Suchergebnisse

Recent research finds an association between nonviolent protests and democratic transitions. However, existing scholarship either does not specify the pathways through which nonviolent protests bring about democratization or conduct systematic empirical analyses demonstrating that the specified pathways are operative. This article proposes four pathways through which nonviolent anti-regime protests encourage democratic transitions, emphasizing their ability to directly conquer or indirectly coerce such transitions. Most simply, they can conquer democratic reforms by directly overthrowing authoritarian regimes and installing democracies. They can also coerce democratic reforms through three additional pathways. Nonviolent anti-regime protests can coerce incumbent elites into democratic reforms by threatening the survival of authoritarian regimes. They also increase the likelihood of elite splits, which promote negotiated democratic reforms. Finally, they encourage leadership change within the existing authoritarian regime. Following leadership change, nonviolent movements remain mobilized and are able to coerce democratic concessions from the regime's new leaders. Our within-regime analyses provide robust empirical support for each pathway. We show that nonviolent anti-regime protests conquer democratic reforms by ousting autocratic regimes and replacing them with democracies. Nonviolent anti-regime protests also coerce elites into democratic reforms by threatening regime and leader survival. These findings highlight the importance of protest goals and tactics and also that nonviolent anti-regime protests have both direct and indirect effects on democratization.

This chapter approaches the question of rural protest in Australia. It does so by charting the professionalisation of farmer interest groups and the implications this had on political participation by farmers. The value of such a perspective is that it makes explicit the interconnection between 'outside' strategies of organised political advocacy and more acceptable and institutional forms. The chapter offers a historical account of the ways in which protest - and other forms of collective political response - have been used by Australian farmers.

This chapter approaches the question of rural protest in Australia. It does so by charting the professionalisation of farmer interest groups and the implications this had on political participation by farmers. The value of such a perspective is that it makes explicit the interconnection between 'outside' strategies of organised political advocacy and more acceptable and institutional forms. The chapter offers a historical account of the ways in which protest - and other forms of collective political response - have been used by Australian farmers.

Do democratic elections & experience with democracy affect citizens' propensity to engage in political protest? If so, how? A model of protest potential based on the incentives election winners & losers face in new & established democratic systems is presented. Using surveys conducted by the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) in seventeen democracies around the globe, the effect on political protest potential of being in the political minority or majority after an election is compared. Being in the political minority heightens citizens' political protest potential. Moreover, the effect on protest potential of losing is significantly greater in new democracies compared with established ones. These findings provide systematic evidence that election outcomes should be considered important indicators of political protest potential, & they imply that this effect is particularly salient in countries whose democratic institutions are relatively new & potentially more unstable.

Political science has long debated the significance of protest during a democratic transition, but attention has been largely confined to its impact on elite support for democracy. Contributing to scholarship on the attitudinal consequences of mobilization, we examine how protest shaped popular perceptions of democracy during the post-Mubarak transition in Egypt. We do this by matching wave 2 of the Arab Barometer survey with georeferenced protest events reported in Arabiclanguage newspapers. Our results show that Egyptians came to hold less favorable attitudes to democracy following sustained protest in their district. We find that this relationship was principally driven by longer-lasting, static street protests that targeted public space. Qualitative case details illustrate how such tactics could disrupt everyday life and affect livelihoods. These findings highlight one way in which popular support for democracy can be eroded during a transition.

Since the 1980s, liberalized and newly stable markets have helped usher in an unprecedented mining boom across the Latin American region. However, despite the fact that this boom contributes to notable economic growth, protests in opposition to the expansion and practices of mining companies have also grown, often with violent results. How protests are policed matters, but more important for democracy is how state actors respond when violence is employed. We examine two instances of police repression of mining protests: one in Cajamarca, Peru, and the other in Catamarca, Argentina. We argue that, despite significant differences in context, there are important similarities in state discourse between countries. In particular, a vocabulary of protester wrongdoing and calls for a remedy of "dialogue" are employed in both cases as a way to facilitate the continuation and expansion of both mining and the repression of protests.

Introduction: movements, marginalization, and representation -- Representing women in democratic policy processes -- Social movements, representation, and family policy -- Intersectionality, labor, and representation in the 50 U.S. states -- Inclusion, identity, and women's movements: state policies on violence against women of color -- Women's movements, representation, and civil society -- The advocacy state