dollars annually, and is second only to the arms trade.8,9 The countries of the Arabian Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) offers an interesting study area because their diverse cultures have experienced rapid acculturation, a phenomenon often equated with a rise in psychosocial stress.10 Psychosocial stress has often been associated with vulnerability to self poisoning11 and substance abuse.12 Although there are no adequate statistical studies to indicate the incidence of substance dependency in the GCC, it is clear that substance abuse is not a minor problem considering the number of reported drug seizures by the authorities.13 In real terms, the drugs seized by law enforcement authorities constitute only 5–0 percent of the actual quantity.14 Comprehensive data on the pattern of substance dependency is hampered by the criminal and moral stigma associated with substance dependency. Whatever the real number of people afflicted with addiction, substance dependency is a severe problem when considered in terms of personal distress, family disruption and interference with productivity and economic growth. Efforts have been undertaken in GCC countries to reduce the demand for drugs and to prevent drug abuse before it occurs. These efforts are coordinated through the Demand Reduction Committee, created in 200 with members from all countries of the GCC. The committee provides leadership in coordinating and facilitating strategies in this area including law enforcement, rehabilitation and leading and assisting the community in the task of education and prevention of substance abuse. Some studies have suggested that substance dependency occurs in adolescents in all strata of the society.14–16 However, these studies are limited to self-report questionnaires based on secondary school students. Although peer pressure is likely to play a significant part in the initiation of substance abuse,16 the subsequent heavy abuse is often associated with various psychosocial factors. It has been suggested that of all the social factors that predispose individuals to substance abuse, boredom is the most significant.14,17 The recent affluence and modernisation of the GCC societies have led many people to have a lot of spare time, as household chores are carried out by expatriate servants.14 The detrimental effects of such a lifestyle, including substance dependency, have been speculated in the literature.13,18–21 In a study cited by Al-Harthi14 of personality profiles and descriptive analyses of typical substance users enrolled in a treatment centre in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, the most frequently stated reason for indulging in drugs was to escape boredom. This view, though substantiated by other studies in the region,22,23 has not taken into account the relationship of individual temperament to substance abuse. Recent studies have suggested that phenotypical "risk takers" or "sensation seekers" are often not inhibited from yielding to various illicit practices including substance abuse.24 Future studies in the region should examine the association between personality types, risk taking behaviour and boredom. The premise that the rise in substance dependency might be precipitated by erosion of traditional family networks and skewed social expectations might be relevant to GCC countries. Al-Hashmi18 has suggested that modernisation has resulted in the Omani family becoming nuclear at the cost of the traditional extended family. Concurrently, domestic servants brought from overseas, often illiterate in the dominant language, are providing much of the socialisation to children. Reinforced by frequent international travelling, satellite televisions and the Internet, acculturation appears to have occurred too quickly in GCC societies. Smith has remarked that these changes have brought these communities development that took a thousand years in Europe in less than 20 years.25 Studies from other parts of the world that have experienced similar rapid pace of modernisation have shown disintegration of native culture and identity as well as dissolution of the social network, to which individuals had previously turned for help when in trouble.26 In addition, the spread of education have resulted in higher levels of expectations. In the new social order, individuals in the region tend to regard employment opportunities, guaranteed higher levels of income, and especially, higher social standing, as acquired rights. Frustration of the desire to climb the social ladder leads to social insecurity.14 The present situation of society in transition fits with the classical sociological observations of Ibn Khaldun and Emile Durkheim: rapid transformation leads to breakdown of traditional social cohesion.14As a result, the sense of belonging becomes a luxury, leading to social drift, alienation, and the proliferation of social misfits. The society itself may become anomic. The relationship between acculturation, anomie and drug taking has received empirical support.27 The present tendency is to view substance abuse in its psychosocial context rather than on moral terms. While more studies that are comprehensive are needed to examine the pattern of use and misuse of drugs in the GCC countries, there are various reasons to assume that substance dependency is likely to continue to pose a problem in the region. First, the geography helps both trafficking and consumption. GCC countries are located close to the "Golden Triangle" or "Drug Belt", a part of Asia where underdevelopment and political instability have fuelled drug driven economies. Second, being on a major route for international airlines and sea routes by virtue of being in the middle of the world, GCC countries are at constant risk of being used as trans-shipment points for drug trafficking. The Arabian Peninsula has a vast coastline with its horizon overlooking major sea routes to different continents. Even if vigilance to guard its borders is heightened, such a long coastline would remain porous. Moreover, effective surveillance would require more allocation of resources and work force, drawing vital resources away from establishing essential remedial and rehabilitation services for the victims of substance abuse. Thirdly, the increasing number of visitors and the presence of foreign labour in the GCC also help make the "Gulf route" a crossroad for trans-world drug supplies. Some individuals may fall prey to the fallouts from these passing illegal shipments even though they may be destined elsewhere. It is also possible that an increase in consumption of illicit substances among the local population has in itself escalated the demand. In support of the latter view are the rising statistics on the mortality related to drug abuse and the number of clients seeking treatment in rehabilitation centres in the GCC states.15,28 Dispensing accurate information on issues related to substance abuse is a key component to fighting drug abuse. Studies are needed to illuminate the effect of substance dependency in the GGC countries as the mass media often tends to downplay the risks of drug use, or sometimes even glamorises it. Evidence is emerging on the personal consequences of substance dependency. Okasha, in the context of Egypt, has demonstrated that substance dependency is likely to lead to underachievement at school or work and exacerbate family stress, financial burdens and exposure to criminal activity.29 However, literature does not discern whether these social problems are the cause or the effect of the substance dependency. Substance dependency is often associated with psychiatric morbidity30 but it is not clear whether this is cause or effect. Karam et al in their report from Lebanon suggest a strong relationship between addiction to substances of abuse and psychiatric diagnoses.31 These authors further suggest that certain personality types often abuse specific substances. However, such a simplistic view appears to be merely reiterating the chicken-or-the-egg argument. Some authors have suggested that substance dependency is a form of self-medication, which implies that individuals with substance dependency have high levels of psychosocial distress and use illicit drugs in an attempt to alleviate their distress. This is relevant to the suggestion that some psychiatric symptoms may mimic withdrawal effects of chronic substance dependency and withdrawal symptomatology co-varies with cognitive and psychological functioning.32 In addition to psychiatric illness, substance dependency has been seen to increase the risk of adverse drug reactions. A well-known complication of substance dependency is the risk of transmission of human immunodeficiency virus and other infections.33 VISIBLE PATTERNS IN THE GCC The discovery of oil in the GCC has brought rapid modernisation as well as unprecedented material progress and economic security.34 Although GCC nationals, like other cultural groups in developing countries, are thought to have beliefs that protect them against developing substance dependency, such beliefs appear to be eroding with the rising tide of acculturation and economic restructuring. Demographic factors such as the preponderance of adolescents in the population will continue to elude those advocating demand reduction policies even if harsher penalties are decreed for traffickers and users. Approximately 60% of the population in the region are less than 20 years old.35 As reported elsewhere, 36 adolescents are prone to risk taking behaviour, a temperament that has been associated with developmental milestones including the underdevelopment of the orbital-frontal cortex.34 In GCC countries, the rate of juvenile delinquency has, in a span of 0 years, increased approximately by 400%. Unless the needs of such a large and important segment of society as its young people are addressed, this may present a demographic time-bomb with unpredictable social consequences. With a fast growing population, competitions for social and occupational roles are likely to be more intense, leaving many failed individuals behind. With such a demographic trend, it is likely that many individuals carry a greater risk of developing various adjustment difficulties including substance dependency.37 Data emanating from other developing countries suggest that drug peddlers tend to target the poor and the unemployed. Whereas substance dependency in other parts of the world is often associated with economic and social breakdown,38 no study has examined whether substance dependency in the GCC countries follows the same pattern.39 Preliminary observations in Oman suggest that there is relationship between unemployment and propensity for substance abuse.14 Interestingly, the study suggests that addiction to illicit drugs is likely to interfere with employment, often rendering some individuals to lose their jobs. In the midst of such conflicting views, further studies are needed to ascertain the conditions that trigger drug dependency in the community.40 While more information is needed in order to make an informed policy on substance dependency, there is some evidence pointing to which substances are widely abused in GCC countries. First, clinical reports suggest that solvent misuse is extensive although no formal studies have been conducted. Hafeiz41 has suggested that abuse of solvents often occurs in order to overcome the boredom of modern living. There is also increasing evidence to suggest that some of these agents cause mental disorders42 as well as neurological complications.43 The chemicals in question include glues, liquid shoe polish, deodoriser, petrol, cologne and insecticides.44,45 A special pattern of substance dependency associated with social deviancy and delinquency also involves a home-made mixture of dates and ointments as well as inhalation of intoxicating fumes derived from burning the wings of cockroaches and ants with volatile substances. Habitual inhaling of these substances is often associated with a failure to thrive.42 Secondly, inhaling smoke derived from nicotine based substances is now common in many GCC countries.46,47 Tobacco is often chewed, snuffed or smoked either in cigarettes or in sheesha. The latter (also known as hookah) is a smoking device, widely used in some communities of the Arabian Peninsula, to smoke jurak, a cooked tobacco-fruit mixture, and burnt by an electrical device or by charcoal. The produced smoke passes through the water at the base of the sheesha and then a long-tube before it is inhaled. Though most smokers consider sheesha less harmful to health than cigarette smoking,48 this has not been substantiated in regional studies.48,49 Experimental and clinical studies have found that nicotine, an active ingredient of both sheesha and cigarettes, not only triggers cardiovascular diseases, but also predisposes frequent users to various neuropsychiatric disorders.50 The question remains whether smoking triggers mental illness or people with mental illness are more likely to smoke.51 Pharmacological studies have unequivocally shown that nicotine is as addictive as other well-known psychoactive drugs such as cocaine and amphetamines.52 However, GCC countries have given a low priority to this a public health issue. Demand for nicotine has been falling in industrialised nations, 53 but a similar picture is not emerging from middle and low income countries. Cigarette companies are now targeting the developing world.53 Moreover, cigarette companies are manufacturing products of differing quality for sale in different markets. It has been shown that cigarettes of the same brand sold in developing countries have higher tar content than in the country of origin.54 Some studies have suggested that certain cigarettes are made from more potent, hence, more addictive, nicotine.53,55 As there is no known effective program to educate people about the dangers of smoking, prevention and smoking cessation appear to an unattainable goals. To compound the problem, some proponents of the "gateway phenomenon" suggest that smoking is a springboard to hard drugs such as cocaine and heroin, 56 though there is also evidence to contradict this view.57 The social problems precipitated by alcoholism have not yet been reported in the GCC countries though some reports suggest that drinking problems are proliferating.13,44,58 The World Health Organisation59 estimates that more then 5 million people are disabled because of alcohol use, making it the fourth leading cause of worldwide disability. Theobald has suggested that approximately 0% of alcohol consumers will at some time experience serious health problems related to their drinking habit.60 As many individuals are now facing the daily challenges of modern living and the pressures of modern life, alcohol abuse is thought to be one of the elusive antidotes to modern insecurity.17 Some recent findings suggest that individuals who have a high subjective level of insecurity in their lives are likely to abuse alcohol to ward of their psychosocial stress. Interestingly, people with such attributes have been seen to have refractory types of alcoholism.61 Alcohol syndromes such as delirium tremens and Korsakoff's psychosis are known to occur among people who consume it regularly.50 Persons at risk of drinking problems cannot be reliably identified in the population; therefore the pattern of drinking and its psychosocial correlates are indicated for the GCC countries. The bulk of the studies21,45,58 have focused solely on exploring the validity of research instruments on cross-cultural application of drinking attitude and behaviour. Little is known on the effect of alcohol repackaged as "cologne" available in some GCC countries.62,63 Colognes or ethyl alcohol-containing perfume and after-shave are sometimes ingested as an alcohol substitute.64 Relevant to this, it would be important to determine whether the availability of alcohol and other soft drugs deters people from going into narcotics that are more dangerous. One suggestion is that in those societies of GCC where there is a relaxed attitude towards alcohol, there are fewer propensities towards heroin and other dangerous drugs.14 It also not clear how such information would be helpful in planning intervention programs in GCC countries, as the experiences from other societies suggest a complex relationship between alcohol and substance abuse. The "gateway theory" would suggest that using alcohol leads people to use harder drugs like cocaine and heroin.65 There is also scant information on the pattern and psychosocial correlates of over-the-counter medications in the GCC countries. Though generally viewed as harmless, many of them have the potential for abuse, particular those that are considered to be amphetamine-like stimulants.66 These includes nasal decongestants, bronchodilators, appetite suppressants and energy pills and drinks. While there is no evidence to suggest that cocaine and hallucinogens are widely consumed in the GCC countries, 13 the story of opiate use is somewhat different. Historical documents suggest that opium was considered as a medicinal substance in the Middle East. It was recommended by various towering Arab figures such as Ibn Sina.1 More recently, however, its semi-synthetic counterpart, heroin, far removed from its cultural context, is becoming the drug of choice for addicts in the GCC countries. Being close to heroin producing regions of the world, GCC appears to be the trafficker's place of choice. Being capable of causing compulsive dependency within a short time, heroin has a devastating effect on the user and society in general. To those who are addicted to heroin, it appears the habit leaves them little time for meaningful life. To compound the problem, as 90% of GCC heroin addicts use it intravenously, sharing of contaminated needles causes infections of human immune deficiency virus and a high incidence of other infections.33 Similarly, the number of cases of heroin addiction is often directly related to the number of crimes.27 Despite stringent regulations to reduce the supply and demand, the habit proliferates. Judging from the quantities of drugs seized by the authorities, the last decade has witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of cases of heroin addiction, the number of addicts seeking rehabilitation, and death due to heroin overdose.PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE Rehabilitation for addiction is often in the hands of psychiatric or penitentiary services though some specialised centres have emerged in some GCC countries.16 Culturally sensitive interventions seem to be often relegated to fringe importance. Medical interventions are likely to grow considering the many claims about new pharmacological tools that take advantage of the chemical properties of alcohol and other drugs. However, drug treatment for substance dependency should not hold up the search for psychosocial predisposing factors, which, in turn, could be a springboard for educational strategies to reduce demand. Indeed, blind adherence to pharmacological intervention not only seems similar to drug peddling, but also may be counterproductive in the long term. A biomedical explanatory model of substance dependency may lead to stigma, and lessen the individual and societal accountability in tackling compulsive dependency. Stressing personal responsibility, on the other hand, motivates one to change, as well as help one understand the challenges ahead and evolve coping mechanisms.67 As distress and stress are experienced in a socio-cultural context, rehabilitation services should avoid committing what Kleinman has called a "category fallacy", where a view of human nature developed for one cultural group is uncritically applied to members of another group for whom its validity has not been established.68 According to Kleinman, this results in a "distortion of pathology" rather than a critical understanding of the ways in which the members of a different cultural group perceive, experience and communicates beliefs and distress. One of the essential grounds for formulating enlightened policies toward drug dependency is to consider the society's outlook towards mood altering substances. Despite the documented frequency of substance abuse in GCC countries, a review of the literature reveals no objective studies on knowledge, attitude and perception. Opinion towards substance dependency among citizens of GCC countries is likely to have a wide-ranging influence, affecting issues as diverse as personal consequences of substance dependency, prevention, care and management of people with substance abuse. Historical and cross-cultural studies have suggested that individuals with substance dependence are likely to encounter active discrimination and harassment which, in turn, exacerbates their psychosocial predicament and perpetuates their relapse into drug taking.37 Similarly, it has been suggested that social attitudes can be more devastating than the addiction itself, and the addict's family suffers as well.69 Although many victims of substance dependency could benefit from treatment, attitudes of society towards them is likely to hamper their seeking rehabilitation. As a result, many are likely to stay underground until addiction has reached an advanced stage of irreversible pathology. This not only increases pessimism of the victims and those around them but also shatters the prospect of recovery. Therefore, more research in GCC countries should be conducted in order to shed light on socio-cultural factors that precipitate individuals to succumb to substance abuse. This would open the door for contemplating strategies to achieve a reasonable level of prevention as well as to prioritise which aspects of services are pertinent to the region. Grinspoon and Bakalar have suggested that of all the mistakes repeated, the most serious is trying to free society of drugs via legislation and regulation.70 Indeed, many studies1 suggest that no punitive measure deters availability and abuse of drugs.14 It appears that financial gain is one of the strongest determining factors. Globally, though consensus from the experts in the field suggests that substance dependency is a disease, public opinion often considers it a form of moral degeneracy that can destroy social values. As a result, victims of substance dependency are sent to the prison. Many countries have pursued the idea of creating a national consensus towards zero tolerance for substance abuse and death penalty for drug traffickers. The policies fluctuate between curbing trafficking, reducing demand and decriminalisation of certain classes of drugs.71 Some countries have considered decriminalizing soft drugs and the debate continues on the rationale of dispensing heroin to heroin-addicts.72 Although more time is needed to assess the long-term outcome of these new programs, history has shown that none of the previous campaigns to curb the spread of substance misuse has worked. Instead, the situation appears to be summed up in Bob Marley's lyric, "So you think you have found the solution; But it's just another illusion". CONCLUSION The problem of drug abuse in the GCC is a multi-dimensional one without easy solutions. This paper has touched upon several of these issues. Even though for zero tolerance to substance dependency is advocated, no program has been found to be universally successful in reducing drug dependence. Historically, many societies have tried both criminalisation and decriminalisation but to no avail. Despite all the technologies to monitor and legal authority to bring the drug traffickers to justice,including the threat of death penalty, dealing with substances that cause addiction is becoming a global challenge of ever increasing magnitude. More discouraging, the problem has even affected societies where one would expect cultural factors to protect them from the attraction of drugs. The purpose of this paper, thus, is to "point a finger to the moon", the moon symbolising the complexity of substance dependency. One should not confuse the moon with the finger that points to it.
Speeches Delivered In Other Languages. ; United Nations S/PV.8182 Security Council Seventy-third year 8182nd meeting Wednesday, 14 February 2018, 3 p.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Alotaibi. . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Zhang Dianbin Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Ms. Guadey France. . Mrs. Gueguen Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Netherlands. . Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Polyanskiy Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Clay United States of America. . Ms. Tachco Agenda The situation in Guinea-Bissau Report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-04195 (E) *1804195* S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 2/20 18-04195 The meeting was called to order at 3.10 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in Guinea-Bissau Report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Guinea-Bissau and Togo to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in the meeting: Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, and His Excellency Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Mr. Touré is joining the meeting via video-teleconference from Bissau. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2018/110, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. I now give the floor to Mr. Touré. Mr. Touré: I thank the Security Council for this opportunity to introduce the report of the Secretary- General (S/2018/110) on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). As the report already presents a detailed outline of recent events in Guinea-Bissau, my intervention will focus on updating the Council on political developments since its issuance, while analysing present challenges and making proposals for the way forward. This briefing takes place against the backdrop of a rapidly evolving political situation in Guinea-Bissau. Over the past several weeks, a series of key events have occurred with important ramifications. At the country level, President José Mário Vaz dismissed former Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló and replaced him with Mr. Artur Da Silva. The African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) finally held its party congress despite attempts by national authorities to block it, and re-elected Domingos Simões Pereira as its leader. At the regional level, on 4 February, the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), pursuant to its decision of 27 January, imposed targeted sanctions on 19 individuals deemed to be obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. Those individuals and their family members are subject to travel bans and assets freeze. They have also been suspended from ECOWAS activities. The ECOWAS Authority also requested the African Union (AU), the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the European Union, the United Nations and other partners to support and facilitate the enforcement of the sanctions. Since the imposition of the sanctions, the reaction of national stakeholders has been mixed. Those upon whom the sanctions were imposed have described them as unsubstantiated and unjust, while those in favour of the sanctions have characterized them as a necessary measure to safeguard the country's democratic course. Meanwhile, national reactions to the appointment of Mr. Artur Da Silva as the new Prime Minister have been generally consistent. On 31 January, the PAIGC issued a statement denouncing Mr. Da Silva's appointment as not being in conformity with the Conakry Agreement. Last week, the Party for Social Renewal, the second largest party in Parliament, and the group of 15 dissident parliamentarians of the PAIGC also issued public statements stressing that they would participate only in a Government formed under a consensual Prime Minister, in strict compliance with the Conakry Agreement. Thus far, the Prime Minister's efforts to consult with political parties represented in the National Assembly on the formation of an inclusive Government have not borne fruit. Under my leadership, the group of five regional and international partners, comprised of representatives of the African Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, ECOWAS, the European Union and the United Nations, has continued 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 3/20 to harmonize efforts and messaging at opportune moments with the aim of creating a stable and enabling environment for dialogue among political leaders. So far this year, I have convened three meetings of the group. My efforts, together with those of the partners, have focused on engaging national authorities and key political stakeholders in Guinea-Bissau to defuse escalating tensions, encourage political dialogue in order to ease the political gridlock, call for the protection and respect for the human rights of Bissau-Guinean citizens, and urge all aggrieved stakeholders to pursue their grievances through legal and constitutional means. Furthermore, under my direction, UNIOGBIS continues to play a central role in supporting and facilitating the regional mediation efforts of ECOWAS by, inter alia, ensuring the participation of Bissau- Guinean stakeholders at the ECOWAS Summit in Abuja in December 2017, providing substantive and logistical support for the ECOWAS high-level delegations during their missions to Bissau and regularly sensitizing regional leaders to ongoing political developments within the country, while encouraging them to exert their influence on protagonists in order to reach compromises. The absence of a functioning and stable Government for more than three years has limited the ability of UNIOGBIS to effectively and sustainably implement some of its mandated tasks. As recommended by the strategic review mission headed by the Department of Political Affairs in 2016 and endorsed by the Council last year, I have streamlined the UNIOGBIS leadership and structure to promote better integration and complementarity with the United Nations country team and other international partners, while boosting the Mission's political capacities, which has enabled me to exercise my good offices more effectively at the national level. Those changes have also assisted the broader United Nations system in Guinea-Bissau in delivering more focused and integrated peacebuilding support to national authorities and civil society, including women and youth. In this regard, the support provided by the Peacebuilding Fund has been critical. Going forward, UNIOGBIS will need to focus its energies on supporting national leaders in their efforts to appoint an acceptable Prime Minister, establish an inclusive Government, organize and conduct timely elections, and implement the priority reforms outlined in the Conakry Agreement and the ECOWAS road map. Until the completion of the electoral cycle in 2019, Guinea-Bissau remains more than ever a country that requires a dedicated United Nations presence to prevent a further deterioration in the political and security situation at the national level and avoid any negative consequences in the subregion. In this context, my good offices, political facilitation, advocacy and mediation roles, alongside my efforts aimed at promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law and at carrying out integrated peacebuilding support, will continue to be critical. As the Secretary-General has indicated in his report, it is vital that the United Nations remain engaged in peacebuilding efforts in the country while supporting ECOWAS involvement in resolving the political crisis for at least one more year. The Secretary-General has expressed his intention to authorize an assessment of the current mission at the end of that period and to present options to the Security Council for a possible reconfiguration of United Nations presence in the country. It is my hope that the Council will give favourable consideration to this recommendation. The African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC), through its communiqué of 13 February, has fully endorsed the measures taken by ECOWAS on 4 February, including the application of sanctions against political obstructionists. It has also requested the African Union Commission to coordinate with the ECOWAS Commission to ensure the effective implementation of these measures. Moreover, it has requested that the Security Council endorse the AUPSC communiqué that endorsed the ECOWAS decision. At this critical juncture, it would be important for the Security Council to continue to reaffirm the centrality of the Conakry Agreement and reiterate its full support for ECOWAS in its mediation efforts and for the measures that it has taken against political stakeholders deemed to be obstructing the resolution of the political crisis. I would further seek the Council's support in underscoring the importance of urgently organizing and holding legislative elections within the constitutionally mandated timeline. Lastly, throughout the past year, the presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB) has consistently acted as a stabilizing factor in the country. I would therefore call on members of the Council and international donors to support the continued presence of ECOMIB through to the holding of a presidential election in 2019, including by advocating for the renewal S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 4/20 18-04195 of its mandate and the provision of the financial support needed to maintain its deployment. I would like to express my gratitude to the Council for its continued interest in promoting peace and stability in Guinea-Bissau. I would also like to commend ECOWAS and its current Chair, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, and the ECOWAS Mediator for Guinea-Bissau, President Alpha Condé of Guinea, for their tireless mediation efforts. Finally, I would like to express appreciation to all multilateral and bilateral partners, especially to the AU, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries and the European Union for their commitment to promoting peace and prosperity in Guinea-Bissau. After several years of long-term investment in the stability of Guinea- Bissau, it is time to consolidate and reap the dividends of our concerted efforts. It is vital that we accompany this process to its completion. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Mr. Touré for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Vieira. Mr. Vieira (Brazil): I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for the invitation to address the Security Council in my capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). Since my last briefing to the Security Council, on 24 August last year (see S/PV.8031), there have been several important developments in the country. The situation in Guinea-Bissau is rapidly evolving, and the PBC is following it closely. At the most recent Summit of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), held in Abuja on 16 December, the Heads of State and Government gave a 30-day deadline for political actors of Guinea-Bissau to implement the Conakry Agreement. The situation was discussed again by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union, held in Addis Ababa on 27 January, in the context of its thirtieth ordinary session. After 15 months as Head of Government, Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló tendered his resignation to President José Mário Vaz, who accepted it on 16 January. On 31 January, Artur Da Silva took office as the new Prime Minister. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Togo, Robert Dussey, led two ECOWAS missions to Bissau this year. On 1 February, the ECOWAS mission issued a final communiqué stating that the nomination of a Prime Minister by consensus, as determined by the Conakry Agreement, had not taken place and that the ECOWAS Commission would start applying sanctions against those who create obstacles to a political solution. On 4 February, ECOWAS issued a decision listing 19 names that will be subject to sanctions, consisting of the exclusion from the activities of the community, a travel ban, and the freezing of assets of the sanctioned persons and their families. The Guinea-Bissau configuration is actively engaged in following the situation in Guinea-Bissau and in providing support for the country through different initiatives. I am also in permanent contact with the Brazilian Ambassador in Bissau, who maintains excellent relations with national authorities, political actors and United Nations representatives. I would remind Council members that Brazil was one of the first countries to recognize Guinea-Bissau in 1974. In that same year we opened an embassy in Bissau. In 2017, I organized a working breakfast with the members of the PBC and four ambassador-level meetings of the Guinea-Bissau configuration. We issued three press statements last year on the situation in the country. I also briefed the Security Council on two occasions, on 14 February (see S/PV. 7883) and on 24 August. Between 25 and 28 July 2017, I conducted my first visit to Bissau in my capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration. I met many political actors, including President José Mário Vaz, then-Prime Minister Sissoco, a number of ministers, members of all parties in the Parliament, and representatives of the United Nations. On my return, I stopped in Lisbon, where I met with the Executive Secretary of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, Ms. Maria do Carmo Silveira. On 15 December 2017, the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) approved six new projects for Guinea-Bissau, totalling $7 million, to be implemented between January 2018 and June 2019. These projects are designed to help stabilize the country by providing support to the media and the justice sector, as well as support for national reconciliation efforts and the participation of young people and women in peacebuilding and in politics. The Guinea-Bissau configuration of the PBC discussed and 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 5/20 supported these projects in a meeting held in November last year. The PBC will continue to support Guinea-Bissau not only through the PBF, but also through consultations with different partners, including the World Bank and other international financial institutions. In this context, I am planning a visit to Washington in the coming weeks in order to talk to representatives of the World Bank about possibilities for cooperation with Guinea-Bissau. On Monday, 12 February, I convened a meeting of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the PBC to discuss the most recent developments in the country. On that occasion, we heard a briefing from the Under- Secretary-General for Political Affairs and Head of the Department of Political Affairs, Mr. Jeffrey Feltman. I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Feltman for his presence there. It was a positive sign of engagement and trust in the role of the PBC. It also showed his commitment to contributing to a solution to the current impasse in Guinea-Bissau. During that meeting, the participants had the opportunity to discuss the recent developments in the country, including the decision of ECOWAS to impose sanctions. They underlined the need for dialogue and mentioned the role of the region, including the importance of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. Member States also commended the work of the PBF in Guinea-Bissau. Many participants stressed the relevance of respecting the constitutional framework in organizing elections. Member States welcomed the non-involvement of the armed forces in the political crisis. Many delegations mentioned the positive presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea- Bissau (ECOMIB). Delegations also supported the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), which is expected to happen by the end of this month, and underlined the importance of the good offices of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré. Finally, I also would like to inform the Council that it is my intention to visit Guinea-Bissau in the coming months to consult with a broad range of stakeholders on how the PBC can support peacebuilding efforts in the country and help the political actors find a solution to the current impasse. The exact date of the visit will depend on developments on the ground and will be scheduled in consultation with local authorities. I would like to recall that Brazil is currently the Chair of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP). As was done when I previously briefed the Council, the CPLP has endorsed my remarks. I would like to conclude my statement by reaffirming that the PBC will continue to make every effort to support Guinea-Bissau and I would like to outline the following recommendations in that regard. I reiterate the support of the configuration for the Bissau six-point road map and the Conakry Agreement as the framework for the resolution of the crisis. I call upon the authorities of Guinea-Bissau and key political actors to show leadership and determination by engaging in actions that would lead to the implementation of those agreements. I take note of the efforts of the region to resolve the political impasse in the country. I stress the importance of holding free and fair elections, in accordance with the Constitution of Guinea- Bissau, and call upon the international community to support that process. I underline the importance of renewing the mandate of UNIOGBIS for another year, as recommended by the Secretary-General. I also recognize the effective, preventive and deterrent role of ECOMIB. Finally, I would like to commend the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his efforts to help ensure an enabling political environment in the country. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Ambassador Vieira for his briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): I would like to begin my statement by thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his insightful briefing on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. I will focus my statement on two main points: the implementation of the Conakry Agreement by the Guinea-Bissau signatories and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 6/20 18-04195 Guinea-Bissau is going through a new phase in the serious and deep political and institutional crisis of recent years. My country and West Africa are concerned about this situation, which is characterized by a political impasse and requires the Council to act with greater firmness alongside the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union to bring the political actors of Guinea-Bissau to honour their commitments. Indeed, despite the signing on 14 October 2016 of the Conakry Agreement, which was supposed to favour the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister and the establishment of an inclusive Government, the country is again without a Government and confronted by a blockage of Parliament and a deep lack of trust between the President of the Republic and his party, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde. The stalemate heightens raises concerns not only of a detrimental delay in the electoral calendar, which calls for the holding of legislative elections in May 2018 and presidential elections in 2019, but also of the exacerbation of political tensions and the growth of the criminal economy linked to drug trafficking. My country welcomes the ongoing efforts of ECOWAS to definitively resolve the crisis in Guinea-Bissau, in strict compliance with the communal arrangements and constitutional framework of the country. The current deadlock in Guinea-Bissau is the culmination of a prolonged deterioration of the political situation and the manifest lack of will on the part of the political actors to commit themselves to a consensual settlement of the crisis, despite the appeals and efforts of ECOWAS. Côte d'Ivoire calls on the parties to implement the Conakry Agreement in good faith and without delay. My delegation once again commends ECOWAS for its leadership and the ongoing commitment of its leaders, the Chairperson of the ECOWAS Authority, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, and the ECOWAS Mediator for Guinea-Bissau, President Alpha Condé of Guinea, in the quest for a solution to the political impasse in Guinea-Bissau. Côte d'Ivoire also commends the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau for its invaluable contribution to stability in the country. ECOWAS, after a lengthy process of futile warnings, decided to adopt individual sanctions against 19 persons considered to be hostile to the process of ending the crisis in Guinea-Bissau. The sanctions are a strong signal of the resolve of ECOWAS to bring the country out of a crisis that has persisted too long. Those measures — which specifically involve the suspension of the participation in the activities of ECOWAS of all persons concerned, a travel ban on travel, the denial of visas to them and their families, and the freezing of their financial assets — must be applied with utmost rigour. The sanctions, I recall, are based on the Supplementary Act of 17 February 2012, which imposes sanctions on Member States that fail to honour their obligations vis-à-vis ECOWAS, and article 45 of the Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. My country congratulates ECOWAS on taking those courageous measures, which will serve as a wake-up call to the Guinea-Bissau political class, and looks forward to their effective endorsement by the African Union. Côte d'Ivoire invites the Council to fully support ECOWAS in the interests of peace and national cohesion in Guinea-Bissau. To that end, my country calls on the Security Council to adopt by consensus the draft resolution on the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, which also requires the endorsement of those sanctions. Furthermore, my delegation urges the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP), the European Union and the United Nations to also support the efforts of ECOWAS to effectively implement measures that seek to ensure that the Conakry Agreement be upheld. Institutional and political stability, peace and security in Guinea-Bissau depend primarily on the people of Guinea-Bissau themselves. To achieve that, we call on them to take ownership of the Conakry Agreement. Without the involvement of the parties themselves, the prospects for finding a solution to the crisis and for restoring lasting peace to Guinea-Bissau will remain illusory. With regard to the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, my delegation welcomes the various initiatives to support the political dialogue and the national reconciliation process. Furthermore, we encourage ongoing consultations in order to make progress on security sector reform and to meet the needs of the peacebuilding mechanism under way in Guinea-Bissau. My delegation thanks the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea-Bissau for his efforts in mediation, promoting the rule of law and building the capacity of the Guinea-Bissau institutions. Côte d'Ivoire encourages its international partners, in 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 7/20 particular the United Nations, the African Union, the European Union, the CPLP and ECOWAS, to cooperate more closely with regard to their work on the ground to ensure greater effectiveness. My country also welcomes the strong involvement of Guinea-Bissau women in the political process, and in particular their role in facilitating dialogue between the parties. With regard to the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, I would like to inform the members of the Council that Côte d'Ivoire will soon submit a draft resolution for adoption on that issue. At the same time, if it is acceptable to all members of the Council, a draft press statement will also be submitted for adoption. My country reiterates its appeal to all stakeholders in the crisis in Guinea-Bissau to participate fully in the efforts of the international community, in particular of ECOWAS, to promote the comprehensive implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which guarantees a way out of the political impasse that the country has long suffered. I would like to finish by thanking Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil, Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for all the information that he has kindly provided to the Council. Ms. Tachco (United States of America): I wish to thank Mr. Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for his briefing and Ambassador Vieira not only for his briefing but also for his leadership of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Recently, the Security Council has witnessed significant success in West Africa in places that have experienced years or even decades of violence and tragedy. Such success includes the first democratic transfer of power in Liberia in more than 70 years and the continued consolidation of democracy in The Gambia, as well as strong economic growth in countries across the region. However, there remain many serious and profound challenges, such as the terrorist threat posed by Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa, elections and reform challenges facing countries with upcoming democratic transition, and humanitarian crises and displacement, all of which merit the continued attention of the Security Council. Given the urgency and magnitude of such problems, the United States believes that a self-inflicted 30-month political impasse, such as that in Guinea-Bissau, is unacceptable. For too long we have gathered to hear updates on fits and starts of political progress that eventually fade to obstruction and obfuscation from the country's leadership. The United States is profoundly disappointed by the decision of President Vaz to ignore the Conakry Agreement by failing to appoint a consensus Prime Minister and to create an inclusive Government. President Vaz must take urgent steps towards a unity Government that will pave the way for peaceful legislative elections in May. The people of Guinea-Bissau are understandably frustrated at the failure of their Government to make progress on the implementation of the Agreement. They deserve better. Time is running out. We have witnessed rising tension. Political gatherings in Bissau have provoked clashes as the people of Guinea- Bissau publicly express their frustration at the skeletal political process. Those clashes led to a crackdown by the Guinea-Bissau leadership. The Government must respect the people's right to peaceful expression and protect that right. On 4 February, the Economic Community of West African States took the ambitious step of sanctioning 19 spoilers of the Conakry Agreement, including their family members. The United States applauds such efforts to hold those in power accountable and to compel them towards finally doing what is right for the people of Guinea-Bissau. We also applaud the renewal of the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea- Bissau and encourage the Guinea-Bissau military to continue its political non-interference, while playing its constitutional role. For years, the international community and the United Nations have put resources into Guinea-Bissau to do important things for the benefit of its people. However, with a Government at an impasse, important issues such as security sector reform and combating transnational organized crime, narcotics and human trafficking cannot be adequately addressed. That is unacceptable. As Ambassador Haley noted in the peacekeeping context, the United Nations cannot operate effectively in environments with uncooperative Governments. That also applies to political missions such as the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 8/20 18-04195 Bissau (UNIOGBIS). For UNIOGBIS to continue on that path would not be the continuation of a partnership with a willing Government but would simply enable its obstruction. Elections must take place on time and will require support. However, first, the Government must first end the impasse to convince its partners that international support will build on established political progress and a willingness to overcome differences to enable the Government to function again. In conclusion, we once again draw attention to the ordinary people of Guinea-Bissau who, for the better part of their lives, have not known the stability of sustainable democratic governance. The Security Council must keep them in mind as we take steps to put pressure on leaders to abandon their self-serving wilfulness and to take action to better the lives of their people. They should know that our patience has now run out. Ms. Guadey (Ethiopia): I wish to thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary- General, for his briefing on the latest developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). I would also like to express appreciation to Ambassador Mauro Vieira in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) for his remarks. The continued political stand-off and institutional paralysis in Guinea-Bissau remain a source of serious concern. The consequent socioeconomic difficulties over the past two years have impacted the people of Guinea-Bissau and will eventually undermine the peace and stability of the country. We appreciate the important role of the PBC and welcome the approval of useful projects to be financed under the Immediate Response Facility of the Peacebuilding Fund to the amount of $7.3 million. Such projects will certainly contribute to easing the socioeconomic difficulties of women and young people, as well as to promoting stability. The centrality of the Conakry Agreement to sustaining peace, security and development in Guinea- Bissau cannot be overemphasized. We reiterate our call for all stakeholders in Guinea-Bissau to respect and to comply with the Agreement in addressing their differences and the challenges facing their country. We urge them to create conditions for the holding of legislative and presidential elections in 2018 and 2019, respectively. All parties should also refrain from actions or statements that could escalate tensions and incite violence. It is indeed vital that the security and armed forces of Guinea-Bissau continue to uphold the country's Constitution and desist from interfering in the political and institutional crisis. Those who continue to obstruct the implementation of the agreement must be given clear signals that their actions will not be tolerated. In that regard, we commend the role of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the high-level delegation it dispatched to Guinea-Bissau two weeks ago. We support its decision on restoring democratic governance and ensuring respect for the rule of law in Guinea Bissau, as endorsed by the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council communiqué issued today. The Council should reinforce the decision by ECOWAS and the African Union and convey a clear and united message to all the parties in this regard. We believe the concerted efforts by ECOWAS, the African Union, the United Nations and other relevant partners continues to be indispensable to finding a durable solution to the political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. We express our support to UNIOGBIS for its continued provision of necessary support to Guinea- Bissau, with the objective of resolving the current political impasse and creating an environment for of dialogue among all of the country's actors. Accordingly, we fully agree with the recommendation of the Secretary General that the current UNIOGBIS mandate be extended for another year, until 28 February 2019. Finally, we echo the appeal of the AU Peace and Security Council for financial support towards the continuation of the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau — whose mandate has been extended to 31 March — until the necessary training of the national security forces of Guinea-Bissau is completed. I wish to conclude by supporting the draft press statement proposed by Côte d'Ivoire, and express our readiness to work closely on the draft resolution that will renew the UNIOGBIS mandate. Mrs. Gueguen (France) (spoke in French): I thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, for his clear and precise briefing, which reminds us of just how critical this point is for Guinea-Bissau. I also thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his efforts as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 9/20 Commission and for his insistent appeal for support to regional initiatives and for respect for the electoral cycle in Guinea-Bissau. France is concerned about the non-implementation of the Conakry Agreement since October 2016. The Agreement, which provides for the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister, has remained a dead letter, even though it provides a plan to resolve the conflict. This political impasse has consequences on the ground. There have been several clashes between the police and opposition political parties. Respect for human rights is also not assured in Guinea-Bissau. The latest developments on the ground show that the authorities of Guinea-Bissau no longer hesitate to limit the freedom of assembly and the right to protest. The establishment of a robust compliance framework with regard to respect for public freedoms is an essential precondition to the resolution of the crisis in Guinea-Bissau. We therefore call upon the international community to be particularly vigilant in that regard. Due to the risk of a deterioration in the political and security situation, it is high time for all parties to honour their commitments to reach national consensus, all the more so because the window of opportunity is narrowing, as legislative elections are slated for this spring. In that regard, it is particularly important to ensure that the legislative and presidential time table is adhered to. I would like to emphasize three essential points with regard to the renewal at the end of the month of the madate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). First, we must increase our support for regional initiatives. In that regard, France welcomes the ongoing efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), especially the work of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau and the recent adoption of the sanctions list of people obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. That is an important step forward and a clear sign to the relevant local actors. We are convinced that the solution to the conflict will require consultation among local actors and the international community. In that connection, the group of five international partners based in Guinea-Bissau, which comprises the African Union, the European Union, the United Nations, ECOWAS and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, provides a special coordination platform that ought to be supported. Secondly, it is crucial for the Security Council to fully assume its role in resolving the current political impasse in Guinea-Bissau. The Council should increase pressure on local actors, particularly President Vaz, and should direct the parties in Guinea-Bissau to shoulder their responsibilities. Sanctions were adopted in 2012 through resolution 2048 (2012), and additional measures could be taken in conjunction with those taken by ECOWAS. Thirdly, it is essential to renew the mandate of UNIOGBIS, which ends 28 February, and thereby signal the commitment of the United Nations to continuing to participate in the process of resolving the conflict. We should also contemplate restructuring UNIOGBIS following an assessment of the impact of its activities on the ground. It is time for the parties in Guinea-Bissau to move from words to action. Their commitments must now give way to concrete action. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation welcomes the holding of this meeting and thanks Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- Bissau, for his briefing. We also thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his commitment and leadership as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Peru is monitoring with concern the situation in Guinea-Bissau. Despite efforts by the international community and regional organizations to reach a solution to the political crisis, little progress has been made in the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, concluded in October 2016. We would like to make three main points. First, Peru deems the successful holding of 2018 and 2019 elections to be crucial to achieving sustainable peace. In that regard, we are concerned about the nomination of a Prime Minister who does not enjoy consensus among all parties, as called for in the Conakry Agreement. That undermines the credibility of the Government. Additionally, four of the members of the National Electoral Commission, including its President, could not be nominated for the National Assembly, which has not convened since S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 10/20 18-04195 January 2016. Such conditions complicate the holding of legislative elections slated for May. That is why we believe it is necessary and urgent for all parties to resume inclusive dialogue with a view to implementing the commitments undertaken. We welcome the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States, which include imposing sanctions on those who obstruct the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, in line with regional rules and regulations. We believe that it is important to increase the participation of women and youth in the necessary dialogue and subsequent elections. That is why we highlight the efforts of the Women's Facilitation Group, which seeks to increase the participation of women in the country's political processes. Secondly, we are concerned that, despite the current relative stability, a stalled political process could lead to renewed violence and rampant crime, especially considering that the country is vulnerable to threats such as terrorism, organized crime and human trafficking. In that connection, we highlight the launching of the Network of National Human Rights Defenders. As the Secretary-General noted in his report (S/2018/110), reform is needed in this area, including strengthening the armed forces and the professionalization of the police. Similarly, we call for full respect for the fundamental right to freedom of expression in Guinea-Bissau. Thirdly, with regard to socioeconomic development, we would like to highlight the fact that, although the World Bank has reported economic growth of 5 per cent over the past year, it should be borne in mind that such growth is primarily attributed to the country's main exports being sold at a higher price on the international market. Nonetheless, a country whose poverty rate is approximately 70 per cent is socially and economically vulnerable. That is why we believe that peacekeeping and peacebuilding require greater investment in social development, and in particular in Peacebuilding Fund projects aimed at empowering women and young people, promoting national reconciliation and strengthening the judiciary. We underscore the importance of ensuring the predictability and stability of the Fund's financing. We also believe that it is important that the activities promoted by the Peacebuilding Fund be coordinated with the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) and the United Nations country team. In conclusion, we support the renewal of the UNIOGBIS mandate for an additional year, in line with the recommendation of the Secretary-General. We thank the Economic Community of West African States, the African Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the European Union and other international actors committed to assisting Guinea-Bissau for their valuable efforts. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): At the outset, on behalf of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, let me thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau and Head of Mission for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS), Mr. Modibo Touré, and his team for the detailed and important briefing on the situation in Guinea-Bissau. We also thank Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for his briefing, in which he underscored the configuration's commitment to the various initiatives in Guinea-Bissau. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has followed very closely and with great interest the developments in the political and institutional crisis in Guinea-Bissau. It has paid even closer attention since the country joined the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP) in 2014, and now that Equatorial Guinea chairs the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012), concerning Guinea-Bissau. In my capacity as Chair of the 2048 Committee, I would like to voice our concern about the deadlock in the peace process in Guinea-Bissau, which is hindering the country's national reform programme, thereby threatening to undermine progress in the country since constitutional order was restored in 2014. Equatorial Guinea lauds the commitment and considerable effort made, as well as the human and financial resources made available by international multilateral partners, in particular the Guinea- Bissau group of five, comprising the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the CPLP, the European Union and the United Nations. Undoubtedly, the synergy among international actors with regard to the issue in Guinea-Bissau attests to the desire and willingness of the international community to find a peaceful and 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 11/20 consensus-based solution in the interests of Guinea- Bissau. The Conakry Agreement must continue to be the fundamental reference for national political actors. The Agreement not only outlines the appointment of a Prime Minister who is trusted by the President of the Republic, but whose appointment is the result of consensus among all national stakeholders. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has taken note of the rejection of the appointment of Mr. Augusto Antonio Artur Da Silva by ECOWAS and the main political actors in Guinea-Bissau, in particular of the two main political parties — the Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde and the Partido para a Renovação Social. Given the lack of consensus surrounding the appointment of the Prime Minister, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea calls upon all political actors in the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, including the President of the Republic, as well as the leaders of the two main political parties, to work together to form an inclusive Government that would create the right conditions ahead of upcoming legislative elections to be held later this year, and presidential elections in 2019. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea supports the electoral calendar as outlined in the country's Constitution. That is why the Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that an international support mechanism for the electoral process should be put in place for the purpose of updating the electoral rolls and assisting the Independent National Electoral Commission to effectively shoulder its responsibility, and with all other preparations that would allow for the holding of transparent, democratic elections whose results would put a definitive end to the political maze the country has had to navigate over the past few years. The extension of the mandate of UNIOGBIS is a key element in resolving the crisis. As announced, ECOWAS has decided to extend the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau until 31 March. The actions of the United Nations must be part of that undertaking. The Security Council's vote, scheduled for 27 February, must allow the Mission to be extended for a year or more, until presidential elections are held in 2019. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that international partners should continue to focus primarily on mediation, good offices, dialogue and direct negotiations as the only viable paths to breaking the current political and institutional deadlock. The most recent report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) concludes that the population's latent frustration with an uncertain political environment could foster instability and crime. Equatorial Guinea reiterates its gratitude to the defence and security forces that have chosen to adopt a neutral, republican position. Therefore, we urge all political actors in Guinea-Bissau to put the interests of the country and its people, love of State and their responsibility above all other considerations so as to create the right conditions for the holding of free, fair and transparent elections. Stability in the country must not be disassociated from economic recovery. In that regard, we welcome the support of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, through the Peacebuilding Fund, in financing various multisectoral projects. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea will take part in good offices and negotiations. Equatorial Guinea, as a member of the CPLP and Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012), concerning Guinea- Bissau, will support and take initiatives that it believes are necessary to assist in efforts under way to find a solution to the situation in the brotherly country of Guinea-Bissau. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I would like to begin by thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his briefing. I commend him and his team for the valuable work being undertaken in support of the people of Guinea-Bissau. Let me also extend my thanks to the Permanent Representative of Brazil, Ambassador Mauro Vieira, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. As Ambassador Vieira mentioned his country's long-standing relations with Guinea-Bissau, I thought that I would take this opportunity to point out that Sweden recognized Guinea-Bissau in 1974, and we began supporting General Assembly resolution 2911 (XXVII), concerning its self-rule, in 1968. In the 1970s and 1980s, Guinea-Bissau was one of our largest development partner countries. There is therefore a deep and historic friendship between Sweden and the people of Guinea-Bissau, and it is in that spirit of friendship that we are engaging in support for Guinea- Bissau in meeting its current complex challenges. S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 12/20 18-04195 Moreover, we welcome the opportunity to draw upon the strategic advice of the Peacebuilding Commission and its longer-term perspective, which are essential for sustaining peace in Guinea-Bissau. The activities financed by the Peacebuilding Fund to that end are also important. An integrated approach from the United Nations family in Guinea-Bissau can contribute positively to overcoming peacebuilding challenges. Accordingly, we welcome the efforts outlined in the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). We are concerned by the ongoing and increasingly protracted political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. A lack of progress in resolving the stalemate undermines peacebuilding efforts and is holding the country's social and economic development hostage. Resolving the crisis is therefore a prerequisite for the consolidation of peace in the country. The six-point Bissau road map and the Conakry Agreement remain the only legitimate way forward, and must be implemented. The appointment of a consensus Prime Minister, as stipulated in the Agreement, is essential. National leaders must live up to their commitments and meet their responsibilities. We strongly commend the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to mediate among the parties to find a solution to the political crisis. ECOWAS is playing an essential role on behalf of the region, and we welcome its continued efforts to reach a consensual implementation of the road map and Conakry Agreement. We welcome the ECOWAS decision to impose sanctions on those impeding the Agreement's implementation. It is important that the international community fully support regional efforts in a concerted and coherent manner. In that regard, we welcome the statement issued yesterday by the African Union in support of ECOWAS, including regarding sanctions. Long-term peace and security in Guinea-Bissau will be achieved only when the root causes of the conflict are addressed. Constitutional reform, reconciliation and political dialogue, strengthening the rule of law through strong and inclusive institutions, and ensuring equal access to economic opportunities are all critical in that regard. It is also essential that all parts of society have their voices heard. In particular, ensuring the full and effective participation of women is crucial. We agree with the Secretary-General that the promotion of, and respect for, human rights is fundamental to sustaining peace and ensuring long-term stability and development in Guinea-Bissau. We echo the Secretary- General's call on national authorities to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms and to refrain from any further acts that undermine the rule of law. Let me also take a moment to welcome the military's neutrality and its posture of non-interference in the political process. Concerning the role of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), it has a crucial role to play in coordinating international efforts to support Guinea-Bissau, not least of which is supporting preparations for the holding of elections. There is a need to immediately refocus the Office's resources where they can be used most effectively, particularly with regard to resolving the political deadlock and supporting the electoral process so that it moves forward. We strongly support the Office's work to strengthen women's participation as active peacemakers in resolving the political crisis, including by encouraging women's mediation efforts. We welcome in particular that the integration of gender-sensitive perspectives into the work of UNIOGBIS and the United Nations country team has been accorded the highest priority by the United Nations in Guinea- Bissau. We look forward to hearing more about how that process is being taken forward. During the Peacebuilding Commission's meeting on Guinea-Bissau on Monday this week, all key actors, including Guinea-Bissau, expressed the view that the Secretary-General's recommendation for a one-year extension of the UNIOGBIS mandate should be authorized. A one-year extension would allow for longer-term planning and more effective support for the implementation of the Conakry Agreement and the holding of elections. The political crisis in Guinea-Bissau has gone on for far too long. It is now time to move forward with the full implementation of the Conakry Agreement and preparations for the holding of inclusive elections. The international community, together with the region, must stand ready to support the country on its path towards long-term peace and development. Mr. Clay (United Kingdom): I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Touré and Ambassador Vieira for their informative briefings. The situation in Guinea-Bissau is concerning. It is not the first country in the world to experience a political impasse, but it is a country that continues to emerge from the serious instability and violence 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 13/20 of its recent past. The political impasse has prevented progress on reforms that are critical to addressing key conflict risks in Guinea-Bissau. The situation is only likely to become more volatile as we move towards elections. We have already seen violent confrontations between demonstrators and police, and witnessed worrying efforts to curb political freedoms. Economic growth is at risk, and a serious deterioration in stability would be deeply damaging for development and human rights. The illicit economy and transnational organized crime risk becoming further entrenched, with global implications. More broadly, instability in Guinea- Bissau would affect the wider region, which over the past year has been, for the most part, the site of positive political progress. The United Kingdom welcomes the leadership shown by the West African region, particularly through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It has shown persistence and patience. This is a crisis that began in 2015. It brokered the Conakry Agreement 15 months ago. It has agreed to countless communiqués and published innumerable statements. It has sent numerous high-level delegations to Guinea- Bissau, including three over the past six months alone. But those most responsible for Guinea-Bissau's crisis have responded with stubborn refusal to give ground and find compromise. Therefore, it is understandable that the region's patience has worn thin. ECOWAS has now been driven to impose sanctions against individuals deemed responsible for impeding the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. The African Union Peace and Security Council has endorsed that move. The United Kingdom supports the ECOWAS decision, and we urge the Security Council and the entire international community to remain united in support of ECOWAS efforts. We also believe that it is important to recognize the bold efforts of civil society in Guinea-Bissau to resolve the crisis. In particular, the mediation efforts launched by the Women's Facilitation Group were an encouraging initiative, and we welcome the support given to them by the United Nations. As set out in resolution 2343 (2017), political support for efforts towards the implementation of the Conakry Agreement should be a priority for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- Bissau. The key next step remains the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister so that preparations can proceed for legislative elections in 2018, as per the country's Constitution. As we open discussions on its renewal, the United Kingdom will focus on ensuring that the Mission's mandate responds to today's political reality on the ground, that it is realistic and that it is focused on the highest priority needs. Guinea-Bissau's people watched the country emerge from a period of instability but then found their hopes for democracy obstructed by a political knot that their own leaders tied. Support from the region and the international community to prevent the country from backsliding further will not succeed until those who tied the knot untangle it. We hope that good sense, compromise and the commitment to Guinea-Bissau's future will prevail. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): First of all, I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Modibo Touré and Ambassador Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for their useful briefings. Poland is following with growing concern the current situation in Guinea-Bissau. We support the efforts of the international community aimed at peacefully resolving the political crisis in the country. We therefore call on all political and civil society actors, regardless of their personal differences and ambitions, to engage in dialogue in a spirit of compromise. In that context, we take note that the army is not interfering in the political process. The implementation of the 2016 road map and the Conakry Agreement is crucial to maintaining peace and stability in the country. We appeal to the Guinea- Bissau authorities to complete their implementation and carry out the parliamentary elections scheduled for May in a peaceful atmosphere that guarantees political pluralism and impartiality. We think that women and young people should be included in all decision-making structures related to security sector reform, the national reconciliation process and institution-building. In this regard, we urge the Guinea-Bissau authorities to ensure the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of speech and information. Poland commends the important role of the Peacebuilding Commission in Guinea-Bissau in promoting good governance, political dialogue and national reconciliation. We also welcome the significant S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 14/20 18-04195 financial support of the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) under the PBF Immediate Response Facility. Since the PBF began its activities, Poland has provided financial support to the Fund. Poland also supports the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States Mission in Guinea- Bissau (ECOMIB) as it is an important factor in reaching consensus solutions and cooperation. The decision of the ECOWAS Heads of State and Government, published on 4 February, imposing sanctions on those responsible for non-implementation of the Conakry Agreement is a step towards holding responsible those who are impeding a peaceful, consensus solution to the crisis. Due to the fragile security situation in the country, the presence of ECOMIB is most important. In this regard, we welcome the decision to extend ECOMIB's mandate until the end of March. Its role is essential, especially in view of the upcoming legislative elections. The mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) expires at the end of this month. The United Nations should remain engaged in efforts towards peace in the country and support ECOWAS efforts to resolve the political crisis. In conclusion, Poland encourages all the parties in Guinea-Bissau to engage in dialogue. We also express our full support for the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré. We look forward to the upcoming UNIOGBIS mandate renewal. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): We commend Special Representative of the Secretary-General Modibo Touré and Ambassador Mauro Vieira for their comprehensive briefings on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, and extend our full support for their commitment to facilitating a political solution to the crisis. Kazakhstan is deeply concerned by the protracted political stalemate in the country. We join others in calling on all stakeholders to engage in an inclusive political dialogue and immediately implement the Conakry Agreement and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) road map to end the deadlock and restore institutional viability. It is therefore necessary to avoid differing interpretations of the Agreement. We commend the mediation efforts of ECOWAS, under the leadership of Presidents Faure Gnassingbé of Togo and Alpha Condé of Guinea, as well as by the other members of the group of international partner organizations on Guinea-Bissau. We have taken note of the decision of ECOWAS to impose targeted sanctions on those obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. We express hope that this decision will contribute to finding a solution to the crisis and strengthen democratic institutions and capacity-building for State organs. We welcome the extension until April of the mandate of ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB), which plays a crucial role in ensuring stability in Guinea-Bissau, and urge international partners to continue supporting ECOMIB. The importance of peacebuilding, good offices and coordination efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau cannot be underestimated. We therefore support the Secretary-General's recommendation to renew the mission's mandate for one more year. We also agree with his proposal to assess the mission, should the political impasse continue. We note the importance of holding legislative and presidential elections according to the constitutional time frame, and call on international partners to provide the necessary technical, logistical and financial support for the electoral process. The current political crisis may further fuel transnational organized crime, drug trafficking and terrorist activities. Therefore, increased national engagement and international support are critical to enhancing and extending reforms in the security, judicial and law enforcement sectors. In addition, the most effective measures must be sought to ensure the country's stability and resilience by increasing support for the education and health sectors, as well as the existing development plans, including Terra Ranka and the United Nations peacebuilding plan. In conclusion, we welcome the active engagement of the Women's Facilitation Group, and impress upon the national authorities the importance of ensuring the participation of women and young people in the political process at every stage and at all levels. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): I would like first of all to thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré, and the Permanent Representative of Brazil, Mr. Mauro Vieira, who spoke in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau country configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), for their briefings. 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 15/20 For years now, Guinea-Bissau has been marked by a protracted political crisis. In a region characterized by increasing attention to and respect for the rule of law, human rights and democracy, Guinea-Bissau continues to be out of step, as indicated once again in the latest report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). In the light of this, the Kingdom of the Netherlands wishes to underscore the following three points with regard to the situation in Guinea-Bissau. First, the Conakry Agreement of 2016 and the six-point road map should remain the basis for a political solution in Guinea-Bissau, and its provisions should honoured. Secondly, the diplomatic and political efforts of the region through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) deserve the steadfast support of the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council. Thirdly, the role of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) in the country at this critical juncture, with elections around the corner, is as important as ever. It is therefore imperative that its mandate be extended. First, with respect to the Conakry Agreement, almost a year and half has passed since the Agreement was concluded. The Kingdom of the Netherlands reiterates the centrality of the Agreement in peacefully resolving the current crisis, and urges the parties to abide by its contents. It is clear that an important roadblock with regard to its implementation is the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister. The need for this appointment has become increasingly urgent. With parliamentary elections on the horizon, it is imperative that these elections be held in a timely, transparent and inclusive manner. Secondly, with regard to support for ECOWAS, while the past six months were mainly characterized by the same intransigence as in previous reporting periods, concerted action and increased pressure on the part of the region, and ECOWAS in particular, could actually lead, when given the necessary support, to tangible progress in resolving the Bissau-Guinean crisis. Yesterday's decision of the African Union Peace and Security Council to support the efforts of ECOWAS is a case in point. The Secretary-General rightly observes in his report that the continuing efforts of ECOWAS to resolve the crisis are commendable. The Kingdom of the Netherlands would like to clearly point out that it supports and endorses ECOWAS mediation efforts and its imposition of sanctions. We welcome the ECOWAS unified action and believe that the presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau is vital to the stability of Guinea-Bissau. ECOWAS has shown before that, when united, it has the ability to act as the region's power broker, for example as it did in The Gambia. Like it did then, the Council should firmly support ECOWAS in taking up this role and responsibility, as it should in the case of any other regional organization in Africa that takes the lead in maintaining peace and security in the region. My third point is that ECOWAS cannot do this alone. We commend the African Union and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries for their collaboration with the European Union and for the support they have brought and the constructive role they play. From the report of the Secretary General, it is evident that UNIOGBIS plays a vital role in Guinea- Bissau. With legislative elections scheduled for 2018 and presidential elections in 2019, the role of UNIOGBIS is more crucial than ever. We therefore call for a renewal of its mandate for no less than one year, in addition to allowing for longer-term planning, including setting more concrete priorities for the mission and making adaptations to meet specific needs. UNIOGBIS's convening power in Bissau remains essential, as will be its role in ensuring peaceful, free and democratic elections in Guinea-Bissau, as well as a smooth post-election process. Renewing the mandate for less than 12 months would send the wrong signal. In conclusion, sustained pressure to implement the Conakry Agreement, the maximum possible support to ECOWAS's ongoing efforts and measures and UNIOGBIS's continued support to the political process will be crucial factors in ending the deadlock in Guinea- Bissau, particularly in the light of the constitutionally mandated elections. Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): We appreciate the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110) presented by Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), and the briefing by Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. There has been no significant progress or visible improvement in the situation in Guinea-Bissau, where the general instability seems almost impervious to S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 16/20 18-04195 change, thereby jeopardizing the full implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which is unquestionably the fundamental framework for a peaceful solution to the crisis and for achieving sustainable and lasting peace there. In our view, the negative effects are likely to exacerbate matters if the parties cannot definitively condemn sectarian interests and contribute effectively to the mediation efforts and good offices of the relevant international, regional and subregional organizations. Bolivia firmly repudiates any action that could destabilize or jeopardize the ongoing dialogue and reconciliation process that has been established with the participation of all the parties concerned. We urge that the agreements be definitively consolidated in line with the inclusive national dialogue, which would enable Government members, the political parties represented in the National Assembly and every sector of civil society to arrive at a consensus and implement the agreements constructively through a legitimate commitment to achieving a lasting political and social solution whose sole aim is benefiting the people of Guinea-Bissau, in strict respect for their sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. We acknowledge the active participation of the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and its Mission in Guinea- Bissau, the European Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries and UNIOGBIS, through its Special Representative, and their ongoing efforts to achieve a rapprochement between the conflicting parties. We believe that UNIOGBIS's work, focused on initiatives aimed at creating opportunities for dialogue and facilitating cooperation in the security and political sectors with the goal of forming an inclusive Government, must be reinforced. It will be crucial to increase the Office's capacity to use peaceful means to deal with the crisis if it is to have more effective and efficient results. We therefore support the recommendation in the Secretary-General's report that the mission's mandate be renewed for another year. We also commend the work being done by the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, appropriately chaired by Brazil, and we emphasize the importance of strengthening its coordination, information exchange and active collaboration with the Security Council, in accordance with the relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. We continue to encourage the initiative of the Women's Forum for Peace. The efforts of women in Guinea-Bissau to achieve a political solution shows that a gender perspective and female participation in mediation and dialogue at all levels are essential. In conclusion, we would like to reiterate once again that in a time of political, institutional and social crisis, ensuring the welfare of the population and especially its most vulnerable sectors should be the overriding interest guiding Guinea-Bissau on a path to permanent stability. Mr. Zhang Dianbin (China) (spoke in Chinese): China would like to thank Special Representative Touré and Ambassador Vieira, Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for their briefings. The situation in Guinea-Bissau has been generally stable in recent months, but it will still require all the parties to work together to meet each other halfway if they are to resolve the political impasse peacefully and as soon as possible. China hopes that the parties in Guinea-Bissau will consider the country's interests, intensify their dialogue and communication in order to bridge differences quickly, implement the Conakry Agreement as soon as possible, form an inclusive Government and resume nation-building efforts. Meanwhile, the international community should continue to follow the situation in Guinea-Bissau. China will continue to support the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau in exercising its good offices and conducting mediation efforts under Mr. Touré's leadership, with the aim of coordinating international support for Guinea-Bissau, promoting political dialogue and advancing the country's economic and social development. The international community should continue to support regional and subregional organizations such as the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries in their role as mediators, while maintaining respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Guinea-Bissau and supporting the countries of the region in settling African issues through African means. Mr. Polyanskiy (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for his briefing on the evolving political situation in Guinea- Bissau. We take note of the report of the Secretary- 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 17/20 General (S/2018/110) and the briefing by Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil and Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Russia supports the efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries to normalize the situation in Guinea-Bissau, which is undergoing a prolonged political, social and economic domestic crisis. We are concerned about the lack of tangible progress in implementing the Conakry Agreement. We want to emphasize how crucial the Agreement is to mitigating the political hostility and reducing Guinea- Bissau's potential for conflict. We urge the country's executive and legislative representatives to focus on forming an inclusive Government, introducing reforms, especially in the security sector and the Constitution, and increasing their joint efforts to prepare for parliamentary and presidential elections. It will be vital to strengthen the constitutional order and the rule of law and resolve the accumulating socioeconomic issues. We are pleased that the country's political forces continue to act with regard for the law and that the military has remained neutral. We have taken note of the ECOWAS communiqué of 4 February on imposing targeted sanctions on 19 members of Guinea-Bissau's political elite. Regarding the possibility of imposing similar measures based on the provisions of Security Council resolution 2048 (2012), we would like to point out that the resolution's main aim was restoring constitutional order, which in practical terms was achieved several years ago now. The result is that the resolution's sanctions measures are very outdated. In our opinion its listing criteria have little to do with Guinea-Bissau's current political situation, and in any case would not be usable against participants in the political process who are acting within the law. We are compelled to conclude that the opinions of the Secretary-General's report on the security sector situation give the impression that things have been left unsaid. It would have been more logical to discuss how the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) is implementing the provisions of its mandate with regard to building Guinea-Bissau's capacity to combat transnational crime and drug trafficking, after describing the actual state of affairs in those areas. In general, given the overall situation in Guinea- Bissau, we are willing to consider the Secretary- General's proposal to extend UNIOGBIS's mandate. However, we believe that the Special Representative should focus not only on helping the people of Guinea-Bissau emerge from their political deadlock and preparing for the parliamentary elections in May but also on effectively addressing the root causes of the problems in Guinea-Bissau, which lie in its Constitution's structural contradictions. If the work of constitutional reform is not completed by the start of the next electoral cycle, the country risks encountering the same problems with the new parliament and President. The President (spoke in Arabic): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as representative of Kuwait. At the outset, I join other Council members in thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his valuable briefing. I would also like to express my appreciation to Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his briefing as the chief of Guinea-Bissau Configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. We commend their efforts to support security, stability and socioeconomic development in Guinea-Bissau. We have been following the recent political developments there and regret the fact that none of the provisions of the Conakry Agreement have been implemented since signing it in October 2016. It is unacceptable that there has so far been no appointment of Prime Minister who enjoys consensus by the relevant two parties, which is critical to implementing other items of the Agreement. The situation in Guinea-Bissau differs from other cases before the Security Council in having no security aspects. Unfortunately, however, the impasse has lasted more than a year, and it is the people of Guinea-Bissau who are suffering the consequences. In that regard, we commend the steps that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has taken to advance the political process, including measures for the imposition of sanctions on those obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, as well as the decision to extend the mandate of its Mission in Guinea-Bissau until the end of March. We want to emphasize the relevance of the role of such regional organizations in resolving regional issues. The efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 18/20 18-04195 deserve support, since it is dealing with a difficult and complicated political situation. However, we hope that it will be able to make progress during the coming period with respect to conducting legislative elections this year and presidential elections next. The legislative and presidential elections, to be held in 2018 and 2019 respectively, must take place within the specific time frame. We therefore call on the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, along with all stakeholders in Guinea- Bissau, such as the European Union, the African Union, ECOWAS and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, to spare no efforts towards that end. We also call on the Government of Guinea-Bissau to ensure its citizens' full participation in the elections, as well as security and freedom of expression and assembly for all. The cooperation between UNIOGBIS and civil-society organizations in promoting and developing the role of women in Guinea-Bissau is very positive. We hope that UNIOGBIS will make a greater effort to guarantee the full participation of all components of the society, especially women and young people, in the next political process and will continue to promote other aspects of its mandate until the current impasse is resolved. In conclusion, we reiterate the importance of the Conakry Agreement as the basic reference for resolving this political crisis in Guinea-Bissau, and the efforts of ECOWAS and President Alpha Condé of Guinea to advance the political process in order to maintain the security and stability of Guinea-Bissau and the region. We stand ready to cooperate with Côte d'Ivoire in preparing a draft resolution for the extension of the UNIOGBIS mandate, in response to a request by the Secretary-General. We also support the issuance of a Press Statement to clarify the unified position of the Council regarding the situation in Guinea-Bissau. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I give the floor to the representative of Guinea-Bissau. Mr. Delfim da Silva (Guinea-Bissau) (spoke in French): I thank you, Mr. President, for inviting my delegation to the Security Council table and for giving me the floor. I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate your country, Kuwait, on its assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. We wish you success in your work. I would like to thank Mr. Modibó Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau, for his presentation today of the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). I would also like to thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil once again for his constructive statement on behalf of peacebuilding and constitutional and democratic order in Guinea-Bissau. And I would like to express our gratitude to all the Ambassadors of States members of the Security Council for their attention to my country, Guinea-Bissau. The political crisis in Guinea-Bissau did not begin with the signing of the Conakry Agreement in October 2016, but much earlier. The Conakry Agreement represents a step in the right direction for resolving the crisis by consensus. In the past 15 months, the two main parties — the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) and the Party for Social Renewal (PRS) — have repeatedly and publicly expressed their disagreement on a crucial point of the Agreement, which is having consensus on choosing a candidate for the post of Prime Minister. If a consensus was reached, the agreed candidate would then be appointed by the President of the Republic, in line with the Constitution. The PAIGC states that there was such a consensus in Conakry. The PRS, for its part, affirms that there was not. Fifteen months later, the lack of consensus has prevented the appointment of a Prime Minister, which must be consensus-based. How can the President appoint a consensus Prime Minister without, at the very least, the prior agreement of the two largest political parties? In short, the crisis over the consensus is really what has paralysed the Conakry Agreement and is prolonging the stalemate in the 15-month political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. The question is how to overcome the crisis concerning the consensus. Some believe that the imposition of sanctions will be conducive to it. We are not sure of that. Sanctions are unlikely to defuse a crisis and can even be counterproductive. It is important to bear in mind that while it is easy to adopt sanctions, it is much more difficult to impose a consensus. In any case, continuing to seek a solution to the crisis is clearly the most important thing that we must do. We need a compromise solution, a credible name, a person whose academic, political and professional 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 19/20 background can bring about such a compromise. We need someone who, without being the favourite candidate of the PAIGC or the PRS, has a background that would enable him to bring the parties together and thereby reach a compromise. The recent appointment to the post of Prime Minister of a PAIGC leader, the engineer Artur Silva, a former Minister of four Government departments — Fisheries, Defence, Education and Foreign Affairs — suggests that he is the right person to help bring about such a compromise. Moreover, after his appointment, Silva was re-elected to the higher bodies of the PAIGC, its Central Committee and Political Bureau — at the party's most recent congress, which ended a few days ago, proving that he has earned the political confidence of the party's most important bodies. Prime Minister Silva has already held working meetings in Bissau, which I would say are encouraging, with all the parties to the Conakry Agreement — the Ambassadors of Nigeria, Senegal, China, the Gambia and the representative of the Economic Community of West African States in Guinea-Bissau. Finally, through the appointment of a senior PAIGC leader, justice can be done to the party that won the last legislative elections. But above all, there will be no losers, since the PRS will be guaranteed strong representation in a Government of inclusion. This is not a zero-sum game. Under this principle of compromise, which allows a certain degree of flexibility regarding the principle of consensus, there will undoubtedly be a winner — my country, Guinea-Bissau. In conclusion, I reiterate our thanks to the members and want to assure the Council that Guinea-Bissau will continue to count on their support in these difficult times for the sake of civil peace, political stability and solidarity. The President (spoke in Arabic): I now give the floor to the representative of Togo. Mr. Kpayedo (Togo) (spoke in French): I would first like to thank you, Mr. President, for the opportunity to address the Council once again on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, in my capacity as Coordinator of the Ambassadors of the member countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that are accredited to the United Nations. I also want to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his report on the situation in Guinea- Bissau (S/2018/110), presented today by Mr. Modibo Touré, his Special Representative, whom we welcome here, along with his team, and whose briefing has provided us with a thorough picture of the situation in that country. Lastly, I would like to thank Mr. Mauro Vieira for his commitment and efforts in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Since it began, the crisis in Guinea-Bissau has continued to be a source of great concern for the Heads of State of West Africa, who are therefore sparing no effort to arrive at a favourable and lasting outcome. This issue has been on the agenda of every recent meeting of our subregional organization's Summit. In my last statement to the Council in August (see S/PV.8031), I discussed the trampling of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which led to the possibility of having recourse to the ECOWAS sanctions. Since then, the impasse is still there, despite the proposal for a new road map by President José Mário Vaz at the conclusion of the fifty-second Ordinary Session of Authority of Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, held in Abuja on 16 and 17 December 2017, and reaffirmed in Addis Ababa at the ECOWAS Extraordinary Session held on 27 January, on the margins of the 30th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly. In that regard, the President-in-Office of ECOWAS, Mr. Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, in consultation with his peers, dispatched a mission of the ministerial sanctions committee to Guinea-Bissau on 31 January and 1 February 2018, led by Mr. Robert Dussey, Togo's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation and African Integration. Its purpose was to assess the progress made by the parties to the crisis in implementing the Agreement and to report to the ECOWAS Heads of State on the potential consequences if the stalemate persisted. Following that report, the Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, in view of the fact that no significant progress has been seen in the implementation of the Conakry Agreement despite ongoing mediation and calling on all of Guinea-Bissau's political leaders to show their sense of responsibility and respect for their country's Constitution through a frank and inclusive dialogue, decided to activate the sanctions mechanisms against individuals and organizations that are hindering a settlement of the crisis, with the aim of promoting the restoration of democratic governance and respect for the rule of law in Guinea-Bissau. As a result, 19 political figures have been subject to sanctions since 4 February, in accordance with our S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 20/20 18-04195 decision 01/2018, on individual sanctions designed to promote the restoration of democratic governance and respect for the rule of law in Guinea-Bissau. The list is not exhaustive,and the monitoring committee for the implementation of sanctions — composed of Togo, Guinea and the ECOWAS Commission — therefore reserves the right to revise it as the situation on the ground changes. Here I should point out, as the representative of Côte d'Ivoire noted earlier, that these sanctions were established through ECOWAS's Supplementary Act of 17 February 2012 concerning sanctions regimes against Member States that do not honour their obligations to the Community, and are based on article 45 of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. They include suspended participation in Community activities, and a travel ban and financial assets freeze for those listed and their families, wherever they may be. The sanctions cannot be effectively implemented without the assistance of the United Nations and other multilateral and regional organizations. In that regard, I would like to take this opportunity to call for multifaceted support to ECOWAS in implementing these measures, which we hope will help to create an atmosphere conducive to the restoration of dialogue among the people of Guinea-Bissau, with a view to resolving this political and institutional impasse, which has lasted too long. In conclusion, I would once again like to invite all the parties to the Guinea-Bissau crisis to show a spirit of compromise, responsibility and openness to a peaceful, negotiated and lasting solution to this dispute, which hampers development efforts in the country and therefore in the entire subregion, which is still dealing with persistent security challenges. The meeting rose at 5 p.m.
The pandemic of COVID-19 has afflicted every individual and has initiated a cascade of directly or indirectly involved events in precipitating mental health issues. The human species is a wanderer and hunter-gatherer by nature, and physical social distancing and nationwide lockdown have confined an individual to physical isolation. The present review article was conceived to address psychosocial and other issues and their aetiology related to the current pandemic of COVID-19. The elderly age group has most suffered the wrath of SARS-CoV-2, and social isolation as a preventive measure may further induce mental health issues. Animal model studies have demonstrated an inappropriate interacting endogenous neurotransmitter milieu of dopamine, serotonin, glutamate, and opioids, induced by social isolation that could probably lead to observable phenomena of deviant psychosocial behavior. Conflicting and manipulated information related to COVID-19 on social media has also been recognized as a global threat. Psychological stress during the current pandemic in frontline health care workers, migrant workers, children, and adolescents is also a serious concern. Mental health issues in the current situation could also be induced by being quarantined, uncertainty in business, jobs, economy, hampered academic activities, increased screen time on social media, and domestic violence incidences. The gravity of mental health issues associated with the pandemic of COVID-19 should be identified at the earliest. Mental health organization dedicated to current and future pandemics should be established along with Government policies addressing psychological issues to prevent and treat mental health issues need to be developed. References World Health Organization (WHO) Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard. 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Technical Report 2018-08-ECE-138 Technical Report 2002-09-ECE-007 Enterprise Engineering - A Transdisciplinary Activity: Mapping IT to Core Competency Rajani S. Sadasivam Urcun J. Tanik Murat M. Tanik This technical report is a reissue of a technical report issued December 2002 Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering University of Alabama at Birmingham August 2018 Technical Report 2002-09-ECE-007 Enterprise Engineering- A Transdisciplinary Activity: Mapping IT to Core Competency Rajani S. Sadasivam Urcun J. Tanik Murat M. Tanik TECHNICAL REPORT Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering University of Alabama at Bi1mingham December 2002 ENGINEERING OF ENTERPRISES: A TRANSDISCIPLINARY ACTIVITY Mapping Information Technology to Core Competency Contributors: Murat M. Tanik, Rajani S. Sadasivam, lJrcun J. Tanik 1. ELEMENTS Qli' INTERNET ENTERPRISE ENGINEERING 1.1) Uusiness Language Structure Before any e n gin~ring takes place, the requirements of the project must be identified in as much detail as possible to satisfy the customer. Hence a customer-driven system is created, with the goal of ensuring that the end product is profitable. Business analysts should be able to accurately assess customer needs and break them down into manageable pieces for the technology analysts and engineering team, and that analysis can be effectively done on common ground with an object-oriented design language called Unified Modeling Language (UML). Introduced in November 1997, UML has quickly become the standard modeling language for software development, later adapted by business analysts to systematically design business processes [15]. UML has a business model approach that provides a pJan for engineering an orchestrated set of business functions. It provides a framework by which business is to be perf01med, allowing for changes and various improvements in the process. The model is designed to anticipate changes in business function and adapt software implementation accordingly in order for a business to maintain a competitive edge. One of the advantages of modeling in UML is that it can visually depict functions, relationships, and paradigms. UML is reconunended for business analysts to breakdown a large-scale business operation into its constituent parts for restructming and design. 1.2 Strategic Guidance One innovative approach to safely guiding an lEE venture through unce11ain waters is the Cosmos model, proposed by Yeh [10]. It is a model designed to assist a business manage change through holistic, three-dimensional modeling. One of the important aspects of this model is that it should be noted that three dimensions exist interdependently, as each dimension behaves as an enabler and an inhibitor to the other dimensions. The Cosmos model provides a conceptual tool for managers to guide their company along the best possible path by providing a structure for effective decision-making, while navigating from one point of an organizational situation to another over . time. The managerial decision made at each point in the path detetmines the future course of the company and the most optimum tradeoff's along the way. 1.3 General Business Types and Characterizations The Enterprise Maturity Model is introduced in the beginning of Chapter 2 to serve as a general reference for business and technology analysts working together to build an Intemet enterprise riO]. This model helps to accurately define the objectives for the specific type of organization they wish to build with respect to the maturity level of the organizational structure. In order to characterize a business in terms of its level of maturity, focus, activity, coordination, and infrastructure, these various faclors are covered explicitly. It is very helpful to understand the maturity level of a given organization in order to apply the most appropriate management techniques according to enterprise type. 1.4 Online Business Model Selection and Analysis An enterprise business model is one of the most important aspects in the construction of a viable business initiative. The combination of a company's policy, operations, technology, and ideology defines its business model [16]. Entrepreneurs who wish to launch e-businesses need to be aware of these models and how to implement them effectively. An array of business model types are provided that have proven profitable for actual enterprises in operation today, including the storefront model, auction model, portal model, and dynamic pricing model [11]. The case study is used as an example for online business model selection and analysis. 1.5 Online Financial Transactions In financial transactions, it is critical to have a reliable method to collect payment. Since the scope of this thesis covers lEE systems, this thesis describes those that would be relevant to Cyberspace operations. There are various methods and mechanisms that merchants online use to collect income through electronic transactions. The types of transactions covered include credit card, ewallet, debit card, digital currency, peer-lo-peer, smartcard, micropayment and ebilling mechanisms [11]. 1.6 Online Legal Contracts In order for proper oversight of monetary operations, legal issues must be addressed for lEE projects, so the concept of the online contract is introduced. An online contract can be accomp.lished through the use of Digital Signatures [1 1]. These electronic signatures are the electronic equivalent of written signatures. The ";Electronic Signatures in Global and National Commerce Act of 2000" (E-sign Bill) was recently passed into law [ 1 I, 4]. This technology was developed for use in public-key cryptography to solve the problems of authentication and integrity. The purpose of a digital signature is for electronic authentication. The U.S. govemment's digitalauthentication standard is called the Digital Signature Algorithm (DSA) [1 1]. The U.S. government also recently passed digital-signature legislation that makes digital signatures as legally binding as hand-written signatures. This legislation is designed to promote more activity in e-business by legitimizing online contractual agreements. 1.7 OnUne Security For centuries in human society whenever something of value was transferred, a method to protect that shipment or trade had to be established. Naturally, this subject is discussed to illustrate the measures taken by current security agencies to protect value on the Internet. For example, Netscape Communications developed the Secure Sockets Layer (SSL) protocol, developed as a non-proprietary protocol commonly used to secure communication on the Internet and the Web. SSL is designed to use public key technology and digital certificates to authenticate the server in a transaction and to protect private information as it passes f1·om one party to another over the Internet. Secure Electronic Transaction (SET) protocol was developed by Visa International and Mastercard and was designed specifically to protect e-commerce payment transactions [11, 12]. SET uses digital certificates to authenticate each party in an e-commerce transaction, induding the customer, the merchant, and the merchant's bank. 1 . 8 Online Business Prototyping Technologies and Development In order for technologists to satisfy the requirements set forth by the business analysts expressed in a language such as UML, various high-level tools are needed to develop an accepta~le solution. One such tool, Macromedia . Drumbeat 2000, recently released by Elemental Software, is capable of accepting and delivering complex information and functionality through a Web-interface [20). This technology is introduced as a recommended tool for building a professional enterprise through rapid prototyping. The tool aids a visually skilled Web designer to competitively build a website without necessarily having to do any coding. It is a sophisticated tool that interacts with the back-end database by building user-friendly client-side applications with Active Server Page (ASP) Web technology. 1.9 Government Initiatives in Cyberspace An enterprise planning for the future should consider the overall development of the global Internet infrastructure. It is important to understand the territory in which an Internet enterprise is to be launched. In addition to the current Intemet environment, a new government initiative is in the works, entitled The Next Generation Internet (NGI). This multi-agency, national U.S. research and development program began on October 1, 1997 with the partidpation of the following agencies: DARPA, DOE, NASA, NJH, NIST, and NSF. These agencies are charged with the responsibility of developing advanced networking technologies, developing revolutionary applications that require advanced networking, and demonstrating these capabilities on test beds that are 100 to 1,000 times faster th
Retail payment systems play an important role in the smooth functioning of any economy, and thus any inefficiency in the retail payments market can send negative effects cascading throughout the financial realm. The World Bank Global Payment Systems Survey 2010 has shown that inefficiencies persist in the payment systems of many middle-income and low-income countries, with cash continuing to be the most widely used instrument for small-value payments. A number of issues are responsible for this pattern, and the lack of a coherent, holistic strategy for the development of retail payment systems is among the most common. The lessons learned during more than a decade of World Bank Group technical assistance, along with the research findings of other international and national agencies, have been merged into a comprehensive package for the development and reform of the national retail payments system: a) developing a comprehensive national retail payments strategy aims to provide public authorities and market participants with detailed guidance on how to develop and implement a comprehensive, strategic retail payments reform ; b) a practical guide for retail payments stocktaking identifies a methodology for undertaking a detailed stocktaking of a countrys retail payments landscape; c) from remittances to m-payments: Understanding alternative means of payment within the common framework of retail payments system regulation explores the development of a normative framework to underpin an efficient retail payments industry, including the so-called innovative payment mechanisms; and d) innovations in retail payments worldwide: a snapshot: outcomes of the global survey on innovations in retail payments instruments and methods 2010 presents the results of the first World Bank survey among central banks that collected information on innovative retail payment products and programs.
This report is the product of a comprehensive study on Benin. It highlights the country s geographical and economic situation and concentrates in particular on environmental conditions and the challenges facing Benin. This report covers the financing of priority environmental activities, as well as allocations to programs designed to improve the environment and living conditions of the population. The environmental analysis of Benin seeks to help the Government integrate the environment into policy formulation by analyzing cross-cutting aspects and the challenges of implementing sound environmental management, and creating a platform for strengthening the country s capacities in order to facilitate sustainable natural resource and environmental management. To this end, a number of measures have been recommended, among them the establishment of effective policies and institutions based on sound governance and improved effectiveness, and the mobilization of financing for environmental protection and natural resource management. The study includes the analysis of a case study on three cities: Porto-Novo, Cotonou, and Parakou, and examines the impact of environmental problems and environmental management challenges on these cities.
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America's Global War on Terror has seen its share of stalemates, disasters, and outright defeats. During 20-plus years of armed interventions, the United States has watched its efforts implode in spectacular fashion, from Iraq in 2014 to Afghanistan in 2021. The greatest failure of its "Forever Wars," however, may not be in the Middle East, but in Africa."Our war on terror begins with al-Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped, and defeated," President George W. Bush told the American people in the immediate wake of the 9/11 attacks, noting specifically that such militants had designs on "vast regions" of Africa.To shore up that front, the U.S. began a decades-long effort to provide copious amounts of security assistance, train many thousands of African military officers, set up dozens of outposts, dispatch its own commandos on all manner of missions, create proxy forces, launch drone strikes, and even engage in direct ground combat with militants in Africa. Most Americans, including members of Congress, are unaware of the extent of these operations. As a result, few realize how dramatically America's shadow war there has failed.The raw numbers alone speak to the depths of the disaster. As the United States was beginning its Forever Wars in 2002 and 2003, the State Department counted a total of just nine terrorist attacks in Africa. This year, militant Islamist groups on that continent have, according to the Pentagon, already conducted 6,756 attacks. In other words, since the United States ramped up its counterterrorism operations in Africa, terrorism has spiked 75,000%.Let that sink in for a moment.75,000%.A Conflict that Will Live in InfamyThe U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq opened to military successes in 2001 and 2003 that quickly devolved into sputtering occupations. In both countries, Washington's plans hinged on its ability to create national armies that could assist and eventually take over the fight against enemy forces. Both U.S.-created militaries would, in the end, crumble. In Afghanistan, a two-decade-long war ended in 2021 with the rout of an American-built, -funded, -trained, and -armed military as the Taliban recaptured the country. In Iraq, the Islamic State nearly triumphed over a U.S.-created Iraqi army in 2014, forcing Washington to reenter the conflict. U.S. troops remain embattled in Iraq and neighboring Syria to this very day.In Africa, the U.S. launched a parallel campaign in the early 2000s, supporting and training African troops from Mali in the west to Somalia in the east and creating proxy forces that would fight alongside American commandos. To carry out its missions, the U.S. military set up a network of outposts across the northern tier of the continent, including significant drone bases – from Camp Lemonnier and its satellite outpost Chabelley Airfield in the sun-bleached nation of Djibouti to Air Base 201 in Agadez, Niger — and tiny facilities with small contingents of American special operations troops in nations ranging from Libya and Niger to the Central African Republic and South Sudan.For almost a decade, Washington's war in Africa stayed largely under wraps. Then came a decision that sent Libya and the vast Sahel region into a tailspin from which they have never recovered."We came, we saw, he died," Secretary of State Hillary Clinton joked after a U.S.-led NATO air campaign helped overthrow Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi, the longtime Libyan dictator, in 2011. President Barack Obama hailed the intervention as a success, but Libya slipped into near-failed-state status. Obama would later admit that "failing to plan for the day after" Qaddafi's defeat was the "worst mistake" of his presidency.As the Libyan leader fell, Tuareg fighters in his service looted his regime's weapons caches, returned to their native Mali, and began to take over the northern part of that nation. Anger in Mali's armed forces over the government's ineffective response resulted in a 2012 military coup. It was led by Amadou Sanogo, an officer who learned English in Texas and underwent infantry-officer basic training in Georgia, military-intelligence instruction in Arizona, and was mentored by U.S. Marines in Virginia.Having overthrown Mali's democratic government, Sanogo and his junta proved hapless in battling terrorists. With the country in turmoil, those Tuareg fighters declared an independent state, only to be muscled aside by heavily armed Islamists who instituted a harsh brand of Shariah law, causing a humanitarian crisis. A joint Franco-American-African mission prevented Mali's complete collapse but pushed the militants into areas near the borders of both Burkina Faso and Niger.Since then, those nations of the West African Sahel have been plagued by terrorist groups that have evolved, splintered, and reconstituted themselves. Under the black banners of jihadist militancy, men on motorcycles — two to a bike, wearing sunglasses and turbans, and armed with Kalashnikovs — regularly roar into villages to impose zakat (an Islamic tax); steal animals; and terrorize, assault, and kill civilians. Such relentless attacks have destabilized Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger and are now affecting their southern neighbors along the Gulf of Guinea. Violence in Togo and Benin has, for example, jumped 633% and 718% over the last year, according to the Pentagon.U.S.-trained militaries in the region have been unable to stop the onslaught and civilians have suffered horrifically. During 2002 and 2003, terrorists caused just 23 casualties in Africa. This year, according to the Pentagon, terrorist attacks in the Sahel region alone have resulted in 9,818 deaths — a 42,500% increase.At the same time, during their counterterrorism campaigns, America's military partners in the region have committed gross atrocities of their own, including extrajudicial killings. In 2020, for example, a top political leader in Burkina Faso admitted that his country's security forces were carrying out targeted executions. "We're doing this, but we're not shouting it from the rooftops," he told me, noting that such murders were good for military morale.American-mentored military personnel in that region have had only one type of demonstrable "success": overthrowing governments the United States trained them to protect. At least 15 officers who benefited from such assistance have been involved in 12 coups in West Africa and the greater Sahel during the war on terror. The list includes officers from Burkina Faso (2014, 2015, and twice in 2022); Chad (2021); Gambia (2014); Guinea (2021); Mali (2012, 2020, and 2021); Mauritania (2008); and Niger (2023). At least five leaders of a July coup in Niger, for example, received American assistance, according to a U.S. official. They, in turn, appointed five U.S.-trained members of the Nigerien security forces to serve as that country's governors.Military coups of that sort have even super-charged atrocities while undermining American aims, yet the United States continues to provide such regimes with counterterrorism support. Take Colonel Assimi Goïta, who worked with U.S. Special Operations forces, participated in U.S. training exercises, and attended the Joint Special Operations University in Florida before overthrowing Mali's government in 2020. Goïta then took the job of vice president in a transitional government officially charged with returning the country to civilian rule, only to seize power again in 2021.That same year, his junta reportedly authorized the deployment of the Russia-linked Wagner mercenary forces to fight Islamist militants after close to two decades of failed Western-backed counterterrorism efforts. Since then, Wagner — a paramilitary group founded by the late Yevgeny Prigozhin, a former hot-dog vendor turned warlord — has been implicated in hundreds of human rights abuses alongside the longtime U.S.-backed Malian military, including a 2022 massacre that killed 500 civilians.Despite all of this, American military aid for Mali has never ended. While Goïta's 2020 and 2021 coups triggered prohibitions on some forms of U.S. security assistance, American tax dollars have continued to fund his forces. According to the State Department, the U.S. provided more than $16 million in security aid to Mali in 2020 and almost $5 million in 2021. As of July, the department's Bureau of Counterterrorism was waiting on congressional approval to transfer an additional $2 million to Mali. (The State Department did not reply to TomDispatch's request for an update on the status of that funding.)The Two-Decade StalemateOn the opposite side of the continent, in Somalia, stagnation and stalemate have been the watchwords for U.S. military efforts."Terrorists associated with Al Qaeda and indigenous terrorist groups have been and continue to be a presence in this region," a senior Pentagon official claimed in 2002. "These terrorists will, of course, threaten U.S. personnel and facilities." But when pressed about an actual spreading threat, the official admitted that even the most extreme Islamists "really have not engaged in acts of terrorism outside Somalia." Despite that, U.S. Special Operations forces were dispatched there in 2002, followed by military aid, advisers, trainers, and private contractors.More than 20 years later, U.S. troops are still conducting counterterrorism operations in Somalia, primarily against the Islamist militant group al-Shabaab. To this end, Washington has provided billions of dollars in counterterrorism assistance, according to a recent report by the Costs of War Project. Americans have also conducted more than 280 air strikes and commando raids there, while the CIA and special operators built up local proxy forces to conduct low-profile military operations.Since President Joe Biden took office in January 2021, the U.S. has launched 31 declared airstrikes in Somalia, six times the number carried out during President Obama's first term, though far fewer than the record high set by President Trump, whose administration launched 208 attacks from 2017 to 2021.America's long-running, undeclared war in Somalia has become a key driver of violence in that country, according to the Costs of War Project. "The U.S. is not simply contributing to conflict in Somalia, but has, rather, become integral to the inevitable continuation of conflict in Somalia," reported Ẹniọlá Ànúolúwapọ Ṣóyẹmí, a lecturer in political philosophy and public policy at the Blavatnik School of Government at Oxford University. "U.S. counterterrorism policies are," she wrote, "ensuring that the conflict continues in perpetuity."The Epicenter of International Terrorism"Supporting the development of professional and capable militaries contributes to increasing security and stability in Africa," said General William Ward, the first chief of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) — the umbrella organization overseeing U.S. military efforts on the continent — in 2010, before he was demoted for profligate travel and spending. His predictions of "increasing security and stability" have, of course, never come to pass.While the 75,000% increase in terror attacks and 42,500% increase in fatalities over the last two decades are nothing less than astounding, the most recent increases are no less devastating. "A 50-percent spike in fatalities tied to militant Islamist groups in the Sahel and Somalia over the past year has eclipsed the previous high in 2015," according to a July report by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, a Defense Department research institution. "Africa has experienced a nearly four-fold increase in reported violent events linked to militant Islamist groups over the past decade… Almost half of that growth happened in the last 3 years."Twenty-two years ago, George W. Bush announced the beginning of a Global War on Terror. "The Taliban must act, and act immediately," he insisted. "They will hand over the terrorists, or they will share in their fate." Today, of course, the Taliban reigns supreme in Afghanistan, al-Qaeda was never "stopped and defeated," and other terror groups have spread across Africa (and elsewhere). The only way "to defeat terrorism," Bush asserted, was to "eliminate it and destroy it where it grows." Yet it has grown, and spread, and a plethora of new militant groups have emerged.Bush warned that terrorists had designs on "vast regions" of Africa but was "confident of the victories to come," assuring Americans that "we will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail." In country after country on that continent, the U.S. has, indeed, faltered and its failures have been paid for by ordinary Africans killed, wounded, and displaced by the terror groups that Bush pledged to "defeat." Earlier this year, General Michael Langley, the current AFRICOM commander, offered what may be the ultimate verdict on America's Forever Wars on that continent. "Africa," he declared, "is now the epicenter of international terrorism."This article has been republished with permission from TomDispatch.
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Hamas's attack on Israel last week was what any reasonable person would consider an atrocity deserving of moral outrage. Hundreds of innocent civilians were killed, and dozens more were taken into captivity. It thus is understandable that such an event would elicit intense emotion and a thirst for revenge.Being understandable is not the same as being wise or effective, for Israel itself or for regional peace and security.Israel has now embarked on a violent offensive against the Gaza Strip and its residents. However, as much as that offensive may be defended as intended to establish deterrence or to destroy a hostile military force, it is in large part an act of raw revenge. It is a national catharsis amid an atmosphere of intense grief and anger.The casualty count from the Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip is rising too fast to venture an up-to-date figure, but Palestinian health authorities reported that as of Monday, 2,800 Palestinians had been killed and 10,000 wounded, with more than half of the dead being women and children. In addition, Israel — which already had maintained a blockade of Gaza — cut off all movement of food, fuel, water, and electricity to the territory. This is quickly generating a humanitarian disaster of a proportion commensurate with the Strip's population of more than two million, with specific consequences ranging from hospitals lacking the supplies and electric power needed to treat the wounded to families running short of food.On top of all this, Israel, through a pre-invasion warning leaflet, has told the more than one million residents of Gaza City and the rest of the northern half of the Strip to head south. Given the lack of food, water, and housing wherever those people could go, such a movement, as U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres has stated, ranges between the "extremely dangerous" and the "impossible." Evacuation does not even buy safety, as indicated by lethal Israeli attacks on convoys that were using what Israel had designated as a "safe route."The scale of physical human suffering in the Gaza Strip already exceeds what Hamas inflicted on Israel last week. And Israel is just getting started as the Israeli aerial assault is likely to transition to a ground offensive.Given the extensive and careful planning that clearly went into the recent Hamas attack, it can be assumed that Hamas's planning did not end there. The group surely anticipated a strong Israeli reprisal, has done all it can to prepare for that reprisal, and has calculated that when the whole episode is over it will have served Hamas's interests more than Israel's. Drawing Israel into an extremely difficult urban warfare campaign on Hamas's own turf may have been one of the group's objectives.The hostages Hamas seized in southern Israel (as many as 150) vastly complicates any Israeli military operation. Hamas claims that Israeli airstrikes already have killed 13 of the hostages — an unconfirmed but plausible claim given the destruction from the airstrikes. The remaining hostages will be in grave danger from a ground assault, regardless of whether Hamas positions them to function as human shields.Animosity across the region and much of the rest of the world will be substantial and will work against Israeli interests and Israeli security. Arab governments will be less inclined than before to expand relations with Israel.In the occupied West Bank — where even before October 7, anger over Israeli policies and actions made the chance of a new popular uprising or intifada significant — heightened anger over more Israeli killing of Palestinian brethren in Gaza increases that chance. There already are signs of the current violence in Gaza spilling over into the West Bank, with at least 46 Palestinians killed and 700 injured in clashes with Israeli security forces and settlers since the Hamas attack.In Gaza itself, an expansion of Israeli-inflicted bloodshed among the Palestinian residents will feed expanded anger against Israel among the remaining residents, with all the potential for new violence that such anger always has entailed. Destruction of Hamas's military capability, even if that could be completely achieved, does not remove the problem. Hamas was never the whole story of violent Palestinian reaction to Israeli policies. Much of the recent rocket fire from Gaza has been carried out by the Palestine Islamic Jihad, a smaller and more radical Gaza-based group. The anger and the violence will find other channels — perhaps through groups and cells not yet formed — even if neither Hamas nor the PIJ were still functional.The Israeli objective in a new ground invasion of Gaza may go beyond "mowing the lawn," to use the Israelis' term for their periodic surges in military attacks against Palestinians, and extend to destroying the ability of Hamas to function any more as Gaza's de facto government. But even if that objective is achieved, then a big unanswered question is, who does govern the Gaza Strip? The Palestinian Authority is widely discredited among Palestinians and seems unable to rise above its residual role as a security auxiliary to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. Direct Israeli rule of Gaza would be a prescription for even more resentment over occupation and more potential for violent Israeli-Palestinian clashes.U.S. policy on the crisis shows signs of having been swept up in some of the same emotions and rage as most Israelis have. In this respect, the policy is tracking with a broader mood that the Hamas attack has generated in the American body politic, in which the safest public posture is expression of unflinching support for Israel. It is even more hazardous to one's political health than it usually is to say anything that places the crisis within the context of longstanding Israeli policies toward the Palestinians. Related to this, the Biden policy of essentially going all in with Israel likely has domestic political calculations behind it.The administration's pronouncements have often reduced the crisis to an easy-to-emote-over tale of good versus evil, which ignores likely motivations for what was a carefully calculated attack undertaken in response to Israeli policies and actions.Continuing this theme, administration officials have likened what Hamas did to the Islamic State or ISIS. The brutal tactics that Hamas used during its incursion into southern Israel can indeed be compared to some notorious actions by ISIS, but beyond that the comparison is meaningless. ISIS is not part of any longstanding situation comparable to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory. ISIS is an international terrorist group whose ideology and ambitions know no international boundaries.Hamas is a nationalist group seeking political power in a Palestinian state and has no interest in international terrorism beyond that theater. ISIS has never spoken about observing an open-ended truce to live peacefully next to a state that is currently its adversary. Hamas has. ISIS has never competed in, much less won, a free and fair election. Hamas has. Why and how the tactics and objectives of Hamas have evolved into what it displayed this month have to do with peaceful avenues of competition being closed. To reduce the entire conflict into a matter of one set of outrageous tactics is to miss all the other dimensions of that conflict.Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia has been calling for de-escalation. Russia and China have called for an immediate cease-fire, and Russia is proposing a U.N. Security Council resolution to that effect.The Biden administration is moving in the opposite direction. Secretary of State Antony Blinken on social media endorsed Turkish efforts to secure a cease-fire, but later deleted the post. While President Biden said on Sunday that Israeli occupation of Gaza would be a "big mistake," current administration policy is to otherwise endorse the escalation of the violence that Israel currently is conducting in the Gaza Strip.The administration should think carefully about how U.S. interests differ from Israeli interests and objectives. Israel violently exacting revenge in this case is not a U.S. interest. Given that the foremost responsibility of a government is ensuring the safety and security of its own citizens, one of the important U.S. interests at stake concerns how some of those citizens may have become hostages in the Gaza Strip and will be greatly endangered by escalated Israeli military attacks.In addition to Americans among the hostages Hamas seized, an estimated 500 to 600 other U.S. citizens — mostly Palestinian Americans — are in the Gaza Strip. They are hostages, too — trapped there after the Israeli shutdown of all movement in and out of the territory, and in serious danger of becoming casualties of Israeli air or ground operations. One of those Americans, a woman whose home is Salt Lake City and currently is stuck in Gaza with her family, said, "I feel like I've been abandoned by my country. We're American citizens and we're not being treated as American citizens."Another U.S. interest is preventing the current warfare to spread regionally. The more that the fighting involving Israelis and Gazans escalates, the greater is the danger of such spread, even though other actors in the region are not seeking a wider war. Those in the U.S. who habitually try to stir up conflict with Iran are using the current crisis to do more stirring. This is despite the fact that no evidence has emerged of any direct Iranian role in the Hamas attack — as attested to most convincingly by official Israeli spokespeople, given that the Israeli government usually is eager to implicate Iran in anything condemnable. Press reports citing sources within the U.S. government indicate that Iranian government officials were surprised by Hamas's action.The Biden administration nonetheless has foolishly picked this moment to draw Iran into the Gaza crisis in a way by reneging at least temporarily on its commitment, under a recent prisoner swap deal that freed five imprisoned Americans, to permit some frozen Iranian assets to be used for humanitarian purposes inside Iran. Accusations by opponents of the administration that this money had some connection, however indirect, with Hamas military operations are patently false, given that none of the money involved had yet been expensed. The administration's move will further damage U.S. credibility regarding a willingness to make good on commitments, thereby making it more difficult for the U.S. to reach beneficial agreements with any other government, not just Iran.The administration evidently wanted to make a critical statement about the longstanding and well-known supply relationship between Iran and Hamas. If a patron that has supplied arms or money to a client is to be punished — to the extent even of previous agreements being reneged upon — this raises a question about yet another U.S. interest at stake in the current crisis: avoiding opprobrium and repercussions stemming from some other state's actions.If Iran is to be condemned for any actions by Hamas, even actions Iran did not instigate or control, then what is the attitude to be taken toward the United States regarding destructive and anger-inducing actions in Gaza by its client Israel, the recipient of voluminous U.S. financial, military, and diplomatic support?The world won't likely remember gentle admonitions from President Biden about observing the rule of law. It will instead focus on the U.S. effectively giving a green light for — and materially assisting — an assault that not only flouts the laws of war but brings death and suffering to thousands of innocent persons.There will be hostile reactions to all this, including from violent extremist groups. Revenge is an urge that is not unique to Israelis. Those who are quick to make comparisons with ISIS should reflect on the fact that probably the most consistent theme in the propaganda, interrogations, and claims of terrorists — including al-Qaida — who have attacked U.S. interests has been U.S. support for Israel and its treatment of the Palestinians.
This report presents the final evaluation of a project called: "Sammen for barn og unge – bedre samordning av tjenester til utsatte barn og unge.» Norwegian Social research (NOVA) was commissioned by The Norwegian Association of Local and Regional Authorities (KS) and The Ministry of Children, Equality and Social Inclusion (BLD) who stood behind the project. The basic idea has been that the various local authorities involved in assisting children and youth at risk, have to have well coordinated and functional ways of collaborating, if they are to offer the aid the youngsters need. The main goal of the project has been to develop functional models for interdisciplinary collaboration at the local level. These models can serve as inspiration and guides for other municipalities and be developed further. The three year project, started in the end of 2008, has supported fifteen selected municipalities in their efforts to develop good interdisciplinary models for such collaboration. In addition to financial support the participating municipalities received assistance in their efforts to raise the level of competence, internal control, secure support from administration and amongst the employees, clarify placement of responsibility and improve the quality of meetings etc. Each municipality tried out their own version of an interdisciplinary collaborative model. Some models had a narrow scope, while others included virtually all the local authorities that are involved with children and youth. The present evaluation includes six of the fifteen municipalities. These are: Haram, Harstad, Moss, Risør, Bærum and Fet. They were chosen to illustrate the variation in size and geographical location amongst the participating municipalities. Elaborate descriptions of the models are available online at: http://www.ks.no/Sammen-for-barn-og-unge The municipality of Harstad had a model that included a wide scope of participants; the public health centers, school health services, child welfare services, mental health care services, psychiatric services for children and youth, police, nursery schools, schools and The Norwegian Labor and Welfare Administration. They established an interdisciplinary "preventive" forum that played a central role in their local project. The forum worked with improving cooperation between the involved stakeholders and the implementation of a handbook in collaboration, was important. Haram had a program that included several developmental projects. They targeted the organization, management and structural aspects in the municipality. A key partner in their developmental efforts was the office "Tiltakstjenester for barn og unge", which included local health centers, child welfare services and the educational – psychological services. They also worked with other agencies, local and governmental. The municipality of Risør based their project on a previous one that had targeted youth at risk of becoming addicted to drugs. In their project they intended to coordinate the services for children and young adults, and developed a model for coordinating local measures to prevent crime, called the SLT- model - to strengthen primary preventive action. The development of a guidebook was central in their work. All services connected with children and young people are potential partners in their model. Moss had a model that aimed at implementing an overall childhood plan. The project was organized through the establishment of interdisciplinary teams in three city districts. The teams work with cases at the system level. Fet participated with a model where the interdisciplinary groups were organized around each school and childcare center. There are three main elements in their model. One is a resource team, in which an educational- psychological professional is added to the unit's own group. The second are interdisciplinary groups, consisting of the unit leader, an educational- psychological resource, Child Welfare Services, school nurse and the resource team. The interdisciplinary group visits the schools and child care centers every 4-6 weeks. The third is a coordinating working committee. The members of the committee are the leaders of each of the units that work with children and youth. Participating in the project are the health services, the educational- psychological services, Child Welfare Services and the coordinator for interdisciplinary collaboration for children and youth. During the project period this municipality also collaborated with Oslo University College on teaching 80 employees about interdisciplinary interaction. Bærum participated with a model that consisted of collaboration between the Child Welfare Services and Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. They have focused on developing their joint expertise and intensifying the collaboration between ten employees in each of the two services. They intend to transfer their good experiences to other collaborative constellations. While they were developing their competences, they also worked together on cases that involved other agencies. Network meetings and kickoffs were essential to getting the interaction started. The aim of the evaluation has been to evaluate and describe changes in the interdisciplinary and interdepartmental collaboration during the project period. Only 14-18 months passed between the first and second collection of data, which limits the likelihood of there having been any major changes in the municipalities. Organizations take time to change, and a year and a half is a short time in this respect. Municipalities usually also have several projects going on at the same time, which makes it difficult to know what is caused by which process. In our evaluation we have looked at criteria that characterize good types of cooperation. Amongst these are; regular meetings, clear allocation of responsibility, formalized routines, management follow-up and the correct skills and knowledge. Other characteristics of collaborative competence are knowledge about each others routines, work practices, duty of confidentiality and informing. The intent has been to understand which processes the employees have participated in and their experiences. We collected data for the evaluation twice. The first round was in the fall of 2009 in four of the municipalities and in January 2010 in the last two municipalities. The first round consisted of individual interviews and focus groups with the employees, and also gathering information from statistics and documents. The second round was the winter / spring of 2011. In February/ March we sent an electronic questionnaire with questions about how the employees in the involved services, in all six municipalities, experienced the interdisciplinary and interdepartmental collaboration. In the spring of 2011 we did a new round of individual and group interviews. After the first round of data collection NOVA wrote a status report about how the collaboration was perceived in the municipalities. Some of the municipalities used that Paper as a basis for the continuation of their efforts and development of their models. The first stage of the study showed that there was a lot of variation between the municipalities regarding how far they had developed their models for cooperation. There were some common experiences that can be summed up as follows: The participating services overall had high level of expertise. It was challenging to get the professionals working in "the field" committed to collaboration. All the municipalities experienced that there wasn't enough time for extensive collaboration. Collaboration wasn't always useful. Many had established routines for regular meetings, but the challenge was to make them meaningful, constructive to improving the services to the clients. Several were discontent with the results of the meetings. In general improvement of cooperational skills was required. There was discontentment with how the duty of confidentiality was handled. There was a lack of knowledge about and understanding of the partner's services, responsibilities and roles. There was a need for more knowledge about one's own organization and possible offers in the municipality. There were few who knew about the project "Sammen for barn og unge" at the time of the first round of data collection. The municipalities had made some changes between the first and second round of data collection. Some of the common experiences at the end of the project can be summarized as follows: Many employees were involved in interdisciplinary cooperation. Most were aware of the importance of collaboration in creating better services for the users. Several formal routines for collaboration have been established. Within the municipalities there were differing experiences of the changes in routines. Some experienced many changes in routines, while others didn't notice that any changes. Collaborative skills had improved through courses and the practice of collaboration itself. The respondents were generally more favorable to collaboration. Several focused on collaboration, and had a better understanding of its importance. The answers show that management can improve their facilitation of collaboration. Not everybody interpreted the changes that happened as results of the project, often they focused on the changes themselves. In the second data set there were fewer differences between the municipalities with regard to how collaboration was experienced. There were large variations in the degree interdisciplinary collaboration had contributed to an increase in perceived efficiency. A main challenge has been to incorporate collaborative routines amongst all employees. Staying focused increases the chances of success, without focus a model can deteriorate easily. With time and patience many eventually succeed at having constructive meetings, even if they felt meaningless in the beginning. There was less dissatisfaction with the routines for giving feedback. (During the project a new law about the Child Services duty to give feedback to someone who made a report was passed.) Most reply that collaboration has been on the agenda for years. Those who say they do experience a difference say it's mainly due to the common platform that has been established. Obstacles to interdisciplinary collaboration can amongst other things be due to differences in professional cultures, unrealistic expectations, lack of knowledge about the others, complex routines, lack of skills needed for collaboration, limited feedback, management's insufficient prioritization etc. To overcome such obstacles it is important to grasp the attitudes, knowledge and various types of cooperation that exist. The following factors were considered important in our study: Openness: Cooperation regarding clients and the development of good relations are dependent upon inclusion of the involved parties and that sufficient and meaningful feedback is given. Meeting places: The employees appreciate joint courses and places to meet. Herein joint conferences and other get-togethers are also included. Personal relations: To make interdisciplinary cooperation work, people need to spend time getting to know each other. There is an evident need to get to know the people in the other fields and authorities, and do things together. Formal structures: are necessary to anchor the collaborative efforts. Formal structures such as meetings, contribute to enhance competence in teamwork. Thereby it becomes easier to clarify roles and premises, in addition to giving an opportunity to discuss disagreements. Management's responsibility: It is very important that the attention to cooperation and enabling of it is a management priority. Management must lay the foundation for, motivate and follow up collaborative possibilities. Collocation: Those who are located together say it contributes to strengthening cooperation and establishing collaboration. Client participation: Involving parents contributes to good results. It is especially beneficial when children, youth and parents / guardians participate throughout the whole process. Tools: Manuals and guides can be very useful tools when used. A common intranet could be used more actively for communication. ; Denne rapporten er en sluttevaluering av kommuneprosjektet Sammen for barn og unge – bedre samordning av tjenester til utsatte barn og unge. Prosjektet ble satt i gang for å prøve ut tverrfaglige samarbeidsmodeller i 15 kommuner, rettet mot barn og unge som er avhengig av flere tjenester på kommunalt nivå.NOVA har evaluert arbeidet i seks av kommunene. Evalueringen viser at det er avgjørende å ha en fast struktur på samarbeidet, med klar ansvarsfordeling og klare oppgaver. Videre må man kjenne til hverandres ansvarsområde, klargjøre forventninger, vise respekt for de ulike fagområdene, bygge opp personlige relasjoner, samt utarbeide skriftlige rutiner som sikrer gode tilbakemeldinger.
En esta cuarta sección del evento Economía de la Informalidad Conferencia 2020, se presento la Ponencia de la profesora Pascaline Dupas, profesora de la Universidad de Stanford, La ponencia de la profesora Pascaline Dupas, titulada Informality in the time of Covid-19 (Informalidad en tiempos de Covid-19) hace un recorrido sobre las relaciones económicas que se desarrollan en un contexto de informalidad y analiza cómo la pandemia ha afectado de manera diferencial a poblaciones formales e informales a través de tres fuentes de datos diferentes. Dupas divide su presentación en tres partes. La primera muestra una perspectiva amplia de la informalidad y la correlación entre este fenómeno y el desarrollo económico de los países. La segunda es sobre las razones por las cuales la pandemia de Covid-19 podría imponer retos en relación con la informalidad. La tercera es sobre los impactos que se han observado en el corto plazo como consecuencia del Covid-19. En la primera parte de su ponencia, Dupas hace énfasis en que la informalidad no es únicamente laboral (por ejemplo, firmas que se ocultan de la regulación del gobierno, o trabajadores que no cuentan con contratos laborales formales), sino que trasciende a los ámbitos de vivienda, transporte, comercio, pagos, seguros, consumo, gravámenes e instituciones. De hecho, resalta que estos aspectos suelen sobreponerse y ocurrir simultáneamente, o uno como consecuencia de algún otro. Más aún, la informalidad en cada una de estas áreas está relacionada con condiciones de vida más difíciles y menos oportunidades. Por ejemplo, Dupas presenta amplia evidencia de la correlación entre las dimensiones de la informalidad usando datos para la capital marfileña Abiyán, mostrando que las personas que viven en asentamientos informales adolecen de derechos de propiedad, son más propensas a tener que hacer pagos informales a autoridades locales para evitar desalojos, suelen depender de instituciones informales y suelen tener menor cobertura de tarjetas gubernamentales de identificación. Los empleados informales, por su lado, tienen ingresos irregulares que les dificulta aceptar compromisos con entidades formales. Por esta razón, cuando requieren una red de seguridad frente a riesgos, suelen acudir a seguros informales, así como a créditos informales. Asimismo, pagos informales a las autoridades (corrupción) permiten que se mantenga la informalidad en asentamientos, contratos y comercio. Esto lleva a la pregunta sobre si la informalidad es una elección. Frente a esto, Dupas argumenta que, por el lado de los trabajadores, la mayoría preferirían tener contratos formales reconocidos frente a la ley y con seguridad social. Por su lado, las firmas informales preferirían mantenerse en esa condición por cuestiones de viabilidad (no serían rentables en escenarios formales). A su vez, Dupas dice que las personas que viven en asentamientos informales no encuentran otras opciones de vivienda asequible que estén a una distancia razonable de las oportunidades laborales. En la segunda parte de su ponencia, Dupas argumenta que el Covid-19 ha levantado preocupaciones por sus efectos sobre la población informal. En primer lugar, los asentamientos informales son más propensos para la transmisión masiva del virus, pues son muy densos en términos de población, tienen muchas personas por hogar, tienen fuentes acuíferas comunales, acceso limitado a redes de saneamiento y a instalaciones de higiene. De la misma forma, se desplazan usando medios de transporte congestionados y compran en lugares muy concurridos. Lo anterior se traduce en el hecho de que hay una seroprevalencia de Covid-19 del 54% en los asentamientos informales de Mumbai (India) y del 53% en los de Buenos Aires (Argentina). Por otro lado, la informalidad está relacionada con menor resiliencia a las cuarentenas o bloqueos relacionados con el Covid-19. Lo anterior se debe a que estas medidas eliminan los ingresos de los trabajadores, obligan a los individuos a acceder a mercados más costosos, imponen restricciones al transporte público informal y dificultades de movilidad. A esto se suma que, dado que tienen menor acceso a cuentas financieras formales, se hace más difíciles de alcanzar con ayudas gubernamentales. Asimismo, suelen experimentar una caída en los ingresos de remesas. En la tercera parte, Dupas documenta una serie de impactos económicos del Covid-19. Hace referencia a casos de estudio en Colombia, México, Costa de Marfil y Ghana. En el caso de Colombia y México, analizan la encuesta IPA RECOVR realizada por IPA, que incluye tanto a Bogotá como al Distrito Federal. En estas ciudades, se evidenciaron pérdidas de trabajos, que fueron más pronunciadas sobre la informalidad. Las personas formales en estas ciudades reportaron pérdidas de empleo de un 40%, mientras que esa cifra alcanzó el 80% entre los informales. Los trabajadores informales reportaron que, post-Covid, trabajaron menos horas que antes y ganaron menos que antes. En el caso de Ghana, Dupas hizo referencia a los efectos causales de la educación sobre la resiliencia ante choques como el de la pandemia de Covid-19. Frente a esto, mostró resultados que indican que las beneficiarias de programas educativos tuvieron mayor resiliencia laboral en términos de permanencia e ingresos. Finalmente, Dupas concluyó con cuatro puntos. Primero, que la informalidad tiene muchos dominios interconectados entre sí. Segundo, que la informalidad estuvo relacionada con vulnerabilidad aumentada frente a las crisis. Tercero, que los impactos del Covid-19 tienen una gran probabilidad de extenderse en el largo plazo. Lo anterior, sobre todo, porque las inversiones en nutrición de la primera infancia y en educación han caído debido a la pandemia. Y estas inversiones son muy importantes para el desarrollo de mediano y largo plazo de los niños, niñas y adolescentes. Por último, resaltó que la recuperación de esta situación va a ser intrincada. Esto, debido a la destrucción de negocios, activos y trabajos que significó la pandemia y las cuarentenas consecuentes para los individuos. Todo esto, con un enfoque diferencial frente a la informalidad que indica que va a ser mucho más difícil recuperarse para los que antes de la pandemia ya eran informales. ; In this fourth section of the Economics of Informality Conference 2020 event, the Presentation by Professor Pascaline Dupas, a professor at Stanford University, The presentation by Professor Pascaline Dupas, entitled Informality in the time of Covid-19 (Informality in times of Covid-19) takes a tour of the economic relations that develop in a context of informality and analyzes how the The pandemic has differentially affected formal and informal populations through three different data sources. Dupas divides his presentation into three parts. The first shows a broad perspective of informality and the correlation between this phenomenon and the economic development of the countries. The second is about the reasons why the Covid-19 pandemic could pose challenges in relation to informality. The third is about the impacts that have been observed in the short term as a consequence of Covid-19. In the first part of his presentation, Dupas emphasizes that informality is not only labor (for example, firms that hide from government regulation, or workers who do not have formal labor contracts), but that it transcends of housing, transport, commerce, payments, insurance, consumption, taxes and institutions. In fact, it highlights that these aspects tend to overlap and occur simultaneously, or one as a consequence of some other. Furthermore, informality in each of these areas is related to more difficult living conditions and fewer opportunities. For example, Dupas presents ample evidence of the correlation between dimensions of informality using data for the Ivorian capital Abidjan, showing that people who live in informal settlements lack property rights, are more likely to have to make informal payments to authorities. To avoid evictions, they tend to rely on informal institutions and tend to have less coverage from government identification cards. Informal employees, on the other hand, have irregular income that makes it difficult for them to accept commitments with formal entities. For this reason, when they require a safety net against risks, they tend to turn to informal insurance, as well as informal loans. Likewise, informal payments to the authorities (corruption) allow informality to be maintained in settlements, contracts and commerce. This leads to the question of whether informality is a choice. Faced with this, Dupas argues that, on the workers' side, the majority would prefer to have formal contracts recognized by the law and with social security. For their part, informal firms would prefer to remain in that condition for viability reasons (they would not be profitable in formal settings). In turn, Dupas says that people living in informal settlements do not find other affordable housing options that are within a reasonable distance of job opportunities. In the second part of his presentation, Dupas argues that Covid-19 has raised concerns about its effects on the informal population. First, informal settlements are more prone to massive transmission of the virus, as they are very dense in terms of population, have many people per household, have communal water sources, limited access to sanitation networks and hygiene facilities. In the same way, they travel using congested means of transport and shop in crowded places. This translates into the fact that there is a Covid-19 seroprevalence of 54% in the informal settlements of Mumbai (India) and 53% in those of Buenos Aires (Argentina). On the other hand, informality is related to less resilience to quarantines or blockades related to Covid-19. This is because these measures eliminate workers' income, force individuals to access more expensive markets, impose restrictions on informal public transport and mobility difficulties. Added to this is that, given that they have less access to formal financial accounts, it is more difficult to achieve with government aid. They also tend to experience a drop in remittance income. In the third part, Dupas documents a series of economic impacts of Covid-19. It refers to case studies in Colombia, Mexico, Ivory Coast and Ghana. In the case of Colombia and Mexico, they analyze the IPA RECOVR survey conducted by IPA, which includes both Bogotá and the Federal District. In these cities, job losses were evidenced, which were more pronounced on informality. Formal people in these cities reported job losses of 40%, while that figure reached 80% among informal ones. Informal workers reported that, post-Covid, they worked fewer hours than before and earned less than before. In the case of Ghana, Dupas referred to the causal effects of education on resilience to shocks such as the Covid-19 pandemic. Faced with this, it showed results that indicate that the beneficiaries of educational programs had greater work resilience in terms of permanence and income. Finally, Dupas concluded with four points. First, that informality has many interconnected domains. Second, that informality was related to increased vulnerability to crises. Third, that the impacts of Covid-19 have a high probability of spreading in the long term. The above, above all, because investments in early childhood nutrition and education have fallen due to the pandemic. And these investments are very important for the medium and long-term development of children and adolescents. Finally, he stressed that the recovery from this situation will be intricate. This, due to the destruction of businesses, assets and jobs that the pandemic meant and the consequent quarantines for individuals. All this, with a differential approach to informality that indicates that it will be much more difficult to recover for those who were already informal before the pandemic.