Suchergebnisse

Transnational law : theories and applications / Peer Zumbansen -- Normative and legal pluralism : a global perspective / William Twining --Transnational law and economic sociology / Sabine Frerichs -- Out of sight : transnational legal cultures / Helge Dedek -- The postmodern normative anxiety of transnational legal studies / Giulia Leonelli -- Transnational constitutional law / Chris Thornhill -- Global administrative law : a transnational perspective / Karl-Heinz Ladeur --Transnational criminal law : a field in the making / Prabha Kotiswaran and Nicola Palmer -- Transnational legal orders and global health / Aziza Ahmed -- Transnational refugee law / Satvinder S. Juss -- Transnational climate law / Natasha Affolder -- Transnational food law / Matthew Canfield -- International investment law as transnational law / Nicolás M. Perrone -- Transnational antitrust law / Hannah L. Buxbaum -- Transnational mining law / Sara L. Seck -- The standardization of oil and gas law : transnational layers governance / Djakhongir Saidov -- Law and development / Amanda Perry-Kessaris -- Transnational space law / Kevin J. Madders -- Transnational Internet law / Christopher Marsden -- Transnational commercial law-developments and controversies / Shahla Ali -- Transnational arbitration law / Florian Grisel -- Transnational law and conflict of laws : a Japanese perspective / Dai Yokomizo -- Transnational sports law : the living Lex Sportiva / Antoine Duval -- Transnational contract law / Klaas Hendrik Eller -- Transnational property law / Priya S. Gupta -- Transnational tort law / Cees van Dam -- Transnational family law / Claire Fenton-Glynn -- Architects, landscapers, and gardeners in the transnational futures of international labor law / Adelle Blackett -- Transnational corporate governance : the state of the art and twenty-first-century challenges / Dionysia Katelouzou and Peer Zumbansen -- Transnational Art Law : maps and itineraries / Vik Kanwar and Jaya Neupaney -- Transnational migration law : authority, contestation, decolonization / Sara Dehm -- Contextualization as a (feminist) method for transnational legal practice / Farnush Ghadery -- Queering the transnational : perspective of law and sexuality / Dipika Jain -- The social question in a transnational context / Alexander Somek --The problem of the enterprise and the enterprise of law : multinational enterprises as polycentric transnational regulatory space / Larry Catá Backer -- Reclaiming sovereignty : resistance to transnational authority and the investor-state regime / A. Claire Cutler -- Transnational sustainability governance and the law / Phillip Paiement --Terrorism and transnational law : rules of law under conditions of globalization / Cian C. Murphy -- Democracy and human rights adjudication in the inter-American legal space / Rene Urueña -- The global governance implications of private international law / Horatia Muir Watt -- Stakes of the right to food in the politics of transnational law / Naoyuki Okano -- Climate change governance, international relations, and politics : a transnational law perspective / Stephen Minas -- Global social indicators and their legitimacy in transnational law / Mathias Siems and David Nelken -- Transnational law and legal positivism / Michael Giudice and Eric Scarffe -- With, within, and beyond the state : the promise and limits of transnational legal ordering / Gregory Shaffer and Terence Halliday -- Transnational law and feminist legal theory / Ratna Kapur -- Transnational law and the ethnography of corporate social responsibility / Laura Dominique Knöpfel -- Transnational law and literature : a postcolonial perspective / Amanda Lagji -- Representing transnational law : drone warfare and transnational legal text / Jothie Rajah -- Beyond borders and across legal traditions : the transnationalization of Latin American lawyers / Manuel A. Gómez -- "Africa needs many lawyers trained for the need of their peoples" : struggles over legal education in Kwame Nkrumah's Ghana / John Harrington and Ambreena Manji -- Transnational legal education in China / Stephen Minas -- Transnational legal education / Eve Darian-Smith.

Aileen Moreton-Robinson in her book The White Possessive: Property, Power and Indigenous Sovereignty presents a collection of essays on race, dispossession and sovereignty. She argues that 'the thread that weaves the chapter(s) together is the intersubstantive relations between white possession and Aboriginal sovereignty'. Moreton-Robinson's position aligning with the aim of the book as written by a critical Indigenous scholar is clear and well-defined through a wide range of issues that are addressed in each of these essays. Thus, there are a number of avenues that a commentary on this book can take – I choose to focus on two main broader themes in relation to solidarity and power.
The aim of this book is to reveal how racialization is the process by which whiteness operates possessively to define and construct itself as the pinnacle of its own racial hierarchy.
There is no doubt that this is a powerful aim. However, as a migrant to Australia I was questioning the core of this book: are possessive logics only limited to whiteness? According to Aileen Moreton-Robinson, based on the arguments in the book, the answer to this question is undoubtedly 'no' as she limits the boundaries of indigeneity to the US, Canada and New Zealand. This book would have been more impactful had it addressed issues with indigeneity and dispossession beyond the so-called global north context and beyond whiteness.
I would like to acknowledge that I am writing this commentary as a migrant coming into Australia with existing sets of ontological attachments to land. Although Moreton-Robinson does refer to non-white migrants as those that 'can belong, but they cannot possess', she also states:
Nonwhite migrants' sense of belonging is tied to the fiction of terra nullius and the logic of capital because their legal right to belong is sanctioned by the law that enabled dispossession.
There is a lot of emotion attached to the above statement and depending on the ontological positions, various non-white migrant groups will read this accordingly. This is a different take to critical colonial history as compared with Priyamvada Gopal's views in her recent book Insurgent Empire: Anticolonial Resistance and British Dissent. Through a comprehensive historical analysis of anticolonial resistance, Gopal illustrates the significant role of solidarity among various groups (white and non-white) to create meaningful revolutions. Solidarity is a key aspect and potentially a way forward towards decolonization, which is missing from The White Possessive.
The above observations and reflections on the book are based on who I am and my relation to Country (as a migrant). The following few paragraphs will focus on specific reflections on the content with reference to the use of Michel Foucault and the post-structural approach framing The Whie Possessive. First, there are some discrepancies in Moreton-Robinson's position as a post-structuralist especially in relation to the issue of power. In the last, third section of the book, Moreton-Robinson uses 'Foucault's sovereignty, race and biopower thesis to propose a new research agenda for Critical Indigenous studies.' In my view, Foucault's concept of power is relational. In Foucault on Power, [...]
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Este artigo reflete sobre o que vem sendo coletivizado e publicizado pelo Movimento de Mulheres Indígenas no Brasil, por meio uma pedagogia política que dialoga diretamente com movimentos e lutas de caráter mais geral e com pautas e agendas como o Bem Viver, o decrescimento, a desglobalização (nomeando o capitalismo) assim como se apropria do feminismo – pautando ecofeminismos e feminismos comunitários (nomeando o patriarcado). As mulheres indígenas dialogam assim com pilares importantes do pensamento decolonial na América Latina pautando desigualdades de raça, etnia e gênero. Conversam também com as ideias de Mãe Terra e de Pedagogia da Terra pautando movimentos anti-antropocêntrico pela nossa casa comum. Me interesso menos sobre seus regimes ontológicos particulares (que poderíamos chamar de cultura) e mais sobre a decisão política de quais aspectos destas "culturas" podem ser alavancados para construir alianças políticas. Histórias sobre adoecimento e sobre pandemias continuadas, mas também sobre o reencantamento pela vida: sobre coisas que ignoramos como coletividade colonial. Nas palavras das mulheres indígenas, sobre indigenizar e reflorestar corações.Mulheres Indígenas. Corpo-território. Bem Viver. Decolonização. Pluralismo.ABSTRACTThis article reflects on what has been publicized by the Movement of Indigenous Women in Brazil, through a political pedagogy that dialogues directly with movements and struggles of a more general character and with agendas such as "good living" (Buen Vivir), degrowth, deglobalization (pointing out capitalism), as well as feminism – addressing ecofeminism and community feminism (pointing out patriarchy). Indigenous women are, therefore, in dialogue with important pillars of decolonial thought in Latin America based on race, ethnicity and gender inequalities. They are also in dialogue with the ideas of Mother Earth and 'Land as Pedagogy' ('Land-based Pedagogy') following an anti-anthropocentric movement in favor of our common home. This article is less about their particular ontological regimes (which we could call culture) and more about the political decision of which aspects of these "cultures" can be leveraged in order to build political alliances. It concerns stories about illnesses and continued pandemics, but also about the re-enchantment for life: about things we ignore as a colonial collectivity. In the words of indigenous women, it's about indigenizing and reforesting hearts.Indigenous Women. Body-territory. Buen Vivir (Good living). Decolonization. Pluralism. RESUMENEste artículo reflexiona sobre lo que ha sido colectivizado y publicitado por el Movimiento de Mujeres Indígenas en Brasil, a través de una pedagogía política que dialoga directamente con movimientos y luchas de carácter más general y con agendas y agendas como Bem Viver, decrecimiento, desglobalización. (nombrando capitalismo) así como apropiándose del feminismo - guiando ecofeminismos y feminismos comunitarios (nombrando patriarcado). Las mujeres indígenas dialogan así con importantes pilares del pensamiento descolonial en América Latina basado en las desigualdades de raza, etnia y género. También hablan de las ideas de la Madre Tierra y la Pedagogía de la Tierra, guiando los movimientos anti-antropocéntricos a través de nuestra casa común. Estoy menos interesado en sus regímenes ontológicos particulares (que podríamos llamar cultura) y más en la decisión política de qué aspectos de estas "culturas" pueden aprovecharse para construir alianzas políticas. Historias sobre enfermedades y pandemias continuas, pero también sobre el reencanto por la vida: sobre cosas que ignoramos como colectividad colonial. En palabras de mujeres indígenas, sobre indigenizar y reforestar corazones.Mujeres Indígenas. Territorio del cuerpo. Bueno, vive. Descolonización. Pluralismo.

Brazilian public education faces impasses in the university's democratization policy with the dismantling of educational policy by the ultraconservative government. This policy has an impact on increasing the educational exclusion of the people of the countryside. The popular extension, Freire (2015), in the popular university project mobilizes the rural subjects in the fight for the right to education and democratization of the university, Santos (2008), in articulation between scientific and popular knowledge in the defense of Rural Education. The qualitative approach, participatory action research, Borda (1981), and dialectical analysis qualify the university's decolonization methodology in the struggle for the right to rural education. The results point to the need to decolonize the concept of academic extension by popular extension that seeks to value the inter-knowledge between scientific and popular knowledge based on participatory methodologies. The concept of decolonial extension as a practice of active participation by extension subjects as a dimension of participatory pedagogy. ; La educación pública brasileña enfrenta un impasse en la política de democratización de la universidad con el desmantelamiento de la política educativa por parte del gobierno ultraconservador. Esta política tiene un impacto en incrementar la exclusión educativa de la gente del campo. La extensión popular, Freire (2015), en el proyecto de universidad popular moviliza a los sujetos del campo en la lucha por el derecho a la educación y la democratización de la universidad, Santos (2008), en articulación entre conocimiento científico y popular en la defensa de la Educación Rural. El enfoque cualitativo, la investigación-acción participativa, Borda (1981) y el análisis dialéctico, califican la metodología de descolonización de la universidad en la lucha por el derecho a la educación rural. Los resultados apuntan a la necesidad de descolonizar el concepto de extensión académica por extensión popular que busca valorar la interconocimiento entre el conocimiento científico y el conocimiento popular a partir de metodologías participativas. El concepto de extensión descolonial como práctica de participación activa de los sujetos de extensión como dimensión de la pedagogía participativa. ; A educação pública brasileira enfrenta impasses na política de democratização da universidade com o desmonte da política educacional pelo governo ultraconservador. Essa política impacta no aumento da exclusão educacional dos povos do campo. Diante desse contexto, a educação do campo vem produzindo uma concepção de extensão popular que reafirma a valorização dos saberes dos camponeses na produção de uma educação libertadora. A extensão popular articula o diálogo entre conhecimento científico e popular no fortalecimento da pedagogia da alternância e na defesa da Educação do Campo. Interpelados pela problemática: como a extensão popular, no contexto da educação do campo, contribui com a descolonização da extensão universitária? A abordagem qualitativa e a investigação-ação participante fundamentam as bases metodológicas da pesquisa, com relação a análise dos dados utilizamos o método dialético. Os aportes teóricos que fundamentam a investigação: Freire (2006); Santos, (2010); Borda, (1981); Medeiros, (2010). Os resultados apontam para necessidade de descolonização da concepção de extensão acadêmica pelos princípios da extensão popular que se realiza pelo interconhecimento entre saberes científicos e saberes populares; articula novas bases teórico-metodológicas no trabalho educativo por meio de metodologias participativas. A extensão popular constitui os princípios para construção do conceito de extensão descolonial, que se efetiva pela intervenção ativa dos sujeitos do campo a partir de uma pedagogia participante que promove a descolonização do conhecimento e da universidade.

У статті розглядаються актуальні питання збереження та розвитку малих форм господарювання в аграрному виробництві на прикладі зарубіжних країн світу. Акцентується увага на існуючих об'єктивних передумовах існування малого підприємництва в аграрній сфері та реалізації сільським населенням функції самозбереження та самореалізації в мінливих ринкових умовах. Підкреслюється, що базовою основою існування малих господарюючих форм на селі є концепція багатоформності (поліформності), яка об'єктивно сприяє існуванню цього виду господарської практики та гарантує стійкість таких систем.Практичну доцільність існування малих підприємницьких форм в аграрному виробництві в дослідженні показано на прикладі країн Європейського Союзу, де майже 70 % сільськогосподарських товаровиробників законодавчо визначені як малі господарюючі форми.Автор наголошує на необхідності здійснення групування сільських товаровиробників за розмірами землекористування та обсягом виробництва чи реалізованої продукції. Це дає можливість державним органам визначитися з обсягами державної допомоги тим чи іншим суб'єктам господарювання, прослідкувати за зростанням надвеликих аграрних компаній чи зменшенням малих фермерських господарств. Можливі і інші висновки, зокрема – недопущення деколонізації великих земельних територій країни. В той же час в дослідженні підкреслюється, що в практиці господарювання не існує лінійної залежності стосовно зростання великих фермерських господарств і зменшення малих. Малі організаційні форми, які є на сьогодні органічною складовою аграрного виробництва повинні стати повноцінними об'єктами системи державного регулювання і підтримки розвитку, зокрема прямої державної допомоги.В статті фрагментально описуються можливі варіанти реформування особистих селянських господарств в можливі нові організаційні структури: сімейні ферми, кооперативи, іншого роду інтеграційні утворення. Цей процес на сьогодні стримується через недостатнє інституційне забезпечення аграрного виробництва, особливо з боку держави. ; The article examines urgent issues of preservation and development of small businesses in the agricultural production on the example of foreign countries of the world. The emphasis is made on the existing objective conditions for the operation of small business in the agrarian sector and performing self-preservation and self-realization functions by the rural population in a changing market environment. It is emphasized that the main basis for the operation of small businesses in the village is the concept of multiform (polyform), which objectively contributes to the operation of this type of economic practice and guarantees the stability of such systems.The practical feasibility of the existence of small businesses in the agrarian production is shown in the study on the example of the European Union countries, where almost 70% of agricultural producers are legally defined as small business.The author emphasizes the necessity of grouping rural commodity producers by the size of land use and volume of production or sold products. This enables the state authorities to determine the amount of state support for these or other business entities, to keep up with the growth of large agricultural companies or reduction of small farms. Other conclusions are possible, in particular, the prevention of decolonization of large land areas of the country. At the same time, the study emphasizes that the management practice has no linear dependence on the growth of large farms and the reduction of small ones. Small organizational forms, which today are an organic component of agrarian production, should become full-fledged objects of the system of state regulation and support of the development, including direct state support.The article deals with the possible variants of reforming households in the new organizational structures: family farms, cooperatives, other kinds of integration entities. This process is currently restrained by insufficient institutional support of agrarian production, especially by the state.

This paper argues that international development research should be submitted to the oversight of research ethics committees from the countries where data will be collected. This includes research conducted by individuals who may fall outside the jurisdictions of most ethics guidelines or policies, such as individuals contracted by non-governmental organizations. The argument is grounded in an understanding of social justice that recognizes that not seeking local ethics approval can be an affront to the decolonization movement, and may lead to significant direct harms to participants. Local ethics oversight can help ensure projects appropriately take into consideration local laws, regulations, priorities and context. For example, a local research ethics committee may be in a better position than a foreign one to assess whether any given proposed project carries context-specific risks. In addition, submitting to a local research ethics committee is to acknowledge the legitimacy of local authorities, thereby taking a stance against the history of colonizing disempowerment. Local oversight is a mechanism to increase the accountability of researchers working abroad: if respect for local authority and tailoring to local context are to be upheld, there must be mechanisms to ensure that research that does not meet these requirements does not proceed. Objections based on the limited oversight capacity in some countries and on concerns related to the politicization of the review process are discussed. Finally, the roles and responsibilities of the various stakeholders in the implementation of greater local ethics oversight are laid out. ; Cet article fait valoir que la recherche sur le développement international devrait être soumise à la surveillance des comités d'éthique de la recherche dans les pays où les données seront collectées. Cela inclut les personnes ayant un statut qui leur permet de se soustraire des lignes directrices ou des politiques d'éthique, telles que les personnes engagées par des organisations non gouvernementales. L'argument repose sur une compréhension de la justice sociale qui reconnaît que ne pas rechercher l'approbation éthique au niveau local peut être un affront au mouvement de décolonisation et peut entraîner des dommages directs importants pour les participants. La supervision éthique au niveau local favorise une meilleure prise en compte des législations locales, des règlements, des priorités et du contexte. Par exemple, un comité d'éthique de la recherche local est souvent mieux placé qu'un comité étranger pour évaluer si un projet proposé comporte des risques spécifiques au contexte donné. En outre, le fait de soumettre un projet à un comité d'éthique de la recherche local permet de reconnaître la légitimité des autorités locales, prenant ainsi position contre l'histoire de la perte de pouvoir en lien avec la colonisation. La supervision locale permet d'accroître la responsabilité des chercheurs travaillant à l'étranger : si l'autorité locale et l'adaptation au contexte spécifique doivent être respectées, il doit y avoir des mécanismes pour s'assurer que la recherche qui ne satisfait pas à ces exigences ne peut avoir lieu. Les objections fondées sur la capacité limitée de supervision dans certains pays et sur les préoccupations liées à la politisation du processus d'évaluation sont abordées. Enfin, les rôles et les responsabilités des différentes parties prenantes dans la mise en œuvre d'une plus grande supervision éthique au niveau local sont définis.

In the course of 2000s, the region of Campania in southern Italy and its capital city Naples became global icons of waste mismanagement after the images of piles of rubbish occluding their urban areas hit the headlines. Conventional explanations, in Italy and elsewhere, pointed to administrative failure, cultural backwardness and mafia infiltration as the main causes of waste mishandling. In the same narratives, local people opposing the construction of landfills, incinerators and storage sites were labeled the root of the problem. However, what these explanations could not account for was the persistence, the breadth and the magnitude of social mobilizations around environmental concerns and their engagements with issues beyond the urban trash. With this thesis, I address this gap by unearthing the political, socioecological and cultural dynamics of grassroots environmentalism in Campania. My aim is twofold: on the one hand, to debunk hegemonic narratives of the waste 'crises', alongside certain framings of protests, through an analysis of the political economy and ecology of waste metabolisms and by investigating specific instances of popular environmentalism; on the other hand, to inquire the politics of society-nature relationships that emerges from grassroots environmental organizing so to work out conceptual contributions to political ecology based on a dialogue between activist and academic knowledges.Rooted in previous activist engagement and on ten months of empirical research with the grassroots committees and the Stop Biocide Coalition of Campania, this thesis reconsiders the recent history of the region's urban and toxic waste 'crises' and investigates the emergence, the outcomes and the legacies of grassroots environmentalism from 2000 to 2015. Positioned across the fields of political ecology, anthropology and geography, the research traces the drivers, the historical depth, the spatial and ecological articulations, and the power relations embedded in the Campania's waste metabolisms. Next to clarifying the processes leading to waste occupation, the main contribution is an ethnography of social mobilizations.By focusing on the knowledge generation and on the spatial interventions of the committees and the Coalition, the research explores the bottom-up defense, reimagination and reclamation of territory in the course of environmental conflicts, scrutinizing resistance strategies and meaning-making processes. The overarching question asks how the grassroots environmental movements experienced, contested and counteracted processes of waste accumulation and socio-environmental degradation. In particular, analytical attention is devoted to charting the emergence of alternative imaginaries and practices of socioecological relations with a transformative political scope. Accordingly, the four articles included in the thesis represent three empirically grounded theoretical interventions and one methodological reflection into the concerns of the research.The findings suggest that socio-environmental conflicts such as Campania epitomize a crucial question of our times: the relations between the unequal distribution of power, the physical and cultural survival of social groups, and the maintenance of ecological conditions suitable for life. The grassroots environmental movements of Campania have developed strategies and notions to tackle these issues that I bring to academic scrutiny. By elaborating the concepts of commoning, ecological decolonization and competing territorialisations, I expand and complement the groundwork of activists, establishing links with emerging debates that interrogate the relevance of grassroots environmental mobilizations for projects of broader political emancipation.

Суэцкий кризис 1956 г. до сих пор вызывает пристальный интерес отечественных и зарубежных историков. Автор, обращаясь к истории англо-франко-израильской интервенции, выстраивает материал статьи вокруг поиска ответа на вопрос о том, можно ли считать события осени 1956 г. поворотным моментом британской внешней политики. Такая постановка проблемы обусловлена появлением так называемого ревизионистского направления в британской историографии, в рамках которого был представлен новый взгляд на события, связанные с Суэцким кризисом 1956 г. ; The Suez Crisis of 1956 still attracts a keen interest of domestic and foreign, especially British, historians. The first decade of the 21st century noted a surge of monographs and articles devoted to a comprehensive and thorough study of the events of the autumn of 1956. This situation, first of all, refers to Western historiography; however, Russian historical science, responding to the opening of the archives of the United Kingdom and other countries, had new fundamental publications related to the history of the triple Anglo-French-Israeli intervention in 1956. In describing the events of the autumn of 1956, the author also touches upon the Hungarian Crisis that coincided with the triple Anglo-French-Israel intervention and had a significant impact on the discussion of the events in the area of the Suez Canal in the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations. Particular attention is paid to the reaction of the USA and the USSR on the Suez and Hungarian Crises. For the first time during the Cold War, Moscow and Washington were on the same side against the colonial powers and strongly condemned the military action against Egypt. At the same time, the White House could not use unrest in Hungary for propaganda purposes. The author, referring to the history of the events of the summer and autumn of 1956, builds material of the article around a search for an answer to the question of whether it is possible to consider the events of the autumn of 1956 a turning point of the British foreign policy. This formulation of the problem is due to the advent of the so-called revisionist trend in British historiography which presented a new view of events related to the implementation and consequences of the Suez operation against Egypt in 1956. Revisionists deny the Suez Crisis as a line after which the British policy in the Near and Middle East changed dramatically. However, questions remain about the impact of the events of the autumn of 1956 on the colonial policy and other areas of foreign policy of Britain. For the UK, the crisis highlighted the need to rethink the chosen strategy not only in the Middle East, but also in the matters of decolonization, which at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s acquired a prompt character in connection with the strengthening of the so-called "non-aligned movement" and the growth of the Asian and African countries in the UN. The Suez crisis had a clear impact on the political crisis in the country and had an important psychological impact on the perception of the country by the population and by the political elite. In the early 1957, Prime Minister Anthony Eden resigned and H. Macmillan became a new head of government. He put forward new initiatives in the field of colonial and European policy. A new chapter began in British history.

For the last three decades, the Chinese economy has multiplied it GDP by 15. In order to maintain a strong home economical growth and insure a constant supply of raw material and energy, China turned towards the African continent by quickly and firmly multiplying its foreign direct investments during the last ten years. By becoming the second largest business partner of Africa, as well as a strategic investor, a financial supplier and associated for the development; China has now overturned the balance of powers which had been established since the decolonization of Africa. The purpose of this study is to estimate the impact of the Chinese FDI on the growth rate of 38 African countries between 2003 and 2011. We have centred our reflection on the following questions: What are the impacts of the economical cooperation between China and African countries on poverty, unemployment and; does this cooperation encourage the possibility to start a real process of economic development in Africa? In order to come to a conclusion on this matter, we have analyzed the way through which China achieves economical growth, the foundations of China's African Policy, as well as the reasons for Chinese companies to invest in Africa and the political and economical impacts of China's Policy in Africa. Finally, we led an empirical study measuring the effects of the Chinese FDI in Africa. Thanks to our econometric study, we came to the conclusion that the Chinese FDI has no significant effect on the GDP per capita of these 38 African countries. Because they are invested in sectors which end up creating less local employments and which, eventually do not allow a real transfer of technologies … ; Au cours de ces trois dernières décennies l'économie chinoise a multiplié son PIB par 15. Pour soutenir une forte croissance interne et assurer ses approvisionnements en matière première et énergétique, la Chine s'est tournée vers l'Afrique en y augmentant rapidement et fortement ses investissements directs étrangers lors des dix dernières années. Deuxième partenaire commercial africain, investisseur stratégique, allié au développement et pourvoyeur financier, ce pays bouleverse les rapports de force qui s'étaient instaurés depuis les indépendances sur le continent. L'objet de ce travail est d'évaluer l'impact des IDE chinois sur le taux de croissance de 38 pays africains partenaire de la Chine entre 2003 et 2011. Nous avons articulé notre réflexion sur la question suivante : la coopération sino-africaine permet-elle aux pays africains de lutter contre la pauvreté, le chômage dans leur pays et surtout d'entamer un véritable processus de développement économique ? Pour répondre, nous avons analysé le mode de croissance chinois, les fondements de la politique africaine de la Chine, les raisons qui poussent les entreprises chinoises à aller investir en Afrique, les impacts politiques et économiques de la Chine en Afrique et enfin nous avons réalisé une étude empirique mesurant les effets des IDE chinois en Afrique. Nos résultats économétriques montrent que les IDE chinois n'ont pas d'effet significatif sur le PIB par tête de ces 38 pays africains, notamment à cause de la politique des entreprises chinoises en Afrique qui encourage les investissements dans les secteurs qui créent moins d'emploi local et qui ne permettent pas de vrai transfert de technologie.

在過去的二十年中,隨著1989 年的革命(以及之後突進的新自由主義經濟政策),信息和通信技術(ICT)的擴散,世界經歷了急劇變化。但高等教育,尤其是英文文學研究有没有根據這一時期的文化、經濟、社會和政治的情況來修正呢?本論文探討從現代主義美學和片面國家論述的小說(英文書寫的),過渡到一個文化和政治驅動並行的後現代形式,及反映一個日益全球化和全球意識的二十一世紀引人注目的問題。通過當代小說的新自由主義全球化的測試 ──或者也被稱為後現代的情况和晚期資本主義的文化邏輯──我們了解世界據稱走向非殖民化只不過掩飾另一種殖民方式,導致葛蘭西的霸權理論效果,使馬克思主義理論的社會力量轉變成促使不同階級的政治權力形式,取決於一個非常關鍵的因素- 共識。 ; The world has experienced rapid changes in the last twenty years concomitant of the Revolutions of 1989 (and the subsequent onrush of neoliberal economic policies) and the proliferation of Information and Communication Technology (ICT), but has higher ed,and particularly, the study of English literature modified in accordance to the cultural, economic, social, and political circumstances of the period? This thesis explores the compelling question by illustrating the transition of contemporary literary fiction (written in English) from modernist aesthetics and one-sided national discourse into a culturally and politically driven postmodern form to parallel and reflect an increasingly global and globally aware 21st century. Through contemporary fiction's examination of neoliberal globalization - or perhaps what is also known as the postmodern condition and cultural logic of late capitalism - we come to understand a return of colonization in a world allegedly moving towards decolonization. What results is the Gramscian theory of hegemony, which gives rise to a Marxist theory of the transformation of social forces into forms of political power adequate to different class projects that depends on a very crucial factor - consensus. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Tchan, Chrystal Ching. ; "December 2012." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-110). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.ii ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Nationalism and the Decline of Empire --- p.15 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- The Reflexive Resurgence of Local and National Formations in Hari ...

The Democratic Republic of the Congo, formerly known as Zaire, was a Belgian colony that came into being during the Berlin Conference of 1885. This specific territory was endowed with immense natural resources and represented a promising source of revenue for rival European powers. However, aside from King Leopold's Belgium, the titular colonizing power, one other country, France, held a keen interest in the Congo basin and sought to expand its influence in the region. This interest has exerted itself numerous times throughout history, most notably during the founding of the country at the Berlin Conference (France helped Leopold consolidate his power via diplomatic maneuvers and le droit de preference in the hopes of later taking over his possession), shortly after the Second World War (in the period of decolonization, de Gaulle made advances to Congo/Zaire and sought to incorporate the country into the francophone community), and the period associated with Zaïrianisation (1973-74) under the corrupt and dictatorial presidency of Mobutu Sese Seko. These three periods mark significant turning points in the history of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and further, they allow scholars to draw insightful analyses of how French influence has maintained itself and flourished in this African nation that was once the colony of a rival power. In more recent times, however, France has had to rethink its African policy in the present-day DRC due to changing international norms and increasing levels of globalization. A multipolar world order has replaced the bipolar system of the Cold War, and countries are becoming more and more interconnected in terms of ideological and economic linkages. Old ties have broken down—one can see this with Rwanda defining itself as an Anglophone country or the Eastern European countries defining themselves as members of the EU—and countries are shedding the ideological conceptions of traditional postcolonialism. In the DRC, Mobutu and his predecessors started to identify itself with France instead of Belgium due to common linguistic and cultural norms. Beginning with de Gaulle's two famous speeches at Brazzaville in 1944 and 1960, and cemented during the period of Zaïrianisation, one can see a change of patrons in the patron-client relationship as Zaire responded favorably to French advances in terms of cooperation, which can be defined as economic, cultural, and military aid/alliances. This is unusual in that France maintains a kind of de facto rivaling of the Belgium's traditional role of European metropole to the former colony. In sum, France still maintains a strong interest in the country, but this interest has shifted from the archetypical metropole-colony relationship (which is based on traditional principles of exploitation of the colony by the European power) pioneered by the influential Chief Advisor on African Policy, Jacques Foccart to an alternative approach of coopération that focuses more on language and economic policy than on classical bilateral post-colonial ties. Instead of continuing a strict international patron-client network, France is increasing its influence by expanding access to French instruction and by increasing Franco-Congolese economic ties. In this way, France has maintained a neocolonialist approach throughout the centuries and continues to perpetuate a common culture—or identity—that facilitates exploitation well into the 21st century.

3 tomes ; THE KEL ADAGH, TUAREG GROUP FROM ADAGH (OR ADGHAGH OF IFOGHAS, NORTHERN MALI) ARE ONE OF THE COMPONENT PART OF A HUGE TUAREG COHESION WHICH STRETCHES, NOWADAYS, FROM: ALGERIA TO NIGERIA, GOING THROUGH NIGER, BURKINA FASO AND MALI. THEIR CONTEMPORARY HISTORY IS PARTICULARLY ODD : LAST TUAREG GROUP FROM THE FRENCH SUDAN TO FALL INTO THE COLONIAL INFLUENCE, THEY SUBMIT WITHOUT FIGHTING IN 1904, BUT STARTED IN 1963-64, SHORTLY AFTER THE MALI INDEPENDENCY, AN ARMED REBELLION WHICH WAS CRUSHED OW BY BLOOD SHED AND INTERNATIONAL INDIFFERENCE. AFTER THRITY YEARS OF MILITARY ADMINISTRATION, THEY STIRED UP AGAIN TO REVOLT IN 1990 AND WERE FOLLOWED BY OTHER TUAREG AND MAURE GROUPS FROM MALI AND NIGER. THEY GET FROM THE MALI GOVERNMENT, IN 1992, THE SIGNING OF A NATIONAL PACT GRANTING THEM A WIDE AUTONOMY. STUDYING THE POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL DEVELOPMENTS GENERATED BY THE FRENCH ADMINISTRATION, THEN THE MALIAN ONE, IN WHAT HAS TO BE CALLED A SEQUENCE OF COLONIZATIONS, THIS WORK HAS THE INTENTION TO ANALYSE AND ILLUSTRATE THE CAUSES OF COMPLEX CIRCUMSTANCES OF A CONTEMPORARY CONFLICT OF THE SAHELIAN STRIP IN WESTERN AFRICA, EXAMPLE OF CLASH OF INTEREST WHERE ARE JOINED COLONIAL REPERCUSSIONS, POLITICAL WILL, IDENTITY AND ETHNIC, AS WELL AS SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL REACTIONS, FROM A POPULATION UNDER EXTERNAL AUTHORITIES SINCE THE BEGINING OF THE XXTH CENTURY AND WHICH IS, SINCE THE DECOLONIZATION, A MINORITY WITHIN A FORMING STATE-NATION. BASED ON THE EXHAUSTIVE DEPRIVATION OF THE FRENCH AND MALIAN ARCHIVES, THE ANALYSIS FROM THE EUROPEAN AND AFRICAN NEWSPAPERS AS WELL AS THE COLLECTION OF ORAL STATEMENTS DURING NUMENROUS INVESTIGATIONS ON SITE, THIS WORK IS MADE OF TWO TEXTUAL TOMES AND ONE TOME OF APPENDIX PRESENTING ORIGINAL AND INACCESSIBLE DOCUMENTS. ; LES KEL ADAGH, GROUPEMENT TOUAREG DE L'ADAGH (OU ADGHAGH DES IFOGHAS, DANS LE NORD DU MALI) SONT UNE DES COMPOSANTES DU VASTE ENSEMBLE TOUAREG QUI S'ÉTEND ACTUELLEMENT DE L'ALGÉRIE AU NIGERIA, EN PASSANT PAR LE NIGER, LE BURKINA-FASO ET LA MALI. LEUR HISTOIRE CONTEMPORAINE EST PARTICULIÈREMENT ORIGINALE : DERNIER GROUPE TOUAREG DU SOUDAN FRANÇAIS A TOMBER SOUS LA DOMINATION COLONIALE, ILS SE SOUMETTENT SANS COMBAT EN 1904, MAIS DÉCLENCHENT EN 1963-64, PEU APRÈS L'INDÉPENDANCE MALIENNE, UNE RÉVOLTE ARMÉE QUI FUT ÉCRASÉE DANS LE SANG ET INDIFFÉRENCE INTERNATIONALE. APRÈS TRENTE ANS D'ADMINISTRATION MILITAIRE, ILS SE SOULÈVENT DE NOUVEAU EN 1990, ET SONT SUIVIS PAR LES AUTRES GROUPES TOUAREGS ET MAURES DU MALI ET DU NIGER. ILS OBTIENNENT DU GOUVERNEMENT MALIEN, EN 1992, LA SIGNATURE D'UN PACTE NATIONAL LEUR OCTROYANT UNE LARGE AUTONOMIE. EN ÉTUDIANT LES ÉVOLUTIONS POLITIQUES, SOCIALES ET ÉCONOMIQUES ENGENDRÉES PAR L'ADMINISTRATION FRANÇAISE, PUIS MALIENNE, DANS CE QU'IL FAUT BIEN APPELER UNE SUCCESSION DE COLONISATIONS, CE TRAVAIL A POUR BUT D'ANALYSER ET D'ILLUSTRER LES CAUSES ET LES CONDITIONS COMPLEXES D'UN DES CONFLITS CONTEMPORAINS DE LA BANDE SAHÉLIENNE EN AFRIQUE OCCIDENTALE, EXEMPLE DES LUTTES OU SE MÊLENT RETOMBÉES COLONIALES, VOLONTÉS POLITIQUES, RÉACTIONS IDENTITAIRES, ETHNIQUES, MAIS AUSSI SOCIALES ET ÉCONOMIQUES D'UNE POPULATION SOUS DOMINATION EXOGÈNES DEPUIS LE DÉBUT DU XXE SIÈCLE ET, DEPUIS LA DÉCOLONISATION, MINORITAIRE AU SEIN D'UN ÉTAT-NATION EN FORMATION. FONDE SUR LE DÉPOUILLEMENT EXHAUSTIF DES FONDS D'ARCHIVES DE FRANCE ET DU MALI, L'ANALYSE DE LA PRESSE EUROPÉENNE ET AFRICAINE AINSI QUE SUR LA COLLECTE DE TÉMOIGNAGES ORAUX AU COURS DE NOMBREUSES ENQUÊTES DE TERRAIN, L'OUVRAGE SE COMPOSE DE DEUX TOMES DE TEXTE ET D'UN TOME D'ANNEXES PRÉSENTANT DES DOCUMENTS ORIGINAUX ET INACCESSIBLES.

3 tomes ; THE KEL ADAGH, TUAREG GROUP FROM ADAGH (OR ADGHAGH OF IFOGHAS, NORTHERN MALI) ARE ONE OF THE COMPONENT PART OF A HUGE TUAREG COHESION WHICH STRETCHES, NOWADAYS, FROM: ALGERIA TO NIGERIA, GOING THROUGH NIGER, BURKINA FASO AND MALI. THEIR CONTEMPORARY HISTORY IS PARTICULARLY ODD : LAST TUAREG GROUP FROM THE FRENCH SUDAN TO FALL INTO THE COLONIAL INFLUENCE, THEY SUBMIT WITHOUT FIGHTING IN 1904, BUT STARTED IN 1963-64, SHORTLY AFTER THE MALI INDEPENDENCY, AN ARMED REBELLION WHICH WAS CRUSHED OW BY BLOOD SHED AND INTERNATIONAL INDIFFERENCE. AFTER THRITY YEARS OF MILITARY ADMINISTRATION, THEY STIRED UP AGAIN TO REVOLT IN 1990 AND WERE FOLLOWED BY OTHER TUAREG AND MAURE GROUPS FROM MALI AND NIGER. THEY GET FROM THE MALI GOVERNMENT, IN 1992, THE SIGNING OF A NATIONAL PACT GRANTING THEM A WIDE AUTONOMY. STUDYING THE POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL DEVELOPMENTS GENERATED BY THE FRENCH ADMINISTRATION, THEN THE MALIAN ONE, IN WHAT HAS TO BE CALLED A SEQUENCE OF COLONIZATIONS, THIS WORK HAS THE INTENTION TO ANALYSE AND ILLUSTRATE THE CAUSES OF COMPLEX CIRCUMSTANCES OF A CONTEMPORARY CONFLICT OF THE SAHELIAN STRIP IN WESTERN AFRICA, EXAMPLE OF CLASH OF INTEREST WHERE ARE JOINED COLONIAL REPERCUSSIONS, POLITICAL WILL, IDENTITY AND ETHNIC, AS WELL AS SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL REACTIONS, FROM A POPULATION UNDER EXTERNAL AUTHORITIES SINCE THE BEGINING OF THE XXTH CENTURY AND WHICH IS, SINCE THE DECOLONIZATION, A MINORITY WITHIN A FORMING STATE-NATION. BASED ON THE EXHAUSTIVE DEPRIVATION OF THE FRENCH AND MALIAN ARCHIVES, THE ANALYSIS FROM THE EUROPEAN AND AFRICAN NEWSPAPERS AS WELL AS THE COLLECTION OF ORAL STATEMENTS DURING NUMENROUS INVESTIGATIONS ON SITE, THIS WORK IS MADE OF TWO TEXTUAL TOMES AND ONE TOME OF APPENDIX PRESENTING ORIGINAL AND INACCESSIBLE DOCUMENTS. ; LES KEL ADAGH, GROUPEMENT TOUAREG DE L'ADAGH (OU ADGHAGH DES IFOGHAS, DANS LE NORD DU MALI) SONT UNE DES COMPOSANTES DU VASTE ENSEMBLE TOUAREG QUI S'ÉTEND ACTUELLEMENT DE L'ALGÉRIE AU NIGERIA, EN PASSANT PAR LE NIGER, LE BURKINA-FASO ET LA MALI. LEUR HISTOIRE CONTEMPORAINE EST PARTICULIÈREMENT ORIGINALE : DERNIER GROUPE TOUAREG DU SOUDAN FRANÇAIS A TOMBER SOUS LA DOMINATION COLONIALE, ILS SE SOUMETTENT SANS COMBAT EN 1904, MAIS DÉCLENCHENT EN 1963-64, PEU APRÈS L'INDÉPENDANCE MALIENNE, UNE RÉVOLTE ARMÉE QUI FUT ÉCRASÉE DANS LE SANG ET INDIFFÉRENCE INTERNATIONALE. APRÈS TRENTE ANS D'ADMINISTRATION MILITAIRE, ILS SE SOULÈVENT DE NOUVEAU EN 1990, ET SONT SUIVIS PAR LES AUTRES GROUPES TOUAREGS ET MAURES DU MALI ET DU NIGER. ILS OBTIENNENT DU GOUVERNEMENT MALIEN, EN 1992, LA SIGNATURE D'UN PACTE NATIONAL LEUR OCTROYANT UNE LARGE AUTONOMIE. EN ÉTUDIANT LES ÉVOLUTIONS POLITIQUES, SOCIALES ET ÉCONOMIQUES ENGENDRÉES PAR L'ADMINISTRATION FRANÇAISE, PUIS MALIENNE, DANS CE QU'IL FAUT BIEN APPELER UNE SUCCESSION DE COLONISATIONS, CE TRAVAIL A POUR BUT D'ANALYSER ET D'ILLUSTRER LES CAUSES ET LES CONDITIONS COMPLEXES D'UN DES CONFLITS CONTEMPORAINS DE LA BANDE SAHÉLIENNE EN AFRIQUE OCCIDENTALE, EXEMPLE DES LUTTES OU SE MÊLENT RETOMBÉES COLONIALES, VOLONTÉS POLITIQUES, RÉACTIONS IDENTITAIRES, ETHNIQUES, MAIS AUSSI SOCIALES ET ÉCONOMIQUES D'UNE POPULATION SOUS DOMINATION EXOGÈNES DEPUIS LE DÉBUT DU XXE SIÈCLE ET, DEPUIS LA DÉCOLONISATION, MINORITAIRE AU SEIN D'UN ÉTAT-NATION EN FORMATION. FONDE SUR LE DÉPOUILLEMENT EXHAUSTIF DES FONDS D'ARCHIVES DE FRANCE ET DU MALI, L'ANALYSE DE LA PRESSE EUROPÉENNE ET AFRICAINE AINSI QUE SUR LA COLLECTE DE TÉMOIGNAGES ORAUX AU COURS DE NOMBREUSES ENQUÊTES DE TERRAIN, L'OUVRAGE SE COMPOSE DE DEUX TOMES DE TEXTE ET D'UN TOME D'ANNEXES PRÉSENTANT DES DOCUMENTS ORIGINAUX ET INACCESSIBLES.

3 tomes ; THE KEL ADAGH, TUAREG GROUP FROM ADAGH (OR ADGHAGH OF IFOGHAS, NORTHERN MALI) ARE ONE OF THE COMPONENT PART OF A HUGE TUAREG COHESION WHICH STRETCHES, NOWADAYS, FROM: ALGERIA TO NIGERIA, GOING THROUGH NIGER, BURKINA FASO AND MALI. THEIR CONTEMPORARY HISTORY IS PARTICULARLY ODD : LAST TUAREG GROUP FROM THE FRENCH SUDAN TO FALL INTO THE COLONIAL INFLUENCE, THEY SUBMIT WITHOUT FIGHTING IN 1904, BUT STARTED IN 1963-64, SHORTLY AFTER THE MALI INDEPENDENCY, AN ARMED REBELLION WHICH WAS CRUSHED OW BY BLOOD SHED AND INTERNATIONAL INDIFFERENCE. AFTER THRITY YEARS OF MILITARY ADMINISTRATION, THEY STIRED UP AGAIN TO REVOLT IN 1990 AND WERE FOLLOWED BY OTHER TUAREG AND MAURE GROUPS FROM MALI AND NIGER. THEY GET FROM THE MALI GOVERNMENT, IN 1992, THE SIGNING OF A NATIONAL PACT GRANTING THEM A WIDE AUTONOMY. STUDYING THE POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL DEVELOPMENTS GENERATED BY THE FRENCH ADMINISTRATION, THEN THE MALIAN ONE, IN WHAT HAS TO BE CALLED A SEQUENCE OF COLONIZATIONS, THIS WORK HAS THE INTENTION TO ANALYSE AND ILLUSTRATE THE CAUSES OF COMPLEX CIRCUMSTANCES OF A CONTEMPORARY CONFLICT OF THE SAHELIAN STRIP IN WESTERN AFRICA, EXAMPLE OF CLASH OF INTEREST WHERE ARE JOINED COLONIAL REPERCUSSIONS, POLITICAL WILL, IDENTITY AND ETHNIC, AS WELL AS SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL REACTIONS, FROM A POPULATION UNDER EXTERNAL AUTHORITIES SINCE THE BEGINING OF THE XXTH CENTURY AND WHICH IS, SINCE THE DECOLONIZATION, A MINORITY WITHIN A FORMING STATE-NATION. BASED ON THE EXHAUSTIVE DEPRIVATION OF THE FRENCH AND MALIAN ARCHIVES, THE ANALYSIS FROM THE EUROPEAN AND AFRICAN NEWSPAPERS AS WELL AS THE COLLECTION OF ORAL STATEMENTS DURING NUMENROUS INVESTIGATIONS ON SITE, THIS WORK IS MADE OF TWO TEXTUAL TOMES AND ONE TOME OF APPENDIX PRESENTING ORIGINAL AND INACCESSIBLE DOCUMENTS. ; LES KEL ADAGH, GROUPEMENT TOUAREG DE L'ADAGH (OU ADGHAGH DES IFOGHAS, DANS LE NORD DU MALI) SONT UNE DES COMPOSANTES DU VASTE ENSEMBLE TOUAREG QUI S'ÉTEND ACTUELLEMENT DE L'ALGÉRIE AU NIGERIA, EN PASSANT PAR LE NIGER, LE BURKINA-FASO ET LA MALI. LEUR HISTOIRE CONTEMPORAINE EST PARTICULIÈREMENT ORIGINALE : DERNIER GROUPE TOUAREG DU SOUDAN FRANÇAIS A TOMBER SOUS LA DOMINATION COLONIALE, ILS SE SOUMETTENT SANS COMBAT EN 1904, MAIS DÉCLENCHENT EN 1963-64, PEU APRÈS L'INDÉPENDANCE MALIENNE, UNE RÉVOLTE ARMÉE QUI FUT ÉCRASÉE DANS LE SANG ET INDIFFÉRENCE INTERNATIONALE. APRÈS TRENTE ANS D'ADMINISTRATION MILITAIRE, ILS SE SOULÈVENT DE NOUVEAU EN 1990, ET SONT SUIVIS PAR LES AUTRES GROUPES TOUAREGS ET MAURES DU MALI ET DU NIGER. ILS OBTIENNENT DU GOUVERNEMENT MALIEN, EN 1992, LA SIGNATURE D'UN PACTE NATIONAL LEUR OCTROYANT UNE LARGE AUTONOMIE. EN ÉTUDIANT LES ÉVOLUTIONS POLITIQUES, SOCIALES ET ÉCONOMIQUES ENGENDRÉES PAR L'ADMINISTRATION FRANÇAISE, PUIS MALIENNE, DANS CE QU'IL FAUT BIEN APPELER UNE SUCCESSION DE COLONISATIONS, CE TRAVAIL A POUR BUT D'ANALYSER ET D'ILLUSTRER LES CAUSES ET LES CONDITIONS COMPLEXES D'UN DES CONFLITS CONTEMPORAINS DE LA BANDE SAHÉLIENNE EN AFRIQUE OCCIDENTALE, EXEMPLE DES LUTTES OU SE MÊLENT RETOMBÉES COLONIALES, VOLONTÉS POLITIQUES, RÉACTIONS IDENTITAIRES, ETHNIQUES, MAIS AUSSI SOCIALES ET ÉCONOMIQUES D'UNE POPULATION SOUS DOMINATION EXOGÈNES DEPUIS LE DÉBUT DU XXE SIÈCLE ET, DEPUIS LA DÉCOLONISATION, MINORITAIRE AU SEIN D'UN ÉTAT-NATION EN FORMATION. FONDE SUR LE DÉPOUILLEMENT EXHAUSTIF DES FONDS D'ARCHIVES DE FRANCE ET DU MALI, L'ANALYSE DE LA PRESSE EUROPÉENNE ET AFRICAINE AINSI QUE SUR LA COLLECTE DE TÉMOIGNAGES ORAUX AU COURS DE NOMBREUSES ENQUÊTES DE TERRAIN, L'OUVRAGE SE COMPOSE DE DEUX TOMES DE TEXTE ET D'UN TOME D'ANNEXES PRÉSENTANT DES DOCUMENTS ORIGINAUX ET INACCESSIBLES.

How and why cities have become the predominant sites for revolutionary upheavals in the contemporary worldExamining the changing character of revolution around the world, The Revolutionary City focuses on the impact that the concentration of people, power, and wealth in cities exercises on revolutionary processes and outcomes. Once predominantly an urban and armed affair, revolutions in the twentieth century migrated to the countryside, as revolutionaries searched for safety from government repression and discovered the peasantry as a revolutionary force. But at the end of the twentieth century, as urban centers grew, revolution returned to the city—accompanied by a new urban civic repertoire espousing the containment of predatory government and relying on visibility and the power of numbers rather than arms.Using original data on revolutionary episodes since 1900, public opinion surveys, and engaging examples from around the world, Mark Beissinger explores the causes and consequences of the urbanization of revolution in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Beissinger examines the compact nature of urban revolutions, as well as their rampant information problems and heightened uncertainty. He investigates the struggle for control over public space, why revolutionary contention has grown more pacified over time, and how revolutions involving the rapid assembly of hundreds of thousands in central urban spaces lead to diverse, ad hoc coalitions that have difficulty producing substantive change.The Revolutionary City provides a new understanding of how revolutions happen and what they might look like in the future