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Do Manufacturing Small and Medium Enterprises Cluster Geographically in Khulna City? – A Spatial Analysis S M Towhidur Rahman* Business Administration Discipline Khulna University Bangladesh Ahsanul Kabir, PhD Urban and Rural Planning Discipline Khulna University Bangladesh *Corrosponding author's Email: towhid_ku_97@yahoo.com Author's Biography (optional) Picture 100 words maximum. Peer-review under responsibility of 3rd Asia International Multidisciplanry Conference 2019 editorial board (http://www.utm.my/asia/our-team/) © 2019 Published by Readers Insight Publisher, lat 306 Savoy Residencia, Block 3 F11/1,44000 Islamabad. Pakistan, info@readersinsight.net This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Research Highlights The study found a clustered spatial pattern of manufacturing small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in the study area, Khulna city of Bangladesh. This pattern helps determine the potential cluster regions (PCR) for manufacturing industry which is the important first step in cluster based regional economic development strategy. The manufacturing SMEs were found to cluster along the major transportatin routes of city. The SMEs are also not evenly distributed across the city area and couple of wards (Ward 21 & Ward 30) have more geographic potentials to be developed as potential cluster regions since SMEs tend to agglomerate in these wards more in numbers. ___________________________________________________________________________ Graphical Abstract Figure: Ward wise distribution of manufacturing SMEs across Khulna city ________________________________________________________________ Research Objectives Industrialization and economic growth are often correlated as evident from literatures (Sahu, 2013). Manufacturing SMEs play a pivotal role in industrialzation process and regional growth since they constitue the major portion of the industry sector in both developed and developing countries of the world (Li & Chen, 2005; Tambunan, 2008). Development of SME cluster had beed recognized as an effective strategy for regional development since such clusters enhance the competitiveness of the industries and the region as a whole (Karaev, Lenny Koh, & Szamosi, 2007; Navickas & Malakauskaite, 2009). Bangladesh is undergoing a transformation in economic structure from agriculture to indutry and service based economy. Government of Bangladesh also prioritized the cluster based development of industries (General Economics Division, 2015). Porter (2000) noted that some locational advantages are a prerequisite for successful formation of cluster and effective implementation of cluster based economic development (CBED) strategy. Identifying potential cluster region is an important first step in CBED. But very few reseach had been found in the context of Bangladesh focusing on industry cluster identification. Researches applying of geospatial tools for cluster identification are even fewer in numbers. So this study aimed to contribute to the existing literature through identifying potential cluster regions of manufacturing SMEs in Khulna applying geo-statistical tools. Methodology The study is based on primary data (regarding type, number and location of manufacturing SMEs) collected through a city wide survey in Khulna City Corporation (KCC) area. The location data of the SMEs were then plotted on the map of KCC applying GIS mapping tools that generated location coordinates (as point feature) for each SME for further analysis. The distribution of SMEs in terms of distance from two spatial variables - major roads and river were shown applying kernel density plot. The spatial pattern were explored through computing Average nearest neoghbour ratio (ANN). ANN ratio is used to measues whether the features (SMEs) are geographically clustered, dipersed or distributed randomly. An ANN ratio less than 1 (ANNR1) exhibits dispersed pattern and ANN ratio 1 (ANNR=1) exhibits perfectly random distribution. The distribution of the SMEs was aslo shown through generating a choropleth map in terms of number of SMEs across the 31 wards of the city to find potential cluster region. The spatial analysis was done using ArcGIS 10.1 and R statistical software package. Results The survey identifyied over 800 manufacturing SMEs in the city which were categorized into five categories – light engineering, agro-processing, leather shoe making, bakery and food processing and timeber and furniture. The study found that all categories of SMEs tend to cluster along the major roads of the city. The Kernel Density plots based on proximity to roads show that all categories of SMEs are located within around 100meters from the major roads of the city while in terms of proximity to river the location of SMEs vary for different categories of SMEs. Further the study found the average nearest neighbour ratios for light engineering, agro-processing, leather shoe making, bakery and food processing and timber and furniture SMEs were 0.214, 0.372, 0.194, 0.215 and 0.176 respectively. Since ANN ratios for all the categories are less than 1, the distributions exhibit a clustered pattern and the ratios were significant at 99% confidence level with P values less than 0.01 implying that the null hypothesis "Manufacturing SMEs in all categories are randomly distributed across the city area†is rejected. The SMEs were located unevenly across 31 wards (smallest adminitrative boundary) of the city wherein ward number 21 and ward number 30 had the highest (56-96 units) number of firms. Findings The major categories of manufacturing SMEs in Khulna city tend to locate close to other similar firms and exhibit a clustered spatial pattern. All categories of manufacturing SMEs were found to cluster along the major roads due to transportation convenience and improved visibility. The SMEs were found to clsuster more in couple of the wards of the city indicating to the potential cluster regions. These wards are characterized as having low cost spaces, good connectivity to other parts of the country, proximity to central wholesale market, administrative headquarter and major financial institutions and above all more circulation of people.

У статті досліджено диригентську діяльність М. Лисенка у контексті проблем ідентичності. Акцентуючи увагу на деяких історичних фактах з біографії митця, окреслено риси, характерні для класика української музики, чий вплив на мистецтво є масштабним та незаперечним. Охарактеризовано національно-культурну ідентичність М. Лисенка, що підкреслено нерозривністю його композиторської, виконавської та диригентської діяльності з національним фольклором і поезією. У контексті проблем ідентичності проаналізовано творчу діяльність М. Лисенка та визначено основні характерні ознаки культурної і національної ідентичності, а також самоідентичності, які він проявляв упродовж творчого життя. Зроблено висновок, що постать М. Лисенка є синтезом різних компонентів ідентичності і не може бути зведена до котроїсь із них через масштабність та інтегративний тип таланту митця. ; Starting from the second half of the twentieth century the concept of identity has become a universal explanatory paradigm, a universal tool for research. Linguistic and cultural divisions, "split" society, which is unfortunately Ukraine today, need realization of the national identity policy, which should be implemented in all areas of civil, social and cultural life.The aim of the research is to study the figure of Mykola Lysenko in the context of identity issues. To achieve this, the following objectives have to be addressed: discover and process the necessary reference database; to identify manifestations of various identity types in the life and creative activity of Mykola Lysenko and their influence on the further development of the Ukrainian choral art.Mykola Lysenko spent his childhood in the Hrynky village, Kremenchug district in Poltava region. And then in his childhood, when he was living close to the people and perceiving their traditions, the seed of his national consciousness was planted. Over the time the seed was shaped into a national vocation, as it is well known, that self, i.e. self-identity, cannot be formed without the influence of an external factor. Since 1860 M. Drahomanov, T. Rylsky, V. Antonovich and many others pro-Ukrainian students of St. Volodymyr Kyiv University played a key role in the formation of M. Lysenko.The national and cultural identity of M. Lysenko is emphasized by the inseparability of his composing, performing and conducting activities from the national folklore and poetry.In the nineteenth century there was a form of class identity, thus aristocracy and common people were separated from each other. Classes gave rise to limitations as the folk culture could only partially penetrate into the higher circles due to its "commonality". At the same time by limiting its "high culture" the aristocracy was defending their own interests. The fact that M. Lysenko came from a "higher" class gave him the opportunity to present the folk art in a professional way which "suited" aristocratic taste. That was one of the key elements of Lysenko's influence on the development of the Ukrainian music as by his creative work he began to unite different class groups demonstrating their affiliation to the same culture.Despite the existence of the Ukrainian people, from the point of view of the official Russian Empire policy of the nineteenth century, Ukraine as such did not exist. Ukrainian language and national culture were outlawed. Persistent and long-term work of M. Lysenko on folklore and its presentation at the concert venue brings the master in the limelight of national identity. Practical significance of Lysenko's folklore works is unification of Ukrainians around the national idea, and his conductor-choral activity became a tool of this union.His creativity, which demonstrated his clear national identity, M. Lysenko spread throughout Ukraine. His trips with choruses to Ukrainian cities not only initiated concert tours as such, but put the Ukrainian song in his adaptation on the unprecedented pedestal. M. Lysenko's merit as a conductor is that he was rather demanding and strict and that way he taught and showed how to perform a Ukrainian song, always treating seriously the performance of musical works.It is difficult to imagine the Ukrainian music culture of the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries without M. Lysenko as a musician and luminary. Almost every family that had a piano at that time also had his "collections". And the songs from his "forties" and "dozens" were performed by many amateur choirs.We cannot fully understand a historical figure of M. Lysenko in the context of identity issues without considering the political tension of that period. Therefore the author tries to outline the features of the master, whose impact on the art is huge and undeniable, by emphasizing some historical facts in his biography. While analyzing Lysenko's activity, the article defines and outlines features of cultural and national identity and self-identity displayed by the master through his creative life. The conclusion has been drawn that the figure of Mykola Lysenko is a synthesis of various components of identity and cannot be reduced to one of them due to the scale and integrative type of master's talent. The significance of this study lies in the fact that it takes a new look at M. Lysenko who is intertwiningly connected with the formation of Ukrainian identity as a whole. This modern factor is decisive in the development of country's own socio-cultural and civilizational autonomy Studies of the national, cultural and self-identity of Ukrainian conductors create the basis for shaping the policy of the Ukrainian nation in the field of culture. The further development of this study is intended to consolidate the society around the acute ideas and principles of national self-affirmation on the basis of common national interests. In this way, reliable foundations are laid for awareness of the common national identity.

У статті досліджено диригентську діяльність М. Лисенка у контексті проблем ідентичності. Акцентуючи увагу на деяких історичних фактах з біографії митця, окреслено риси, характерні для класика української музики, чий вплив на мистецтво є масштабним та незаперечним. Охарактеризовано національно-культурну ідентичність М. Лисенка, що підкреслено нерозривністю його композиторської, виконавської та диригентської діяльності з національним фольклором і поезією. У контексті проблем ідентичності проаналізовано творчу діяльність М. Лисенка та визначено основні характерні ознаки культурної і національної ідентичності, а також самоідентичності, які він проявляв упродовж творчого життя. Зроблено висновок, що постать М. Лисенка є синтезом різних компонентів ідентичності і не може бути зведена до котроїсь із них через масштабність та інтегративний тип таланту митця. ; Starting from the second half of the twentieth century the concept of identity has become a universal explanatory paradigm, a universal tool for research. Linguistic and cultural divisions, "split" society, which is unfortunately Ukraine today, need realization of the national identity policy, which should be implemented in all areas of civil, social and cultural life.The aim of the research is to study the figure of Mykola Lysenko in the context of identity issues. To achieve this, the following objectives have to be addressed: discover and process the necessary reference database; to identify manifestations of various identity types in the life and creative activity of Mykola Lysenko and their influence on the further development of the Ukrainian choral art.Mykola Lysenko spent his childhood in the Hrynky village, Kremenchug district in Poltava region. And then in his childhood, when he was living close to the people and perceiving their traditions, the seed of his national consciousness was planted. Over the time the seed was shaped into a national vocation, as it is well known, that self, i.e. self-identity, cannot be formed without the influence of an external factor. Since 1860 M. Drahomanov, T. Rylsky, V. Antonovich and many others pro-Ukrainian students of St. Volodymyr Kyiv University played a key role in the formation of M. Lysenko.The national and cultural identity of M. Lysenko is emphasized by the inseparability of his composing, performing and conducting activities from the national folklore and poetry.In the nineteenth century there was a form of class identity, thus aristocracy and common people were separated from each other. Classes gave rise to limitations as the folk culture could only partially penetrate into the higher circles due to its "commonality". At the same time by limiting its "high culture" the aristocracy was defending their own interests. The fact that M. Lysenko came from a "higher" class gave him the opportunity to present the folk art in a professional way which "suited" aristocratic taste. That was one of the key elements of Lysenko's influence on the development of the Ukrainian music as by his creative work he began to unite different class groups demonstrating their affiliation to the same culture.Despite the existence of the Ukrainian people, from the point of view of the official Russian Empire policy of the nineteenth century, Ukraine as such did not exist. Ukrainian language and national culture were outlawed. Persistent and long-term work of M. Lysenko on folklore and its presentation at the concert venue brings the master in the limelight of national identity. Practical significance of Lysenko's folklore works is unification of Ukrainians around the national idea, and his conductor-choral activity became a tool of this union.His creativity, which demonstrated his clear national identity, M. Lysenko spread throughout Ukraine. His trips with choruses to Ukrainian cities not only initiated concert tours as such, but put the Ukrainian song in his adaptation on the unprecedented pedestal. M. Lysenko's merit as a conductor is that he was rather demanding and strict and that way he taught and showed how to perform a Ukrainian song, always treating seriously the performance of musical works.It is difficult to imagine the Ukrainian music culture of the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries without M. Lysenko as a musician and luminary. Almost every family that had a piano at that time also had his "collections". And the songs from his "forties" and "dozens" were performed by many amateur choirs.We cannot fully understand a historical figure of M. Lysenko in the context of identity issues without considering the political tension of that period. Therefore the author tries to outline the features of the master, whose impact on the art is huge and undeniable, by emphasizing some historical facts in his biography. While analyzing Lysenko's activity, the article defines and outlines features of cultural and national identity and self-identity displayed by the master through his creative life. The conclusion has been drawn that the figure of Mykola Lysenko is a synthesis of various components of identity and cannot be reduced to one of them due to the scale and integrative type of master's talent. The significance of this study lies in the fact that it takes a new look at M. Lysenko who is intertwiningly connected with the formation of Ukrainian identity as a whole. This modern factor is decisive in the development of country's own socio-cultural and civilizational autonomy Studies of the national, cultural and self-identity of Ukrainian conductors create the basis for shaping the policy of the Ukrainian nation in the field of culture. The further development of this study is intended to consolidate the society around the acute ideas and principles of national self-affirmation on the basis of common national interests. In this way, reliable foundations are laid for awareness of the common national identity.

This article uses heretofore unavailable or unexamined archival documents to offer new insights into and analysis of two specific historical questions concerning Tan Kah Kee. The first question has to do with the precise circumstances and motivations that underpinned Tan's departure from Singapore in 1950, which turned out to be a permanent return to China. The second question has to do with a more recent revisionist argument that suggests that Tan tried — and failed — to escape from China in 1954 and 1957. Both questions have a certain historical significance in that they are closely connected to how Tan has been, and is, remembered in the modern histories of Singapore, the People's Republic of China (prc), and the Chinese overseas.
The prevailing historiographical view on Tan's permanent return to China in 1950 is that it was essentially the product of both "push and pull" factors; that is, that Tan was both pushed out of Singapore by the increasingly hostile political situation after the British pressure that was placed on him as a result of the Malayan Emergency, and attracted back to China by the "pull" that the establishment of New China (in 1949) exerted on his patriotic sentiments. Based on a close reading of archival evidence, this article demonstrates that Tan was not pushed out of Singapore. He left on his own terms, and because he wanted to play a part in New China.
The New Biography of Tan Kah Kee suggests that Tan attempted to escape to Singapore in 1954 and 1957, because he had become disillusioned with the radicalizing political situation in China, and thus decided to leave Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party behind. In this narrative, Tan's escape ultimately fails because, in 1954, Zhou Enlai uses political blackmail to force Tan to stay and, in 1957, the British authorities in Singapore ban him from returning. This article demonstrates that this narrative is unsupported by archival evidence. Tan only made one attempt to travel to Singapore in 1955, and it was neither an escape attempt nor was it blocked by the Chinese Communists or the British. Rather than fleeing the prc, Tan was likely trying to travel to Singapore on behalf of the prc.
本文利用不可多得或迄今为止未经细查的档案文献, 为关于陈嘉庚的两个具体的历史问题提供了新的见解和分析。第一个问题围绕陈嘉庚在新加坡的种种境遇和其1950年离开新加坡并永远留在中国的动机。第二个问题有关于一个近代修正主义争论, 它指出: 陈嘉庚曾试图在 1954 年和 1957 年逃离中国, 但都以失败告终。这两个问题对陈嘉庚如何在新加坡现代史, 中华人民共和国史以及华侨华人史中被记录有着密不可分的联系, 因此具有特殊历史重要性。
对于陈嘉庚于 1950 年回归中国这历史事件, 主流观点认为这是 "推力与拉力" 两者共同作用的产物: 面对马来亚紧急状态, 英国对陈嘉庚施压, 从而加大陈嘉庚与当下政治局势日益敌视的关系, 最终迫使其被 "推" 出新加坡; 与此同时, 1949 年新中国的成立激发了他的爱国情感而将他 "拉" 回中国。基于对档案证据的仔细阅读, 本文论证了陈嘉庚并没有被 "推" 出新加坡——他的离开出于自愿, 因为他希望为新中国做出贡献。
《陈嘉庚新传》一书中提到, 中国激进的政治局势使陈嘉庚感到理想破灭, 于是他决定离开毛泽东及中国共产党。之后他分别在1954和1957年试图逃返新加坡, 但都以失败告终: 在 1954 年, 周恩来利用政治因素威胁陈嘉庚留下; 而在1957年, 新加坡的英国当局禁止他返回。本文证实此书的叙述不能被档案证据所支持。事实上, 陈嘉庚仅在 1955 年试图前往新加坡; 作为仅有的一次"离开中国," 它不具有逃跑的企图, 陈也未被中共和英国阻拦, 反倒更像是代表中国出访新加坡。
This article is in English.

From 1896 to 1957, the Lyon City council leads an ambitious innovative policy in the field of "éducation populaire" (public education, education for all).The political will to opt for an education policy can be accounted for by the particular context during the first half of the 20th century.This city is flourishing and its population is increasing constantly particularly its working class and the number of pupils.At the time, Édouard Herriot is Lyon's mayor. In Lyon he begins being involved in politics in the context of the Dreyfus affair.Lyon is to be a springboard for his political career. By becoming mayor of Lyon at the age of 33, Herriot can enforce his school and educative policy in accordance with the principles of democratization of schooling and education he advocates, a policy which makes schooling more easily accessible to all that he shares with the "Compagnons de l'Université Nouvelle" intertwined networks of activists. Those networks prove to be particularly fertile and active during the period. Analyzing them shows how numerous they are and sheds light on their actions through the profusion of non-profit organizations and their many publication.However, while the analysis of the different historic sources available allow to Lyon's thriving community life related to "éducation populaire", the same sources do not mention how different organizations work.Analyzing the practices and project of the different "éducation populaire"movements and organizations show how the aims evolved during that period. Initially the goal is based on a program of hygiene physical education awareness. It is meant to fight social plagues such as tuberculoses and alcoholism. Gradually political goals emerge. The different activists have to establish a program of education in the true sense of the word of civic education, addressed to the children from Lyon working-class families. The aim is obviously to fight against the influence of opposite to the French Third Republic. In these activist circles above all clerical ones, regime evolves in these activist circle, makes the perceptions and political fears of parts of the population stand out this analysis also allows to put forward how deeply involved in politics these "éducation populaire" activists are in the second half of the 20th century. The fear of fascism then becomes a deep motivation for education.This research thus seeks to make the way these organizations and "éducation populaire" work re-emerge while attempting to be as close as possible to the viewpoint of regular activists.This bygone world of several of them whose biography could be traced. ; De 1896 à 1957, la municipalité de Lyon a développé une politique ambitieuse et novatrice dans le domaine de l'éducation populaire. Cette volonté politique d'action éducative s'explique par le contexte particulier de la ville de Lyon sur la première moitié du XXe siècle.La ville est alors en pleine croissance et économique. La population ne cesse d'augmenter, en particulier les populations ouvrières et scolaires.Cette ville est dirigée par Édouard Herriot. C'est à Lyon qu'il débute son engagement politique dans le contexte de l'affaire Dreyfus. Par la suite la ville de Lyon est pour lui un tremplin pour sa carrière politique nationale. En devenant maire de Lyon à 33 ans, Herriot est alors en position pour mettre en application une politique scolaire et éducative en lien avec ses principes de démocratisation de l'enseignement qu'il défend, celle d'un enseignement qui doit être plus démocratique et accessible, politique qu'il partage avec les Compagnons de l'Université Nouvelle. Cette vision est également celle d' une partie de la population lyonnaise qui soutient Édouard Herriot.Les différentes actions menées s'appuient alors sur un ensemble de réseaux de militants entrecroisés. Ces réseaux se révèlent être particulièrement riches et actifs sur cette période. Leur analyse montre leur foisonnement et leur action à travers la multiplication des associations de type loi 1901, avec leurs nombreuses publications.Cependant, si l'analyses des différentes sources historiques accessibles permet de mettre en évidence la richesse de la vie associative lyonnaise en lien avec l'éducation populaire, en revanche ces mêmes sources restent malheureusement muettes sur le fonctionnement de ces différentes associations.L'analyse des pratiques et des projets des différents mouvements et associations d'éducation populaire fait apparaître une évolution des objectifs sur la période. L'objectif initial repose sur un programme de développement des pratiques d'hygiène et de la culture physique. L'objectif déclaré est alors de lutter contre les fléaux sociaux que sont la tuberculose et l'alcoolisme. Progressivement apparaissent des objectifs politiques. Il s'agit pour les différents militants de mettre en place une véritable éducation civique à destination des enfants des classes populaires lyonnaises. Le but affiché est de lutter contre l'influence des adversaires de la République, en premier lieu les milieux cléricaux. L'évolution de la définition de l'adversaire de la République dans ces milieux de militants permet de mettre en évidence les perceptions et les craintes politiques d'une partie de la population. Cette analyse autorise également à mettre en avant l'hyper-politisation de ces militants de l'éducation populaire dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. La crainte du fascisme devient alors une puissante motivation pour l'action éducatrice.L'objectif de cette recherche est alors de faire resurgir le fonctionnement de ces associations et œuvres d'éducation populaire, en cherchant des angles d'approche le plus près possible des militants de base. Ce monde de militants disparu peut alors être évoqué à travers la trajectoire de plusieurs d'entre eux dont la biographie a pu être reconstituée.

From 1896 to 1957, the Lyon City council leads an ambitious innovative policy in the field of "éducation populaire" (public education, education for all).The political will to opt for an education policy can be accounted for by the particular context during the first half of the 20th century.This city is flourishing and its population is increasing constantly particularly its working class and the number of pupils.At the time, Édouard Herriot is Lyon's mayor. In Lyon he begins being involved in politics in the context of the Dreyfus affair.Lyon is to be a springboard for his political career. By becoming mayor of Lyon at the age of 33, Herriot can enforce his school and educative policy in accordance with the principles of democratization of schooling and education he advocates, a policy which makes schooling more easily accessible to all that he shares with the "Compagnons de l'Université Nouvelle" intertwined networks of activists. Those networks prove to be particularly fertile and active during the period. Analyzing them shows how numerous they are and sheds light on their actions through the profusion of non-profit organizations and their many publication.However, while the analysis of the different historic sources available allow to Lyon's thriving community life related to "éducation populaire", the same sources do not mention how different organizations work.Analyzing the practices and project of the different "éducation populaire"movements and organizations show how the aims evolved during that period. Initially the goal is based on a program of hygiene physical education awareness. It is meant to fight social plagues such as tuberculoses and alcoholism. Gradually political goals emerge. The different activists have to establish a program of education in the true sense of the word of civic education, addressed to the children from Lyon working-class families. The aim is obviously to fight against the influence of opposite to the French Third Republic. In these activist circles above all clerical ones, regime evolves in these activist circle, makes the perceptions and political fears of parts of the population stand out this analysis also allows to put forward how deeply involved in politics these "éducation populaire" activists are in the second half of the 20th century. The fear of fascism then becomes a deep motivation for education.This research thus seeks to make the way these organizations and "éducation populaire" work re-emerge while attempting to be as close as possible to the viewpoint of regular activists.This bygone world of several of them whose biography could be traced. ; De 1896 à 1957, la municipalité de Lyon a développé une politique ambitieuse et novatrice dans le domaine de l'éducation populaire. Cette volonté politique d'action éducative s'explique par le contexte particulier de la ville de Lyon sur la première moitié du XXe siècle.La ville est alors en pleine croissance et économique. La population ne cesse d'augmenter, en particulier les populations ouvrières et scolaires.Cette ville est dirigée par Édouard Herriot. C'est à Lyon qu'il débute son engagement politique dans le contexte de l'affaire Dreyfus. Par la suite la ville de Lyon est pour lui un tremplin pour sa carrière politique nationale. En devenant maire de Lyon à 33 ans, Herriot est alors en position pour mettre en application une politique scolaire et éducative en lien avec ses principes de démocratisation de l'enseignement qu'il défend, celle d'un enseignement qui doit être plus démocratique et accessible, politique qu'il partage avec les Compagnons de l'Université Nouvelle. Cette vision est également celle d' une partie de la population lyonnaise qui soutient Édouard Herriot.Les différentes actions menées s'appuient alors sur un ensemble de réseaux de militants entrecroisés. Ces réseaux se révèlent être particulièrement riches et actifs sur cette période. Leur analyse montre leur foisonnement et leur action à travers la multiplication des associations de type loi 1901, avec leurs nombreuses publications.Cependant, si l'analyses des différentes sources historiques accessibles permet de mettre en évidence la richesse de la vie associative lyonnaise en lien avec l'éducation populaire, en revanche ces mêmes sources restent malheureusement muettes sur le fonctionnement de ces différentes associations.L'analyse des pratiques et des projets des différents mouvements et associations d'éducation populaire fait apparaître une évolution des objectifs sur la période. L'objectif initial repose sur un programme de développement des pratiques d'hygiène et de la culture physique. L'objectif déclaré est alors de lutter contre les fléaux sociaux que sont la tuberculose et l'alcoolisme. Progressivement apparaissent des objectifs politiques. Il s'agit pour les différents militants de mettre en place une véritable éducation civique à destination des enfants des classes populaires lyonnaises. Le but affiché est de lutter contre l'influence des adversaires de la République, en premier lieu les milieux cléricaux. L'évolution de la définition de l'adversaire de la République dans ces milieux de militants permet de mettre en évidence les perceptions et les craintes politiques d'une partie de la population. Cette analyse autorise également à mettre en avant l'hyper-politisation de ces militants de l'éducation populaire dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. La crainte du fascisme devient alors une puissante motivation pour l'action éducatrice.L'objectif de cette recherche est alors de faire resurgir le fonctionnement de ces associations et œuvres d'éducation populaire, en cherchant des angles d'approche le plus près possible des militants de base. Ce monde de militants disparu peut alors être évoqué à travers la trajectoire de plusieurs d'entre eux dont la biographie a pu être reconstituée.

From 1896 to 1957, the Lyon City council leads an ambitious innovative policy in the field of "éducation populaire" (public education, education for all).The political will to opt for an education policy can be accounted for by the particular context during the first half of the 20th century.This city is flourishing and its population is increasing constantly particularly its working class and the number of pupils.At the time, Édouard Herriot is Lyon's mayor. In Lyon he begins being involved in politics in the context of the Dreyfus affair.Lyon is to be a springboard for his political career. By becoming mayor of Lyon at the age of 33, Herriot can enforce his school and educative policy in accordance with the principles of democratization of schooling and education he advocates, a policy which makes schooling more easily accessible to all that he shares with the "Compagnons de l'Université Nouvelle" intertwined networks of activists. Those networks prove to be particularly fertile and active during the period. Analyzing them shows how numerous they are and sheds light on their actions through the profusion of non-profit organizations and their many publication.However, while the analysis of the different historic sources available allow to Lyon's thriving community life related to "éducation populaire", the same sources do not mention how different organizations work.Analyzing the practices and project of the different "éducation populaire"movements and organizations show how the aims evolved during that period. Initially the goal is based on a program of hygiene physical education awareness. It is meant to fight social plagues such as tuberculoses and alcoholism. Gradually political goals emerge. The different activists have to establish a program of education in the true sense of the word of civic education, addressed to the children from Lyon working-class families. The aim is obviously to fight against the influence of opposite to the French Third Republic. In these activist circles above all clerical ones, regime evolves in these activist circle, makes the perceptions and political fears of parts of the population stand out this analysis also allows to put forward how deeply involved in politics these "éducation populaire" activists are in the second half of the 20th century. The fear of fascism then becomes a deep motivation for education.This research thus seeks to make the way these organizations and "éducation populaire" work re-emerge while attempting to be as close as possible to the viewpoint of regular activists.This bygone world of several of them whose biography could be traced. ; De 1896 à 1957, la municipalité de Lyon a développé une politique ambitieuse et novatrice dans le domaine de l'éducation populaire. Cette volonté politique d'action éducative s'explique par le contexte particulier de la ville de Lyon sur la première moitié du XXe siècle.La ville est alors en pleine croissance et économique. La population ne cesse d'augmenter, en particulier les populations ouvrières et scolaires.Cette ville est dirigée par Édouard Herriot. C'est à Lyon qu'il débute son engagement politique dans le contexte de l'affaire Dreyfus. Par la suite la ville de Lyon est pour lui un tremplin pour sa carrière politique nationale. En devenant maire de Lyon à 33 ans, Herriot est alors en position pour mettre en application une politique scolaire et éducative en lien avec ses principes de démocratisation de l'enseignement qu'il défend, celle d'un enseignement qui doit être plus démocratique et accessible, politique qu'il partage avec les Compagnons de l'Université Nouvelle. Cette vision est également celle d' une partie de la population lyonnaise qui soutient Édouard Herriot.Les différentes actions menées s'appuient alors sur un ensemble de réseaux de militants entrecroisés. Ces réseaux se révèlent être particulièrement riches et actifs sur cette période. Leur analyse montre leur foisonnement et leur action à travers la multiplication des associations de type loi 1901, avec leurs nombreuses publications.Cependant, si l'analyses des différentes sources historiques accessibles permet de mettre en évidence la richesse de la vie associative lyonnaise en lien avec l'éducation populaire, en revanche ces mêmes sources restent malheureusement muettes sur le fonctionnement de ces différentes associations.L'analyse des pratiques et des projets des différents mouvements et associations d'éducation populaire fait apparaître une évolution des objectifs sur la période. L'objectif initial repose sur un programme de développement des pratiques d'hygiène et de la culture physique. L'objectif déclaré est alors de lutter contre les fléaux sociaux que sont la tuberculose et l'alcoolisme. Progressivement apparaissent des objectifs politiques. Il s'agit pour les différents militants de mettre en place une véritable éducation civique à destination des enfants des classes populaires lyonnaises. Le but affiché est de lutter contre l'influence des adversaires de la République, en premier lieu les milieux cléricaux. L'évolution de la définition de l'adversaire de la République dans ces milieux de militants permet de mettre en évidence les perceptions et les craintes politiques d'une partie de la population. Cette analyse autorise également à mettre en avant l'hyper-politisation de ces militants de l'éducation populaire dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. La crainte du fascisme devient alors une puissante motivation pour l'action éducatrice.L'objectif de cette recherche est alors de faire resurgir le fonctionnement de ces associations et œuvres d'éducation populaire, en cherchant des angles d'approche le plus près possible des militants de base. Ce monde de militants disparu peut alors être évoqué à travers la trajectoire de plusieurs d'entre eux dont la biographie a pu être reconstituée.

From 1896 to 1957, the Lyon City council leads an ambitious innovative policy in the field of "éducation populaire" (public education, education for all).The political will to opt for an education policy can be accounted for by the particular context during the first half of the 20th century.This city is flourishing and its population is increasing constantly particularly its working class and the number of pupils.At the time, Édouard Herriot is Lyon's mayor. In Lyon he begins being involved in politics in the context of the Dreyfus affair.Lyon is to be a springboard for his political career. By becoming mayor of Lyon at the age of 33, Herriot can enforce his school and educative policy in accordance with the principles of democratization of schooling and education he advocates, a policy which makes schooling more easily accessible to all that he shares with the "Compagnons de l'Université Nouvelle" intertwined networks of activists. Those networks prove to be particularly fertile and active during the period. Analyzing them shows how numerous they are and sheds light on their actions through the profusion of non-profit organizations and their many publication.However, while the analysis of the different historic sources available allow to Lyon's thriving community life related to "éducation populaire", the same sources do not mention how different organizations work.Analyzing the practices and project of the different "éducation populaire"movements and organizations show how the aims evolved during that period. Initially the goal is based on a program of hygiene physical education awareness. It is meant to fight social plagues such as tuberculoses and alcoholism. Gradually political goals emerge. The different activists have to establish a program of education in the true sense of the word of civic education, addressed to the children from Lyon working-class families. The aim is obviously to fight against the influence of opposite to the French Third Republic. In these activist circles above all clerical ones, regime evolves in these activist circle, makes the perceptions and political fears of parts of the population stand out this analysis also allows to put forward how deeply involved in politics these "éducation populaire" activists are in the second half of the 20th century. The fear of fascism then becomes a deep motivation for education.This research thus seeks to make the way these organizations and "éducation populaire" work re-emerge while attempting to be as close as possible to the viewpoint of regular activists.This bygone world of several of them whose biography could be traced. ; De 1896 à 1957, la municipalité de Lyon a développé une politique ambitieuse et novatrice dans le domaine de l'éducation populaire. Cette volonté politique d'action éducative s'explique par le contexte particulier de la ville de Lyon sur la première moitié du XXe siècle.La ville est alors en pleine croissance et économique. La population ne cesse d'augmenter, en particulier les populations ouvrières et scolaires.Cette ville est dirigée par Édouard Herriot. C'est à Lyon qu'il débute son engagement politique dans le contexte de l'affaire Dreyfus. Par la suite la ville de Lyon est pour lui un tremplin pour sa carrière politique nationale. En devenant maire de Lyon à 33 ans, Herriot est alors en position pour mettre en application une politique scolaire et éducative en lien avec ses principes de démocratisation de l'enseignement qu'il défend, celle d'un enseignement qui doit être plus démocratique et accessible, politique qu'il partage avec les Compagnons de l'Université Nouvelle. Cette vision est également celle d' une partie de la population lyonnaise qui soutient Édouard Herriot.Les différentes actions menées s'appuient alors sur un ensemble de réseaux de militants entrecroisés. Ces réseaux se révèlent être particulièrement riches et actifs sur cette période. Leur analyse montre leur foisonnement et leur action à travers la multiplication des associations de type loi 1901, avec leurs nombreuses publications.Cependant, si l'analyses des différentes sources historiques accessibles permet de mettre en évidence la richesse de la vie associative lyonnaise en lien avec l'éducation populaire, en revanche ces mêmes sources restent malheureusement muettes sur le fonctionnement de ces différentes associations.L'analyse des pratiques et des projets des différents mouvements et associations d'éducation populaire fait apparaître une évolution des objectifs sur la période. L'objectif initial repose sur un programme de développement des pratiques d'hygiène et de la culture physique. L'objectif déclaré est alors de lutter contre les fléaux sociaux que sont la tuberculose et l'alcoolisme. Progressivement apparaissent des objectifs politiques. Il s'agit pour les différents militants de mettre en place une véritable éducation civique à destination des enfants des classes populaires lyonnaises. Le but affiché est de lutter contre l'influence des adversaires de la République, en premier lieu les milieux cléricaux. L'évolution de la définition de l'adversaire de la République dans ces milieux de militants permet de mettre en évidence les perceptions et les craintes politiques d'une partie de la population. Cette analyse autorise également à mettre en avant l'hyper-politisation de ces militants de l'éducation populaire dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. La crainte du fascisme devient alors une puissante motivation pour l'action éducatrice.L'objectif de cette recherche est alors de faire resurgir le fonctionnement de ces associations et œuvres d'éducation populaire, en cherchant des angles d'approche le plus près possible des militants de base. Ce monde de militants disparu peut alors être évoqué à travers la trajectoire de plusieurs d'entre eux dont la biographie a pu être reconstituée.

The Stuttgart-based Foundation for the Rights of Future Generations (FRFG) and the London-based Intergenerational Foundation (IF) jointly award the biennial Demography Prize, endowed with EUR 10,000 (ten thousand euros) in total prize-money, to essay-writers who address political and demographic issues pertaining to the field of intergenerational justice. The prize was initiated and is funded by the Stiftung Apfelbaum.Through the prize, the FRFG and IF seek to promote discussion about intergenerational justice in society, and, by providing a scholarly basis to the debate, establish new perspectives for decision-makers. The invitation to enter the competition is extended especially to young academics from all disciplines. Collaborative submissions are also welcome.For the 2016/2017 prize, the FRFG and IF call for papers on the following topic:"Measuring Intergenerational Justice" Submission RequirementsSubmissions will be accepted until 1 July 2017. Entries should be 5,000 to 8,000 words in length (excluding figures and tables). All documents required for a submission, including the full call for papers and formal entry requirements, are available upon request by email to Antony Mason at antony(at)if.org.uk. For future reference, and because we may be organising a symposium around the Prize, we kindly ask you to also send us a short biography (one paragraph) when requesting formal entry requirements. Submissions for the essay competition will also be considered for publication in the Intergenerational Justice Review (www.igjr.org).Topic AbstractIn recent years, there has been a rising interest in measuring and comparing intergenerational justice and the well-being of young people, both across different countries (spatially) as well as over time (temporally). While the results of these indices have been found to vary in the details, they all point in a similar direction: most industrialised countries are imposing increasing burdens on younger and future generations, as is evidenced, for example, by their high sovereign debts, youth unemployment and poverty, and perennial ecological crises.In a 2013 study published by the Bertelsmann Foundation, and led by Pieter Vanhuysse of the UN's European Centre for Social Welfare Policy and Research, a total of 29 OECD states were compared on the basis of four indicators: public debt per child; the ecological footprint created by all generations currently alive; the ratio of child- to elderly-poverty; and the distribution of social spending among generations ("elderly-bias indicator of social spending", EBiSS). These measures were then aggregated into the "Intergenerational Justice Index" – the first of its kind.A similar attempt to capture the wellbeing of young people is the "Youthonomics Global Index". Published in 2015 by a France-based think tank of the same name, it analyses the situation of young people in 64 Western and non-Western countries by means of no less than 59 different social, economic and political indicators.The most recent in line is the "European Index of Intergenerational Fairness", launched in early 2016 by the Intergenerational Foundation (IF). Designed as a quantitative measurement of how the position of young people has changed across the EU, its 13 indicators include housing costs, government debt, spending on pensions and education, participation in democracy, and access to tertiary education. The index's findings indicate that the prospects of young people across the EU have deteriorated to a ten-year low.Entries to the competition could approach the topic through a broad range of questions, including:What are the methodological pitfalls of measuring intergenerational justice, and how can they be avoided? Are the existing models internally valid, and to what extent do they allow for generalisation? What are the potential sources of selection bias and measurement error?Are the respective indicators by which they measure intergenerational justice sufficient and appropriate, or should they be supplemented? If so, how exactly? Are they conceptually sound and well operationalised? Do they allow for replication?In a cross-sectional or time-series comparison, how well do "ageing societies" such as Germany, Sweden or Finland respond to the challenges of intergenerational justice? In particular, how – if at all – do they succeed in balancing the welfare spending between the young and the old, and what measures ought they be taking in this regard?With regard to the country rankings, is intergenerational justice, as measured by the different indices, a function of some other set of variables – i.e., how do they correlate with alternative rankings, socio-economic or other, and what might this teach us?What promising policy options are there for reducing existing injustices between the young and the old? How might they be implemented?What measures of institutional design could be taken in order to prevent the marginalisation of young people and future generations in political decision-making? For example, should suffrage be extended or even universalised to include the currently disenfranchised, and what would be the prospective effects of such a move?Note that these are non-binding suggestions: participants are strongly encouraged to come up with their own essay questions or research puzzles, as long as they pertain to the overall topic of this call for papers in a sufficiently clear way. Submissions are welcome from all fields of social science, including (but not limited to) political science, sociology, economics, and legal studies. Philosophers and/or ethicists are invited to contribute applied normative research.ReferencesLeach, Jeremy / Broeks, Miriam / Østensvik, Kristin S. / Kingman, David (2016): European Intergenerational Fairness Index: A Crisis for the Young. London: Intergenerational Foundation. http://www.if.org.uk/archives/7658/the-if-european-intergenerational-unfairness-index-2016.Vanhuysse, Pieter (2013): Intergenerational Justice in Aging Societies: A Cross-National Comparison of 29 OECD countries. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann-Stiftung. https://www.dcu.ie/sites/default/files/afu/Intergenerational_Justice_OECD.pdf.Youthonomics (ed.). (2015). Youthonomics global index 2015: Putting the young at the top of the global agenda. Paris. www.youthonomics.com/youthonomics-index.

La presente tesis doctoral tiene como objetivo fundamental ser un profundo estudio sobre la figura del escritor Eliodoro Puche Felices. Para ello he estructurado tal documento en seis bloques, los cuales corresponden a objetivos específicos. El primero está centrado en su biografía, desde su nacimiento hasta su defunción, tratando con especial énfasis determinados episodios como: su etapa bohemia en Madrid; su papel como segundo procurador síndico (concejal) en su tierra natal, Lorca (Murcia); así como su dura experiencia carcelaria en los presidios de Lorca, Murcia y Totana. El segundo, por el contrario, se compone de un listado acerca de sus obras completas en verso (poemarios, poesía en prensa y revistas, manuscritos e inserciones en obras de otros autores), prosa (microcuentos, artículos de crítica literaria, estampas y sueltos periodísticos) y también sus traducciones de autores franceses (Paul Verlaine, Charles Baudelaire, Alfred de Musset, Jeanne de Coulomb, Vicente Huidobro, Max Jacob, André Salmon y Françoise Villon) además de rusos (Antón Chejov, Leonid Andréyev) y de la danesa Sigrid Undset. En cuanto al tercero, constituye un estado de la cuestión, donde figuran todos los estudios que se han hecho sobre su persona. El cuarto es un aparato crítico, en el cual se ofrece una visión global sobre su poética, su narrativa y, en general, su estética como escritor. El quinto es un conjunto de testimonios de personas que lo conocieron al final de su vida. Y la última sección recoge los materiales que he utilizado para la elaboración de este estudio. La metodología empleada ha requerido de cuatro fases. El preanálisis (primera fase) constituye una aproximación y preparación del proyecto de investigación, además de un desarrollo de conocimientos previos. El análisis (segunda fase) incluye trabajo de campo, intervención didáctica, aplicación de modelos y metacognición del proceso de investigación. La interpretación (tercera fase) corresponde a la elaboración de resultados y conclusiones, mientras que la comunicación (cuarta fase) está centrada en la elaboración del informe y su prospectiva investigadora. En total he requerido 52 meses para la conclusión de este trabajo. A modo de conclusión, Eliodoro Puche fue un sujeto destacado en las letras españolas del primer tercio del siglo XX. Por su obra, ha quedado vinculado con un modernismo epigónico, de corte simbolista, habiendo participado fugazmente en las vanguardias, principalmente en el creacionismo y el ultraísmo. Participó en las tertulias madrileñas, destacando las de El Colonial, con Rafael Cansinos Asséns, y las de Pombo, presididas por Ramón Gómez de la Serna. Todo ello, unido a su trabajo como traductor de autores extranjeros en varios géneros literarios, su destacado desarrollo poético durante la represión del primer franquismo (1939-1945) y su cargo político local durante la República, lo convierten en un autor destacado e interesante en las letras, no solamente regionales, sino también nacionales, cuya figura pretende ser recordada y reivindicada en esta presente tesis doctoral. The main objective of this thesis is to create a thorough study of the figure and writer, Eliodoro Puche Felices. For this reason, I structured this document in six blocks, which correspond to specific goals. So, the first block is a recount of his biography, from his birth to his death, giving special emphasis to certain episodes of his bohemian live in Madrid; his role as a counselor in his homeland, Lorca (Murcia); and his hard prison experience in jails from Lorca to Murcia and Totana. The second block, by contrast, consists of a list of his complete works in verse (poems, poetry in newspapers and magazines, inserts manuscripts into works of other authors), prose (microstories, literary criticism, literal prints and news in newspapers), and his translations of French authors (Paul Verlaine, Charles Baudelaire, Alfred de Musset, Jeanne de Coulomb, Vicente Huidobro, Max Jacob, André Salmon and Françoise Villon) in addition to Russians (Anton Chekhov, Leonid Andreyev) and Danes like Sigrid Undset. As for the third, it is a state of affairs where you can see all of the studies that have been made about his person. The fourth is a critical study in which an overview of his poetry, narrative, and in general, aesthetics as a writer is offered. The fifth is a collection of testimonies from people who knew the end of his life. And the final section gathers the materials used for the preparation of this study. The methodology required four phases. The lookahead (first phase) is an approach and preparation of the research project, and a development of prior knowledge. The analysis (second phase) includes fieldwork, educational intervention, application of models and metacognition of the research process. The interpretation (third phase) corresponds to the production of results and conclusions, while communication (fourth phase) is centered on the preparation of the report and its prospective researcher. In total, it required 52 months for completion of this work. In conclusion, Eliodoro Puche was prominent in the Spanish letters of the first third of the twentieth century subject. For his work, he was linked to an epiphanic modernism, symbolist court, having participated briefly in the vanguard (especially in creationism and ultraism). He participated in the gatherings in Madrid, highlighting the El Colonial, with Rafael Cansino Asséns, and Pombo, chaired by Ramón Gómez de la Serna. All these things, combined with his work as a translator of foreign authors within various genres, his outstanding poetic development during the suppression of the first "Franquism" (1939-1945), and his local political office in the Republic, make him a prominent author and interesting correspondent, in not only regional but also national affairs, whose figure is remembered and petitioned by this thesis.

"Greek Historiography, Roman Society, Christian Empire: the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius of Caesarea" addresses a major shift in Roman social, political, and religious history at the pivotal turn of the fourth century AD. When Christianity was legalized in 313, the Christian church of the eastern Roman Empire, where the pagan Licinius ruled as emperor until the Christian Constantine defeated him in 324, remained in an insecure position. The Greek-speaking eastern Roman elite of this period only admitted outsiders to their circles who displayed a civilized manner of life inculcated in the elite Greek educational curriculum (paideia), the kind of life embodied by Greek philosophers. It was, I argue, to depict this newly legalized Christianity as the models of the philosophical life that Eusebius of Caesarea wrote the first history of the church in the 310s AD. Whereas Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History is usually studied for its intra-Christian discourse, this study considers the History as a Greek text aimed at Roman elites. I demonstrate that the History's reconfiguration of Greek historiographical genres constructed Christianity as a civilized and educated institution whose leaders were worthy to educate and advise the Roman ruling classes.The first three chapters present a reading of the Ecclesiastical History within the rich variety of Greek historiographical genres. The first chapter applies genre theory to show that Eusebius' History was a combination of the Greek genres of national history and philosophical biography. This combination of genres presented the church as a nation of philosophers ready to assume the standard role of philosophers in the Roman Empire, of teaching Roman elites a civilized manner of life and of advising Roman emperors. The second chapter scrutinizes the character of Eusebius' Christianity by studying eighty mini-biographies embedded into the History that echo Diogenes Laertius', Philostratus', and Porphyry's philosophical biographies. By highlighting Christians' homogeneous and universal intellectual prowess, these profiles represent the church as reliable educators and advisors. The third chapter argues that, in a riposte to the grand genre of Greek war history that valorized other nations' pasts, Eusebius transformed persecution and martyrdom from an orderly legal procedure into a violent struggle told in the manner of the great Greek historian Thucydides. As the church's enemy in the struggle martyrdom was Satan and not the Roman persecutors of Christianity, Eusebius could call martyrdoms "wars contested for peace in the soul," critiquing Greek war history with Greek philosophical discourse. His church emerges victorious by remaining steadfastly loyal to God, surpasses the warriors in Greek literature by its virtuous conduct of the wars, and, by scapegoating the demons, absolves the Roman Empire of any systemic flaw that would discourage Christians from supporting it.The next three chapters complement my analysis of the Ecclesiastical History's genres by locating Eusebius' Christianity in the social structures of the early fourth-century Roman Empire. The fourth chapter introduces Eusebius' experience of living under Rome through a thick description of the archaeological remains of his home city, Caesarea Maritima. Caesarea was unmistakably a Roman creation, as the governor of Palestine resided there and the city's topography featured numerous monuments to Roman power, including monuments to philosophers who were respected in the city. The peaceful, prosperous and well-connected life that a wealthy man such as Eusebius could live there solidified Eusebius' loyalty to the Roman Empire. The fifth chapter shows how Eusebius integrated the church into the Empire: he delineated networks of bishops and intellectuals that stretched across the Empire from Mesopotamia to Gaul and Carthage. The geographically diffused church displays a variety of mechanisms for maintaining long-distance cohesion, and the cohesive and homogeneous philosophical church bound together by these ties attracts favor from Roman leaders throughout the History. Through these encounters Eusebius patterned the church's relationship with the Empire after that of Greek philosophers: philosophers typically stayed in contact with emperors and governors while maintaining a critical distance from imperial power, so as to provide impartial advice for imperial officials. Eusebius placed Christians into the beneficial imagined relationship that philosophers had held with the Empire, from which they would strengthen imperial governance. The sixth chapter contextualizes the History in Eusebius' larger literary oeuvre. He published the History when he was writing his long magnum opus, the Gospel Preparation and Gospel Demonstration, a comprehensive exposition and defense of Christian doctrine. Eusebius' simultaneous publication of the Preparation-Demonstration with the History emulated the combination of expository works with biographical narratives in Greek philosophical curricula. Eusebius' forging of a comprehensive program for training Christians to think and act as philosophers positioned the church to displace Greek philosophical schools as the premier intellectual institution of the Empire. From this position, the church could then reinforce the Empire's mission to civilize the inhabited world.The History articulated a central role for Eusebius' church in Rome's imperial regime. Where the most prominent role of Greek philosophers was to educate imperial elites and advise Roman emperors, Eusebius' assertion of Christians' intellectual prowess claimed the church's superiority as a philosophical institution. Eusebius published his vision at a fortuitous moment, for when the Christian emperor Constantine conquered the eastern Roman Empire in 324, the History had already advertised church leaders' competence in the philosophical profession. By telling the church's history within the Greek historiographical tradition stretching back to Herodotus and Thucydides, therefore, Eusebius' History became a catalyst for the church's integration into the power structures of the Roman Empire in the fourth century.

Architektur und Städtebau des Sozialismus haben nach der politischen Wende der Jahre 1989-1991 einen erheblichen Wertungswandel erfahren. Insbesondere die in industrieller Bauweise errichteten Quartiere des komplexen Wohnungsbaus, die einstmals privilegierte Wohngegenden waren, haben heute oftmals den Ruf von "Ghettos". Die vorliegende Arbeit möchte einen Beitrag dazu leisten, dieses Bild zu korrigieren und das öffentliche Image von Plattenbausiedlungen zu verbessern. Dazu wurde anhand des ostdeutschen Plattenbaugebietes Strausberg-Hegermühle untersucht, welche Faktoren die positive Identifikation der Bewohner mit ihrem Viertel begünstigen. Ziel der Arbeit ist, damit Anregungen für die Praxis lokal engagierter Bürger, Kommunalpolitiker, Wohnungsgesellschaften und Verwaltungen zu geben. Das Wohngebiet "Hegermühle" in der brandenburgischen Mittelstadt Strausberg wurde in den 1980er Jahren gebaut. Die Bevölkerung Hegermühles war bis 1990 stark durch Mitarbeiter des Ministeriums für Nationale Verteidigung der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik geprägt. Die Wohnungen im Viertel waren wegen ihres hohen technischen Standards begehrt. Nach dem Ende der DDR erfuhr das Viertel einen starken Wandel seiner Sozialstruktur und bekam ein Image, das zwischen den Polen "graue Schlafstadt" und "sozialer Brennpunkt" angesiedelt ist. In diesem Wohngebiet wurde im zweiten Halbjahr 2009 eine qualitative Untersuchung durchgeführt. Neben mehreren in Bild- und Textform dokumentierten Feldexplorationen wurde eine Reihe von Interviews mit Personen geführt, die aktuell in Hegermühle wohnen oder früher dort wohnten. Die Auswahl der Interviewpartner erfolgte nach der Methode des Theoretical Sampling (Glaser/Strauss), wobei eine möglichst große Differenzierung des Samples nach Alter, Herkunft, Geschlecht und Beruf angestrebt wurde. Die Interviews wurden nach der Methode des Problemzentrierten Interviews (Witzel) geführt und auf Grundlage des Konzepts der Grounded Theory (Glaser/Strauss) ausgewertet. Für die Arbeit wurden acht Interviews ausgewählt, in denen die Interviewten Auskunft geben über die folgenden Themen: die Umstände ihres Zuzugs nach Hegermühle, die Entwicklung des Wohngebiets seitdem, das Image Hegermühles, ihr eigenes Verhältnis zum Viertel und die Perspektiven des Wohngebiets. Als Ergebnis der Arbeit lässt sich festhalten, dass die positive Identifikation mit dem Wohngebiet am stärksten durch die problematische Sozialstruktur behindert wird, die in hohem Maße von Arbeitslosigkeit und sozialen Desintegrationserscheinungen geprägt ist. Davon abgesehen überwiegen pragmatische Kriterien bei der Bewertung des Wohngebiets. Die gute infrastrukturelle Ausstattung Hegermühles mit Einkaufs-, Betreuungs- und Erholungsmöglichkeiten wurde von allen Befragten positiv hervorgehoben. Diese Faktoren sind jedoch genau so auch in anderen Orten zu finden und damit nicht geeignet, eine Identifikation mit einem spezifischen Ort zu befördern. Von den Befragten wurde daher auch mehrfach auf das Fehlen von Merkmalen hingewiesen, die Hegermühle auszeichnen und es von anderen Vierteln abheben. Dagegen war die Lokalidentität bei den Interviewpartnern am stärksten, die den Aufbau Hegermühles in den 1980er Jahren persönlich miterlebt haben. Die Arbeit schließt darum mit Überlegungen, wie diese Erfahrung einer Ortsgeschichte, die Bedeutung für die eigene Biografie hat, anderen Einwohnern vermittelt werden kann. Zwei mögliche Konzepte werden vorgeschlagen: a) die Erforschung und Vermittlung der Wohngebietsgeschichte, sowie b) die Schaffung und Pflege räumlicher Identifikationspunkte, die die lokale Geschichte, Landschaft und andere Besonderheiten des Viertels im Alltag erfahrbar machen. Beispielsweise können Kunstwerke im öffentlichen Raum oder Gedenktafeln als Anknüpfungspunkte einer ortsbezogenen Identität dienen und ein Gefühl persönlicher Verbundenheit mit dem Wohnort bestärken. Damit könnte unabhängig von pragmatischen Faktoren eine Bindung an den Ort begünstigt und die Bereitschaft der Einwohner erhöht werden, sich für die Verbesserung der Verhältnisse im Wohngebiet einzusetzen. ; The judgment on socialism's architecture and urban design has undergone a large change since the political turn of the years 1989-1991. This is especially true for the industrially built housing estates of the complex housing program, which were once privileged residential areas, but which now have a reputation as "ghettos". This paper is meant to contribute to the correction of this perception and to the improvement of the public image of "Plattenbau" housing estates. In order to achieve this, research was done in the East German housing estate Strausberg-Hegermühle to find factors which promote positive identification of residents with their neighbourhood. The paper aims at giving suggestions for the work of locally committed citizens, community politicians, residential housing companies and local administrations. The housing estate "Hegermühle" in the medium-sized Brandenburg town Strausberg was built in the 1980s. Until 1990, Hegermühle's population was dominated by employees of the German Democratic Republic's Ministry of National Defence. Apartments in the neighbourhood were sought after because of their high technical standard. After the GDR's demise, the neighbourhood's social structure changed profoundly. Today, its public image is located between the extremes "boring dormitory town" and "deprived area". In the second half of 2009, a qualitative enquiry was conducted in this housing estate. Apart from field explorations, which were documented in text and image, a number of interviews was conducted with persons who were living or had formerly been living in Hegermühle. Interviewees were selected according to the method of theoretical sampling (Glaser/Strauss) with the goal of achieving a high differentiation of the sample in terms of age, descent, gender and profession. The interviews were conducted according to Witzel's method of problem-centered interviews, and they were interpreted on the basis of Glaser's & Strauss' grounded theory concept. For this paper, eight interviews were selected, in which the interviewees speak about the following topics: the circumstances of their moving to Hegermühle, the neighbourhood's development since then, the public image of Hegermühle, their own relationship with the neighbourhood and the housing estate's future perspective. The results of the conducted research show that the largest obstacle for positive identification with the housing estate is its problematic social structure, which is highly dominated by unemployment and social disintegration. Apart from that, the housing estate is mostly judged by pragmatic criteria. The good infrastructure of Hegermühle, which includes facilities for shopping, child care and recreation, was emphasized by all interviewees. These factors though can be found in the same form in other places. Thus they are not able to serve as a base for identification with any specific place. That is why it was remarked by the interviewees that Hegermühle lacked distinguishing features which separate it from other neighbourhoods. In contrast, those interviewees who had personally witnessed the creation of Hegermühle in the 1980s showed the highest level of local identity. Because of this, the paper ends with reflections on how this experience of a local history of significance to one's own biography can be shared by other residents. Two possible concepts are proposed: a) exploration and presentation of the housing estate's history, and b) creation and preservation of spatial points of identification, which make the local history, landscape and other distinguishing features of the neighbourhood perceivable in everyday life. Public works of art or commemorative plaques for example could serve as links for a local identity and could strengthen a feeling of personal connection with the place of living. This could promote a local connection independent from pragmatic factors and increase the residents' willingness to get involved in the improvement of their housing estate.

Анисимов Е. В. отмечает высокий уровень книги Татьяны Таировой-Яковлевой (особенно разделов по истории собственно Украины). При этом он отметил, что проблема измены И. Мазепы может иметь более широкую трактовку, и с моральной точки зрения факт измены несомненен. Бесов А. Г. считает главной особенностью книги Татьяны Таировой-Яковлевой о гетмане Мазепе преобладание телеологии над историей. Постановка вопроса о «российско-украинских отношениях» в конце XVII начале XVIII в. как отношениях двух государств ему представляется ошибочной. Каменский А. Б. полагает, что это исследование является серьезной попыткой создания научной биографии И. Мазепы. В ряде случаев автору удалось убедительно опровергнуть некоторые из закрепившихся в историографии мифов. Появление книги, как можно надеяться, послужит стимулом для других исследователей, которым придется считаться с предложенной концепцией. Каревин А. С.: книга Т. Г. Таировой-Яковлевой содержит значительное количество ошибок, противоречий, необоснованных выводов. Эти недостатки не позволяют считать рассматриваемую книгу состоявшимся научным исследованием. Кочегаров К. А.: новое издание о Мазепе наряду с отдельными ценными наблюдениями и выводами содержит положения, с которыми нельзя согласиться. Говоря о книге в целом, стоит отметить, что общая концепция исследования грешит заметной идеализацией образа Мазепы и его политики. Кроме того, автор чрезмерно переоценивает значение Московских статей и роль гетмана в перевороте 1689 г., в значительной степени преувеличивает участие Мазепы в русской внешней политике, ошибочно принимает отдельные меры русского правительства по централизации военного управления за «административную реформу Гетманщины». Не доказанной представляется также заявленная активная роль гетмана в церковных преобразованиях Петра. Курукин И. В.: несмотря на приведенные автором данные об административной реформе 1707 г., остается непонятным, была ли реально ликвидирована украинская автономия. Остается спорным вопрос о степени поддержки Мазепы населением Украины и казацкой старшиной. Присоединенные к России силой прибалтийские провинции сумели сохранить на полтора столетия свою автономию но при этом немецкие дворяне верно той же империи служили. Разнородная же по происхождению украинская старшина, как будто, не смогла выработать «правил» корпоративного поведения и сословной солидарности. Плохий С. Миф Мазепы-предателя подвергся серьезному испытанию в горниле научной и творческой лаборатории Т. Г. Таировой-Яковлевой. Автор обсуждаемой здесь книги смогла показать более полно, чем кто-либо из ее предшественников, сложность личного, общественного и геополитического выбора, который пришлось делать Ивану Мазепе. Это, если можно так выразиться, наиболее «сбалансированная» книга о гетмане, которую мне приходилось читать. Чухлиб Т. В. Нарушение присяги монарху российского государства украинским гетманом было истолковано Иваном Мазепой и его правительством как акция против тирании Петра I. Поэтому гетман имел право отказаться от высокого покрвительства царя и искать для себя, как вассала, другого сюзерена. Этот вывод T. H. Таировой-Яковлевой представляется адекватными и раскрывает логику действий украинского лидера. ; Eugenij Anisimov notes the high level of research made by Tatiana Tairova-Yakovleva, in particular considering the pieces about Ukrainian history. He notes that the problem of treason by I. Mazepa can be interpreted more generally and the fact of treason undoubtly took place. Alexander Besov believes that the book about Hetman Mazepa by Tatiana Tairova-Yakovleva focuses rather on teleology than history. However, he fi nds the way of the author's interpretation of the «RussiaUkraine relations» in late 17th early 18th centuries quite mistakable. Alexander Kamenskii thinks that Tatiana Tairova's book is a serious attempt of constructing a scholar biography of Ivan Mazepa. In several cases she has managed to refute some myths in historiography. One may hope that the book will stimulate other historians to conduct further research. However, they will not be able to ignore Tairova's conception. A. S. Karevin considers that Tairova-Yakovleva's book is full of numerous mistakes, contradictions and baseless conclusions. The drawbacks make us not to regard the book as established scientifi c study. Kirill Kochegarov fi nds that Mrs. Tairova-Yakovleva's book combine several interesting observations with unacceptable and controversial points. In generally the very idea of the study seems to idealize the Mazepa personality as well as his policy. The author also overestimates the importance of the so-called Moscow clauses, grossly exaggerates Mazepa's participation in the Russian foreign affairs, and erroneously regards centralizing military administration measures of Russian government as large-scale administrative reform in Ukraine. Moreover, active role in Church reform of Peter the Great declared by Mrs. Tairova-Yakovleva Mazepa's has not been proved. Igor Kurukin: Despite the information on administrative reform of 1707 (s.322-330) given by the author, it isn't clear, was the Ukrainian autonomy liquidated or not. There is a disputable question on what extend was Mazepa supported by the Ukraine people as well as cossack «starshina». Provinces being attached to Russia Baltic were able to remain independent for one and a half centuries. Being different by birth Ukrainian elite did't manage to develop rules of corporate behavior and solidarity. Plokhii Serhii: The myth of Mazepa as betrayer have been solidly examined in Mrs. Tairova-Yakovleva's scientifi c and creative lab. The author has succeed in showing and more carefully than her predecessor the diffi culty of both personal and public, geopolitics, choice which Mazepa had to make. The book is, if it is a proper name, the most balanced judgment of the hetman I have ever read. Chukhlib Taras. The violation of oath to the Russian monarch by Ukrainian Hetmanstate was interpreted by Ivan Mazepa and his government as tyrannical action of Peter the Great. Therefore, the hetman received the right to refuse from «the high hand» of tsar and look for another suzerain to maintain his vassal autonomy. T. H. Tairova-Yakovleva fi nds this decision quite adequate and revealing us the logic of actions of the Ukrainian leader.

"With Central City's Joy and Pain, Jerome E. Morris explores complex social issues through personal narrative. He does so by blending social-science research with his own memoir of life in Birmingham, Alabama. As someone who lived in the Central City housing project for two transitional decades (1968-91) and whose family continued to reside there until 1999, when the city razed the community, the author provides us with the often unexplored bottom-up perspective on Black public-housing residents' experiences. As Morris's experiential and authoritative narrative voice unfolds in the pages of Central City's Joy and Pain, both the scholarly and lay reader are brought on a journey of what life is like for people who live and die at the intersection of race and poverty in a rapidly evolving southern urban center. The setting of a historic public-housing community provides a rich canvas on which to paint a world through the author's personal experience of growing up there-and his later observations as a researcher and academic. Through its syncopation of personal stories and scholarly research, Central City's Joy and Pain captures what it means to be Black, poor, and full of dreams. In this setting, dreams are realized by some and swallowed up for others in the larger historical, social, economic, and political context of African Americans' experiences during and after the civil rights movement"--

" Best known for its World Heritage program committed to "the identification, protection and preservation of cultural and natural heritage around the world considered to be of outstanding value to humanity," the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was founded in 1945 as an intergovernmental agency aimed at fostering peace, humanitarianism, and intercultural understanding. Its mission was inspired by leading European intellectuals such as Henri Bergson, Marie Curie, Albert Einstein, Thomas Mann, H. G. Wells, and Aldous and Julian Huxley. Often critiqued for its inherent Eurocentrism, UNESCO and its World Heritage program today remain embedded within modernist principles of "progress" and "development" and subscribe to the liberal principles of diplomacy and mutual tolerance. However, its mission to prevent conflict, destruction, and intolerance, while noble and much needed, increasingly falls short, as recent battles over the World Heritage sites of Preah Vihear, Chersonesos, Jerusalem, Palmyra, Aleppo, and Sana'a, among others, have underlined. A Future in Ruins is the story of UNESCO's efforts to save the world's heritage and, in doing so, forge an international community dedicated to peaceful co-existence and conservation. It traces how archaeology and internationalism were united in Western initiatives after the political upheavals of the First and Second World Wars. This formed the backdrop for the emergent hopes of a better world that were to captivate the "minds of men." UNESCO's leaders were also confronted with challenges and conflicts about their own mission. Would the organization aspire to intellectual pursuits that contributed to the dream of peace or instead be relegated to an advisory and technical agency? An eye-opening and long overdue account of a celebrated yet poorly understood agency, A Future in Ruins calls on us all to understand how and why the past comes to matter in the present, who shapes it, and who wins or loses as a consequence. "--