Suchergebnisse

Tesis de Doctorado ; ¿Cuáles son los factores que deben concurrir para que un partido predominante pueda ser derrotado en las elecciones provinciales? La presente tesis propone un modelo explicativo en el cual se identifican los principales factores políticos que permiten comprender la permanencia de un partido en el gobierno subnacional a lo largo de los años, así como las circunstancias en las cuales este predominio se puede alterar. El trabajo de investigación se centra en las provincias periféricas argentinas con menores estándares de competitividad, universo que representa el sesenta por ciento del total de distritos del país. Se propone un estudio comparativo diacrónico y sincrónico de los casos de Jujuy y Corrientes (sobre la base de información primaria). Asimismo, como un primer análisis de validez externa, se realiza también una comparación con los casos de Formosa, Santa Cruz, La Rioja, San Luis, Catamarca, Santiago del Estero y Salta (sobre la base de información secundaria). El modelo explicativo sugiere que el pasaje de un sistema de partido predominante a otro más competitivo, es decir, la ocurrencia de alternancia en el gobierno provincial, solamente se producirá cuando el partido en el poder no pueda preservar su cohesión interna y, como consecuencia de ello, una facción escindente se presente como competidor electoral. Sin embargo, el éxito electoral de esta escisión interna solo se asegurará si cuenta con el apoyo de actores federales (principal, aunque no únicamente, el gobierno nacional). Así, faccionalismo, escisión y apoyo externo son las tres claves identificadas para salir de una situación de predominio en el contexto subnacional argentino. Partiendo de los debates clásicos de la ciencia política sobre partidos y sistemas de partidos, la investigación contribuye a la literatura sobre las dinámicas políticas en el nivel subnacional en las democracias recientes y a los estudios sobre el federalismo en América Latina. De modo tangencial, pone de relevancia algunas consideraciones a la hora de analizar el tipo de régimen o la calidad de la democracia subnacional, resaltando la importancia de captar las complejidades de las dinámicas politico partidarias de la competencia que se esconden detrás de las etiquetas electorales en pugna. El presente trabajo de investigación adopta el método cualitativo comparativo y se basa en el análisis de patrones complejos de causalidad. ; Fil: Vaca Ávila, María Penélope. Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Escuela de Política y Gobierno

The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the 'China Question'—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.

La oposición entre dictadura y democracia estructuró la política en la Argentina posterior a 1983. Mientras la plaza vacía es una de las imágenes más evocativas del golpe de Estado, el retorno incremental a las calles, las rondas de las Madres de Plaza de Mayo, la masividad de las protestas hacia el final de la dictadura y las concentraciones de la campaña electoral de 1983 consolidaron el lazo simbólico, social y político entre movilización callejera, derechos humanos y democracia. La vuelta al espacio público está ligada al fin del estado dictatorial, a la lucha por los derechos humanos y a las reivindicaciones de los sectores populares. Protestar es un componente esencial de toda democracia que involucra derechos fundamentales como peticionar a las autoridades y expresarse en libertad. En la historia argentina tiene valores particulares, compartidos por una gran proporción de la sociedad y del sistema político.En los últimos años hemos investigado y litigado numerosos casos en los que la respuesta estatal al ejercicio del derecho a la protesta ocasionó muertes, la mayoría de personas muy jóvenes y afectó la salud y la integridad fisica de cientos de manifestantes. El 19 y 20 de diciembre de 2001, Puente Pueyrredón en 2002, las represiones a las comunidades Qom en Formosa, el asesinato de Mariano Ferreyra, la represión en el Parque Indoamericano, la Masacre de La Cárcova y la cacería policial del 8 de marzo de 2017 luego de la manifestación con la que cerró el Paro Internacional de Mujeres en Buenos Aires son casos que denunciamos y litigamos para buscar justicia y la transformación de las prácticas estatales. A casi cuatro décadas desde que la sociedad argentina recuperó las calles, en este momento es necesario luchar por aspectos básicos de la libertad de manifestar y del derecho a la protesta. ; Fil: Pereyra, Sebastian. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales.; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Instituto de Altos Estudios Sociales; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Basualdo, Guadalupe. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales.; Argentina ; Fil: Tufró, Manuel. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales.; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Bollier, Ignacio. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales.; Argentina ; Fil: Darraidou, Victoria. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales.; Argentina ; Fil: Miranda, Juliana. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales.; Argentina ; Fil: Goeury, Hugo. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales.; Argentina ; Fil: Ghelfi, Federico. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales.; Argentina ; Fil: Litvachky, Paula. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales.; Argentina

List of Contributors -- Foreword: Critical perpetrator studies / Alexander Hinton -- Introduction / Susanne C. Knittel and Zachary J. Goldberg -- PART 1. Core concepts and key debates. 1.1. Definitions and terminology. 1. From perpetrators to perpetration: definitions, typologies, and processes / Uğur Ümit Üngör and Kjell Anderson -- 1.2. Group dynamics and moral psychology. 2. The making and un-making of perpetrators: patterns of involvement in Nazi persecution / Mary Fulbrook -- 3. Ordinary organizations: a systems theory approach to perpetrator studies / Stefan Kühl -- 4. Stanley Milgram's obedience experiments / Stephen Gibson -- 5. The authoritarian personality: then and now / Christina Gerhardt -- 6. What's moral character got to do with it?: Perpetrators and the nature of moral evil / Zachary J. Goldberg -- 7. The making of a torturer / Jessica Wolfendale -- 8. Linking perpetrator characteristics to jihadist modus operandi: an exploratory study / Teun van Dongen -- 1.3. Perpetrators and the law. 9. Nazi perpetrators and the law: postwar trials, courtroom testimony, and debates about the motives of Nazi war criminals / Hilary Earl -- 10. When perpetrators become defendants and then convicts / Mark A. Drumbl -- 11. Unsettling accounts: perpetrators' confessions in the aftermath of state violence and armed conflict / Leigh A. Payne -- 12. The coercive effects of international justice: how perpetrators respond to threats of prosecution / David Mendeloff -- PART 2. Intersections. 2.1. Perpetrators -- new theoretical approaches. 13. Gendering the perpetrator: gendering perpetrator studies / Clare Bielby -- 14. Posthumanism and perpetrators / Jonathan Luke Austin -- 15. Notes on the subaltern: or, how postcolonial critique meets the perpetrator / rashné limki -- 16. Perpetrators, animals, and animality / Kári Driscoll -- 17. Understanding perpetrators' use of music / M.J. Grant -- 18. Information technologies and constructions of perpetrator identities / Adam Henschke -- 19. Climate change perpetrators: ecocriticism, implicated subjects, and Anthropocene fiction / Rick Crownshaw -- 2.2. Aftermaths, responsibility, trauma, and memory. 20. Moral responsibility and evil / Paul Formosa -- 21. Restorative justice and the challenge of perpetrator accountability / Margaret Urban Walker -- 22. The contours and controversies of perpetrator trauma / Saira Mohamed -- 23. The intergenerational effects of mass trauma in sculpting new perpetrators / Lane Benjamin and Melike M. Fourie -- 24. One perpetrator at a time: the contribution of public health science to genocide prevention / Reva N. Adler -- 2.3. Perpetrators and representation. 25. Perpetrators and perpetration in literature / Stephanie Bird -- 26. Whose evil is this? Perpetrators in the theater / Robert Skloot -- 27. Representing infamous others: perpetrator imagery in visual art / Diana I. Popescu -- 28. Cultural codes: Holocaust resonances in representations of genocide perpetrators / Rebecca Jinks -- 29. Playing perpetrators: interrogating evil in videogames about violent conflicts / Holger Pötzsch and Emil Lundedal Hammar -- 2.4. Teaching about perpetrators. 30. Playing devil's advocate: classroom encounters with Holocaust perpetrators / Alasdair Richardson -- 31. Teaching the perpetrator's perspective in Holocaust literature / Erin McGlothlin -- 32. Teaching for/about empathy in peace education / Michalinos Zembylas -- 33. Beyond thinking like a lawyer: providing a space for perpetrator studies within the legal classroom / Brianne McGonigle Leyh -- 34. The ethics of discomfort: critical perpetrator studies and/as education after Auschwitz / Susanne C. Knittel -- Index.

El Pilcomayo en armas: Al revisar las fuentes históricas, militares y misionales sobre la frontera del Pilcomayo durante la década de 1930, nos topamos con noticias por doquier de enfrentamientos entre parcialidades indígenas, entre indígenas y criollos, y también entre todos ellos y diversos contingentes militares argentinos, bolivianos o paraguayos. Los enfrentamientos recrudecen particularmente durante y luego de la guerra del Chaco entre Bolivia y Paraguay (1932-1935)1. Al mismo tiempo, estos informes revelan una cuestión notoria: el protagonismo cada vez mayor del armamento bélico que, a partir del conflicto, cae en manos de los indígenas que viven cerca del río cuando las comunidades lo encuentran abandonado en los campos de batalla, o bien porque lo obtienen negociando con sus vecinos. El joven antropólogo americano Jules Henry, que en 1936 realiza su trabajo de campo en Misión Pilagá cerca de la Laguna de los Pájaros (Formosa, Argentina), escribe en una carta a Franz Boas: «Hay 15.000 nivaclés cruzando el río (a tres millas de distancia) armados con carabinas Máuser que recolectan en los campos de batalla, y ametralladoras, y son quienes mataron a un blanco de este lado del río hace seis meses»2. Si bien las cifras parecen excesivas, los partes oficiales del Ministerio de Guerra paraguayo reportan una situación más o menos similar. El 18 de noviembre de 1934 anota el mariscal José Félix Estigarribia: «Comunicado N° 520 [1934]: En Ballivián el enemigo abandonó 310 cadáveres. Recogimos víveres, 11 ametralladoras pesadas, 31 fusiles ametralladoras, 2 morteros Stockers-Brandt, varios trombones y 500 fusiles. Capturamos prisioneros que declaran que la retirada boliviana es desordenada y que numerosas fracciones han traspuesto la frontera argentina, arrojando sus armas al río Pilcomayo»3. Otro comunicado nos permite entender los volúmenes regionales del armamento en cuestión: «Comunicado N° 57 [1932]: Recogimos hasta este momento 5 ametralladoras pesadas, 9 ametralladoras livianas, 300 fusiles, enorme cantidad de municiones y 1 camión […] Comunicado N° 58 [1933]: El total de armas automáticas tomadas al enemigo asciende a 10 ametralladoras pesadas, 21 ametralladoras livianas, además de 102 bandas de municiones de ametralladoras, cajas de repuestos, máquinas cargadoras… numerosos cajones de proyectiles […] Comunicado N° 96 [1933]: se habían recogido ya 168 fusiles, 20.000 tiros de ametralladoras pesadas, infinidad de piezas de repuestos para armas automáticas y 15 cajas de bandas de municiones»4. La misma problemática es mencionada del otro lado del río por los militares argentinos. Según el capitán Néstor Golpe del Regimiento de Gendarmería de Línea, «durante todo el conflicto paraguayo-boliviano ambas naciones armaban a sus tribus indias con fusiles ametralladoras de peine (Lewis) y fusiles y carabinas para que actuaran en servicios de patrullaje, exploración y seguridad de las tropas regulares. Las tribus macás paraguayas y nivaclés bolivianas incursionaban en nuestro territorio, asesinando, incendiando poblados pequeños y robando su ganado».

From the Kaohsiung scandal to the release of City of Sadness which filmed the Incident of February 28, 1947, the absolute taboo in Taiwanese modern history before the era of democracy, the Taiwanese society has come a long way. The 1980s were also a golden age for film adaptations dealing with "Taiwanese subjects". This concomitance most likely is not fortuitous. After setting the period of 1978-1989 in its historical and sociocultural context, we focus on the representation of Taiwan in the works of the corpus. This analysis allows us, while revealing a heterogeneous, hybrid and ever-evolving Taiwanese identity over time, to distinguish an authorial desire to indicate Taiwan as a place where the action of their works takes place and to have it recognized by Taiwanese readers or spectators. These efforts in making Taiwan recognizable or identifiable invoke the formation of a national imagination, which Benedict Anderson depicts in Imagined Communities. This thesis also shows that, although descriptions of Taiwan diverge from one film, adaptation or written text to another, these variations do not result from the authors' origins (from the mainland, Taiwan or otherwise), but rather from their aesthetic requirements, their different life experiences, or the policies of the nationalist government. We observe, moreover, that the representation of Taiwan changes over the decade with the gradual erasure of references to "China" and the reinforcement of references to "Taiwan", although this Taiwanese nationalism remains linked to Chinese identity. ; Depuis l'Affaire de Formosa jusqu'à la sortie du film La Cité des douleurs portant à l'écran l'Incident du 28 Février de 1947, le tabou absolu de l'histoire moderne de Taiwan avant l'ère démocratique, la société taïwanaise a parcouru un long chemin. Les années 1980 sont également un âge d'or pour les adaptations cinématographiques traitant de « sujets taïwanais ». Cette concomitance n'est sans doute pas fortuite. Après avoir situé la période de 1978 à 1989 dans son contexte historique et socioculturel, nous abordons la représentation de Taiwan dans les œuvres du corpus. Ce travail nous permet, tout en révélant une identité taïwanaise hétérogène, hybride et en constante évolution au fil du temps, de distinguer chez les auteurs une volonté de montrer Taiwan comme lieu de l'action et de le faire reconnaître par leurs lecteurs ou leurs spectateurs habitants de Taiwan. Ces efforts pour rendre Taiwan reconnaissable ou identifiable renvoient à la formation d'un imaginaire national telle que Benedict Anderson l'évoque dans Imagined Communities. Certes, il existe des divergences dans les descriptions de Taiwan entre les films, entre les textes écrits ainsi qu'entre les textes d'origine et leurs adaptations. Mais elles ne résultent pas de l'origine (continentale, taïwanaise ou autre) des auteurs, mais plutôt de leurs exigences esthétiques, de leurs différentes expériences de vie, ou de la politique du gouvernement nationaliste. Nous observons, par ailleurs, une évolution des représentations de Taiwan de 1978 à 1989 avec l'effacement progressif de la référence à « la Chine » et le renforcement de la référence à « Taiwan », bien que subsiste un nationalisme taïwanais qui n'est pas séparé de l'identité chinoise.

From the Kaohsiung scandal to the release of City of Sadness which filmed the Incident of February 28, 1947, the absolute taboo in Taiwanese modern history before the era of democracy, the Taiwanese society has come a long way. The 1980s were also a golden age for film adaptations dealing with "Taiwanese subjects". This concomitance most likely is not fortuitous. After setting the period of 1978-1989 in its historical and sociocultural context, we focus on the representation of Taiwan in the works of the corpus. This analysis allows us, while revealing a heterogeneous, hybrid and ever-evolving Taiwanese identity over time, to distinguish an authorial desire to indicate Taiwan as a place where the action of their works takes place and to have it recognized by Taiwanese readers or spectators. These efforts in making Taiwan recognizable or identifiable invoke the formation of a national imagination, which Benedict Anderson depicts in Imagined Communities. This thesis also shows that, although descriptions of Taiwan diverge from one film, adaptation or written text to another, these variations do not result from the authors' origins (from the mainland, Taiwan or otherwise), but rather from their aesthetic requirements, their different life experiences, or the policies of the nationalist government. We observe, moreover, that the representation of Taiwan changes over the decade with the gradual erasure of references to "China" and the reinforcement of references to "Taiwan", although this Taiwanese nationalism remains linked to Chinese identity. ; Depuis l'Affaire de Formosa jusqu'à la sortie du film La Cité des douleurs portant à l'écran l'Incident du 28 Février de 1947, le tabou absolu de l'histoire moderne de Taiwan avant l'ère démocratique, la société taïwanaise a parcouru un long chemin. Les années 1980 sont également un âge d'or pour les adaptations cinématographiques traitant de « sujets taïwanais ». Cette concomitance n'est sans doute pas fortuite. Après avoir situé la période de 1978 à 1989 dans son contexte historique et socioculturel, nous abordons la représentation de Taiwan dans les œuvres du corpus. Ce travail nous permet, tout en révélant une identité taïwanaise hétérogène, hybride et en constante évolution au fil du temps, de distinguer chez les auteurs une volonté de montrer Taiwan comme lieu de l'action et de le faire reconnaître par leurs lecteurs ou leurs spectateurs habitants de Taiwan. Ces efforts pour rendre Taiwan reconnaissable ou identifiable renvoient à la formation d'un imaginaire national telle que Benedict Anderson l'évoque dans Imagined Communities. Certes, il existe des divergences dans les descriptions de Taiwan entre les films, entre les textes écrits ainsi qu'entre les textes d'origine et leurs adaptations. Mais elles ne résultent pas de l'origine (continentale, taïwanaise ou autre) des auteurs, mais plutôt de leurs exigences esthétiques, de leurs différentes expériences de vie, ou de la politique du gouvernement nationaliste. Nous observons, par ailleurs, une évolution des représentations de Taiwan de 1978 à 1989 avec l'effacement progressif de la référence à « la Chine » et le renforcement de la référence à « Taiwan », bien que subsiste un nationalisme taïwanais qui n'est pas séparé de l'identité chinoise.

Resumen: En el transcurso de importantes cambios en el mundo que se reflejan en el país, que padece los reacomodamientos políticos, sociales, económicos y culturales de los años 60, el espacio habitable sufre modificaciones significativas. Con el crecimiento de las ciudades, la atención de los problemas suscitado por una distribución sumamente desigual de la renta se concentra sobre todo en ellas, aunque eso no implica que en las áreas rurales los problemas sean menores. El trabajo escasea y la satisfacción de necesidades y derechos (salud, educación y vivienda) es insuficiente y desigual y se agudizan los desequilibrios en las prestaciones entre regiones y entre la ciudad y el campo. Todo esto lleva a que se realicen algunos esfuerzos significativos para resolverlos. Así surgen en la región conocida como el noreste argentino (NEA) grupos de personas interesadas en enfrentar la creciente pobreza rural. Lo hacen desde una perspectiva cristiana y logran generar una importante constelación de acciones, organizaciones y actividades destinadas a ese propósito. Como de esto poco se conoce y tampoco se ha intentado entender lo ocurrido ni acercarse a una explicación de las razones que dan cuenta de ello, aquí se pretende avanzar algunos pasos en esas direcciones. A partir de 1957 se crean en el NEA varias diócesis nuevas (Reconquista, Formosa y Posadas) y en 1961 Goya y San Roque - Presidencia R. Sáenz Peña –. Su contigüidad territorial, el compartir desafíos comunes y el contagioso empuje con el que los nuevos obispos encaran sus responsabilidades, sumados a repetidos encuentros que realizan entre ellos, generan la potencialidad creativa y organizativa de la región NEA, motivo de estudio en este trabajo. Una novedosa forma de trabajo, la región eclesiástica fue constituida de hecho y sus titulares tomaron su trabajo con ímpetu y racionalidad. De manera original para el país, habían comenzado a desarrollar en forma metódica y sistemática su propia "Pastoral de Conjunto." Un desarrollo que además de acordar políticas y acciones en común (su pastoral), les permitía a sus integrantes un nivel de acuerdo y un diálogo poco frecuentes. El diálogo no quedaba limitado exclusivamente a sus titulares ni a su clero; también participaban fieles y allegados: un conjunto de personas sumamente comprometidas con lo que ocurría. Preocupadas por estas cuestiones estaban dispuestas a trabajar y se alinean con las propuestas que vienen desde las autoridades de las iglesias locales. Muchas de las ideas que en ese momento se ponen en práctica aún hoy se sostienen e incluso se han mejorado, ampliado y extendido. Esas ideas y sus realizaciones forman un conjunto vasto y complejo; un entramado de actores, de organizaciones y de relacionamientos que, vistos a la distancia, conforman lo que en lenguaje coloquial se menciona como "la movida." En apretada síntesis, se está ante una región que presenta desafíos, un conjunto de personas, motivadas por principios cristianos que los reconocen y aceptan la necesidad de "hacer algo" junto con una productiva sinergia para enfrentarlos. ¿Y por qué se produjeron tales hechos? ¿Por qué tuvieron lugar en el NEA y no en otros lugares del país con problemas análogos o muy similares? ¿Qué circunstancias se dieron allí y no en otros contextos parecidos? Describir y documentar lo ocurrido, e intentar responder esas preguntas son objetivos de esta tesis ; Summary: In the course of important changes in the world that were reflected in the country, which suffered from those political, social, economic and cultural rearrangements of the 1960s, the living space underwent significant changes. With the growth of cities, attention to the problems raised by a highly unequal distribution of income focused above all on them, although this did not mean that in rural areas the problems were minor. Work was scarce and the needs and rights satisfaction (health, education and housing) was insufficient, uneven and exacerbated imbalances in benefits among regions and between the city and the countryside. All this led to some significant efforts to solve them. Thus, in the region known as the Argentine northeast (NEA) groups of people were deeply committed to fighting the increasing rural poverty. They did it from a Christian perspective and were able to generate an important constellation of actions, organizations, and activities to that purpose. As this is little known and no attempt has been made so far to understand what has happened or given account of the reasons for this, it is intended here to move some steps further in these directions. From 1957 on several new dioceses were created in the NEA region - Reconquista, Formosa and Posadas in that year and later in 1961, Goya and Roque Saenz Peña. Its territorial contiguity, shared common challenges and contagious drive with which the new bishops faced their responsibilities, together with frequent meetings among. them, generated a creative and organizational potential of the NEA region, which gave rise to this thesis. An ecclesiastical region was constituted in fact and their heads carried out their work with impetus and rationality. In a novel way for the country, they began to develop their own "Pastoral de Conjunto" in a methodical and systematic manner. A development which, in addition to common agreement on policies and actions (its pastoral), allowed its members a level of decisions and a dialogue not so common at that time. The dialogue was not limited exclusively to the bishops or their clergy; members of the congregation and the community were involved: a group of individuals fully committed to what was happening. Worried about these issues they were willing to work and were aligned with the proposals that came from the authorities of the local churches. Many of the ideas which were put into practice at that time even today have been sustained and improved, expanded and extended. Those ideas and doings conform a vast and complex whole; a framework of actors and organizations which, viewed from a distance, make up what has been mentioned as "la movida" in colloquial language. In summary, it is a region that presents challenges, with a group of people motivated by Christian principles that recognize them and accept the need to 'do something' together with a productive synergy to face them. How do you account for those facts? Why did they take place in the NEA region and not in other parts of the country with similar or very similar problems? How did this state of affairs come about there and not in other similar contexts? The main focus (or topic) of this thesis is to describe and document (keep a record) of what happened and to try to answer these questions

A -- Aaron Rents, Inc. -- Adidas AG -- Air New Zealand Limited -- Amdahl Corporation -- American Maize-Products Co. -- Amoco Corporation -- AMP Incorporated -- Applebee's International Inc. -- Arby's Inc. -- AT&T Istel Ltd. -- Atlas Van Lines, Inc. -- B -- Bank of Mississippi, Inc. -- Banner Aerospace, Inc. -- Barings PLC -- Bates Worldwide, Inc. -- Beckman Instruments, Inc. -- Beloit Corporation -- Biogen Inc. -- Books-A-Million, Inc. -- Borg-Warner Automotive, Inc. -- Boston Celtics Limited Partnership -- British Airways PLC -- Brother Industries, Ltd. -- Brown and Williamson Tobacco Corporation -- Brush Wellman Inc. -- Business Men's Assurance Company of America -- C -- Carmike Cinemas, Inc. -- Casco Northern Bank -- Cato Corporation -- CCH Inc. -- Centocor Inc. -- Chemical Banking Corporation -- Choice Hotels International Inc. -- The Chubb Corporation -- Cianbro Corporation -- CMS Energy Corporation -- Cobra Electronics Corporation -- Colgate-Palmolive Company -- Commonwealth Energy System -- Computer Data Systems, Inc. -- Consolidated Products Inc. -- Consumers Power Co. -- Consumers Water Company -- Corby Distilleries Limited -- Corporation for Public Broadcasting -- D -- D&K Wholesale Drug, Inc. -- Dannon Co., Inc. -- Dauphin Deposit Corporation -- The David J. Joseph Company -- Day Runner, Inc. -- DDB Needham Worldwide -- Del Webb Corporation -- Department 56, Inc. -- Deutsche Bank A.G. -- Discount Drug Mart, Inc. -- E -- Eastman Chemical Company -- Edmark Corporation -- Elano Corporation -- Exar Corp. -- F -- Fastenal Company -- Fidelity Investments Inc. -- First Nationwide Bank -- Foodmaker, Inc. -- Formosa Plastics Corporation -- G -- General DataComm Industries, Inc. -- Good Humor-Breyers Ice Cream Company -- Gould Electronics, Inc. -- GranCare, Inc. -- Grand Metropolitan PLC -- Great Lakes Chemical Corporation -- Greenwood Mills, Inc. -- H -- Harbert Corporation -- The Hartstone Group plc -- Harza Engineering Company -- Health O Meter Products Inc. -- HealthSouth Rehabilitation Corporation -- Heilig-Meyers Co. -- Hermes S.A. -- The Hillhaven Corporation -- Holson Burnes Group, Inc. -- Hughes Supply, Inc. -- I -- Ibstock plc -- Illinois Bell Telephone Company -- Immunex Corporation -- Indiana Bell Telephone Company, Incorporated -- Intuit Inc. -- Irwin Toy Limited -- J -- J.D. Edwards & Company -- Jim Beam Brands Co. -- John B. Sanfilippo & Son, Inc. -- Johnson & Higgins -- K -- Kernet Corp. -- Key Tronic Corporation -- Kikkoman Corporation -- King Ranch, Inc. -- Kinney Shoe Corp. -- Kitchell Corporation -- Knoll Group Inc. -- L -- La-Z-Boy Chair Company -- Lance, Inc. -- Lawter International Inc. -- Lincoln Telephone& Telegraph Company -- Lintas: Worldwide -- Logica plc -- Lotus Cars Ltd. -- Lukens Inc. -- M -- Mannesmann AG -- Metromedia Companies -- Michael Baker Corp. -- Michigan Bell Telephone Co. -- N -- National Sea Products Ltd. -- Natural Wonders Inc. -- Nevada Bell Telephone Company -- Newhall Land and Farming Company -- Noble Roman's Inc. -- O -- Octel Communications Corp. -- Odetics Inc. -- The Ohio Art Company -- Ohio Bell Telephone Company -- OmniSource Corporation -- Oregon Steel Mills, Inc. -- Overnite Transportation Co. -- P -- Parisian, Inc. -- The Peak Technologies Group, Inc. -- PeopleSoft Inc. -- PETsMART, Inc. -- Physician Sales & Service, Inc. -- PLATINUM Technology, Inc. -- PriceCostco, Inc. -- R -- Raley's Inc. -- The Rank Organisation Pic -- Roche Bioscience -- Rosenbluth International Inc. -- Roundy's Inc. -- Royal Doulton Plc -- S -- Samsung Electronics Co., Ltd. -- SBC Warburg -- Schering-Plough Corporation -- Schottenstein Stores Corp. -- Sealed Air Corporation -- Shared Medical Systems Corporation -- Shelby Williams Industries, Inc. -- Shell Oil Company -- Shoe Carnival Inc. -- Siemens A.G. -- Sime Darby Berhad -- Sonic Corporation -- Southdown, Inc. -- Spartan Motors Inc. -- Spelling Entertainment Group, Inc. -- Spencer Stuart and Associates, Inc. -- St. John Knits, Inc. -- Stone Manufacturing Company -- The Summit Bancorporation -- Sverdrup Corporation -- Sybron International Corp. -- Syratech Corp. -- T -- Tasty Baking Co. -- Telefonos de Mexico S.A. de C.V. -- Texaco Inc. -- Thomas J. Lipton Company -- Thomas Nelson Inc. -- Tiffany & Co. -- TNT Freightways Corporation -- Todd Shipyards Corporation -- TRW Inc. -- Tyson Foods, Inc. -- U -- United States Postal Service -- United Stationers Inc. -- Urban Outfitters, Inc. -- U.S. Bancorp -- V -- The Vanguard Group of Investment Companies -- Verbatim Corporation -- Vienna Sausage Manufacturing Co. -- W -- W. L. Gore & Associates, Inc. -- The Wackenhut Corporation -- Waffle House Inc. -- West Bend Co. -- Williamson-Dickie Manufacturing Company -- Wisconsin Bell, Inc. -- Wolters Kluwer NV -- Worthington Foods, Inc. -- Wyle Electronics -- Wyman-Gordon Company -- Y -- Yellow Corporation -- Z -- Zebra Technologies Corporation.

A festival such as the Keelung Zhongyuanjie Ghost Festival is a religious, aesthetic and communication event that provides functions of transmitting practices, value and symbols, regulating relations between social groups and dissemination of representations. In this special space-time framework, collective life and identities are constantly decomposed and recomposed according to the dynamics that has evolved over time. Meanwhile, individuals play temporary social roles within the clans regardless of their social status, level of wealth, ethnic or provincial origin, and even religious affiliations. In the festival, the social status of the individual is associated with practices of syncretism.Traditional festivals in Taiwan have evolved over the 20th century. At first, a dual social function dominated. On the one hand, it was to ensure a harmonious cohabitation between clans and religion. On the other hand, it was to ensure a peaceful relationship with the souls of the deceased. However, the essence of the religious activity has been transformed with time. Throughout the twentieth century, the festival has been compatibly integrated with a new dominant national culture. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, strengthening Taiwan's cultural identity became a political priority. The authorities promoted a series of festivals, all of which were officially called "Formosa Art Festivals". One of them,"The Keelung Zhongyuanjie Ghost Festival", has expanded so much from the traditional and folkloric realm that it has become a national art festival.This study discusses the process of the transformation of Keelung Zhongyuanjie Ghost Festival. Some factors, such as the globalization of the economy, the change of technology and the dynamics of public policies, combine to support the change of the original model from a folk ceremony to an art festival. This research not only elaborates the transformations of the festival but also explores the formation of Taiwan's national identity in the twenty-first century. ; Un festival tel que le Festival des fantômes de Keelung Zhongyuanjie est un fait religieux, esthétique et de communication qui assure des fonctions de transmission des pratiques et des valeurs ainsi que des fonctions symboliques de régulation des relations entre groupes sociaux et de diffusion des représentations. Dans cet espace-temps spécial les cadres de la vie collective et les identités sont en permanence décomposées et recomposées selon une dynamique qui évolue avec le temps. Les individus y jouent temporairement, au sein des clans, un rôle social qui ne dépend pas directement de leur statut social, de leur niveau de richesse, de leur origine ethnique ou provinciale, et même les appartenances religieuses sont associées dans des pratiques syncrétiques. Les festivals traditionnels de Taïwan ont évolué au cours du XXe siècle. A l'origine une double fonction dominait : sociale – il s'agissait d'assurer une cohabitation harmonieuse entre clans – et religieuse – il s'agissait d'assurer une relation apaisée avec les âmes des disparus. Au cours du XXe siècle le festival s'est transformé pour intégrer la nouvelle culture nationale dominante. Au début du XXIe siècle le renforcement de l'identité culturelle taiwanaise est devenu une priorité politique. Les autorités ont œuvré à la promotion d'un ensemble de festivals rassemblés sous le nom de « Festivals d'art de Formose ». Un de ces festivals, la fête des fantômes de Keelung Zhongyunjie, qui était jusqu'alors plutôt traditionnelle et folklorique, a dès lors connu une telle expansion qu'elle est devenue un festival d'art national. Cette étude traite du processus qui voit la mutation de la Fête des Fantômes de Keelung Zhongyuanjie en festival. Des facteurs tels que la mondialisation de l'économie, les mutations technologiques et la dynamique des politiques publiques se combinent pour modifier le modèle original qui passe d'une dominante cultuelle à une dominante culturelle. Ce processus à l'œuvre ne se comprend que dans le cadre des transformations plus générales de l'identité nationale taïwanaise au XXIe siècle.

A festival such as the Keelung Zhongyuanjie Ghost Festival is a religious, aesthetic and communication event that provides functions of transmitting practices, value and symbols, regulating relations between social groups and dissemination of representations. In this special space-time framework, collective life and identities are constantly decomposed and recomposed according to the dynamics that has evolved over time. Meanwhile, individuals play temporary social roles within the clans regardless of their social status, level of wealth, ethnic or provincial origin, and even religious affiliations. In the festival, the social status of the individual is associated with practices of syncretism.Traditional festivals in Taiwan have evolved over the 20th century. At first, a dual social function dominated. On the one hand, it was to ensure a harmonious cohabitation between clans and religion. On the other hand, it was to ensure a peaceful relationship with the souls of the deceased. However, the essence of the religious activity has been transformed with time. Throughout the twentieth century, the festival has been compatibly integrated with a new dominant national culture. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, strengthening Taiwan's cultural identity became a political priority. The authorities promoted a series of festivals, all of which were officially called "Formosa Art Festivals". One of them,"The Keelung Zhongyuanjie Ghost Festival", has expanded so much from the traditional and folkloric realm that it has become a national art festival.This study discusses the process of the transformation of Keelung Zhongyuanjie Ghost Festival. Some factors, such as the globalization of the economy, the change of technology and the dynamics of public policies, combine to support the change of the original model from a folk ceremony to an art festival. This research not only elaborates the transformations of the festival but also explores the formation of Taiwan's national identity in the twenty-first century. ; Un festival tel que le Festival des fantômes de Keelung Zhongyuanjie est un fait religieux, esthétique et de communication qui assure des fonctions de transmission des pratiques et des valeurs ainsi que des fonctions symboliques de régulation des relations entre groupes sociaux et de diffusion des représentations. Dans cet espace-temps spécial les cadres de la vie collective et les identités sont en permanence décomposées et recomposées selon une dynamique qui évolue avec le temps. Les individus y jouent temporairement, au sein des clans, un rôle social qui ne dépend pas directement de leur statut social, de leur niveau de richesse, de leur origine ethnique ou provinciale, et même les appartenances religieuses sont associées dans des pratiques syncrétiques. Les festivals traditionnels de Taïwan ont évolué au cours du XXe siècle. A l'origine une double fonction dominait : sociale – il s'agissait d'assurer une cohabitation harmonieuse entre clans – et religieuse – il s'agissait d'assurer une relation apaisée avec les âmes des disparus. Au cours du XXe siècle le festival s'est transformé pour intégrer la nouvelle culture nationale dominante. Au début du XXIe siècle le renforcement de l'identité culturelle taiwanaise est devenu une priorité politique. Les autorités ont œuvré à la promotion d'un ensemble de festivals rassemblés sous le nom de « Festivals d'art de Formose ». Un de ces festivals, la fête des fantômes de Keelung Zhongyunjie, qui était jusqu'alors plutôt traditionnelle et folklorique, a dès lors connu une telle expansion qu'elle est devenue un festival d'art national. Cette étude traite du processus qui voit la mutation de la Fête des Fantômes de Keelung Zhongyuanjie en festival. Des facteurs tels que la mondialisation de l'économie, les mutations technologiques et la dynamique des politiques publiques se combinent pour modifier le modèle original qui passe d'une dominante cultuelle à une dominante culturelle. Ce processus à l'œuvre ne se comprend que dans le cadre des transformations plus générales de l'identité nationale taïwanaise au XXIe siècle.

A detailed examination of major policy decisions and planning actions in Washington and Tokyo through June 1951. A broad outline of combat operations is included to orient the reader. ; Part of illustrative matter in pocket. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. [407]-411) and index. ; 1. KOREA, CASE HISTORY OF A PAWN: The land ; Korea's past ; The United States and Korea ; Korea 1945 ; The new zones -- 2. THE HOUSE DIVIDED: The Americans occupy South Korea ; The Russians in North Korea ; The United States seeks a solution ; Withdrawal from Korea ; Building a Native Defense Force in South Korea ; North Korea prepares ; Situation in Korea, June 1950 -- 3. NATIONAL DEFENSE AND THE UNITED STATES ARMY: The Army's place in the National Defense structure ; The Far East Command -- 4. THE COMMUNIST CHALLENGE: The Intelligence failure ; MacArthur's reaction ; The United States responds ; Emergency evacuation ; ADCOM arrives in Korea ; Developments in Washington ; MacArthur visits Korea ; CINCFE'S personal report -- 5. EMERGENCY CONDITIONS, EMERGENCY MEASURES: MacArthur's estimates ; The build-up -- 6. A NEW CONFIDENCE: First visit from Washington ; Air operations, July 1950 ; The withdrawal continues -- 7. BOLSTERING THE FORCES: Shaping the Unified Command ; Rebuilding the U.S. Army ; The Theater scene, August 1950 -- 8. OPERATION CHROMITE; THE CONCEPT AND THE PLAN -- 9. OPERATION CHROMITE; THE FORCES: Marine forces ; The 7th Division ; Airborne units ; The assault in readiness -- 10. CROSSING THE PARALLEL: THE DECISION AND THE PLAN: The tide turns ; The 38th parallel, Genesis of the decision ; The ROK Government returns to Seoul ; New operations plans -- 11. THE INVASION OF NORTH KOREA: The United Nations Resolution of 7 October ; MacArthur's plans change ; The likelihood of Chinese intervention ; Eighth Army enters North Korea ; The X Corps prepares ; A new obstacle ; The Wake Island Conference -- 12. SIGNS OF VICTORY: New plans of advance ; Another change ; X Corps lands ; Occupation plans ; The mirage of victory -- 13. THE CHINESE TAKE A HAND: The Chinese move ; Eighth Army grows cautious ; X Corps and the new enemy ; Immediate effects ; A time for reappraisal ; The sanctuary and hot pursuit ; The mission is re-examined -- 14. THE THRESHOLD OF VICTORY: Eighth Army's plans and problems ; The X Corps ; The cautious view ; MacArthur attacks -- 15. FACING NEW DILEMMAS: Intervention ; Emergency meeting, Tokyo ; Collins visits Korea ; MacArthur is warned ; High level conferences -- 16. THE BRINK OF DISASTER: Reinforcement prospects ; Possibility of evacuation ; X Corps is ordered out of North Korea ; Ridgway takes over ; A decision hangs fire ; The Joint Chiefs of Staff consider options ; Evacuation plans -- 17. THE SEARCH FOR POLICY: The retaliatory measure: an examination ; The Joint Chiefs visit Tokyo again ; Encouraging signs in Korea ; The 12 January memo -- 18. THE UNITED NATIONS STRIKE BACK: The combat scene ; The improved outlook -- 19. THE CROSSROADS: The 38th parallel again ; Advances in Korea ; Seeking more forces ; President Truman is displeased ; Bevin and the British view ; Ridgway re-enters North Korea -- 20. THE RELIEF OF MACARTHUR: The Formosa issue ; MacArthur's disagreement with United States policy in Korea -- 21. NEW DIRECTION, NEW POLICY: The Chinese offensive, 22 April ; Missions and responsibilities, CINCUNC ; New orders for CINCUNC ; A new directive for CINCFE ; The Chinese attack again ; Efforts at political settlement ; Rebuilding the ROK Army ; Revision of Ridgway's directives -- 22. SIGNS OF ARMISTICE: Political factors influence the Battle Line ; Moves toward negotiation ; The prognosis. ; A detailed examination of major policy decisions and planning actions in Washington and Tokyo through June 1951. A broad outline of combat operations is included to orient the reader. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Eliot A. Cohen, former adviser to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, recently wrote in the Atlantic that "Taiwan is an independent country." Based on this flawed assumption, Cohen suggests that the United States should treat Taiwan as a military ally, rapidly increase arms sales, and openly engage in high-level exchanges with its leaders. The problem with this argument is that, according to recent polling, a simple majority of Taiwanese do not express support for independence, and the Republic of China's (ROC) constitution does not define Taiwan as an independent country. Were the United States to abandon its one-China policy based on recognition for Taiwan's sovereignty, it would only undermine peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.According to the latest survey by the Taiwan Public Opinion Foundation, 48.9 percent of Taiwanese "support independence." While this figure stands 22 points above support for the "status quo" and 37.1 points above support for "unification," it still fails to constitute a simple majority. Moreover, it is one thing to support independence in an anonymous poll and quite another to engage in a political process by which Taiwan codifies independence.Despite claims by Democratic Progressive Party leaders that Taiwan is "already independent," the ROC constitution has never delimited its territory to the island of Taiwan and its offshore islands. Drafted in 1947, when the Kuomintang-led government claimed to be the legal representative for all of China, the ROC constitution states that the "territory of the Republic of China within its existing national boundaries shall not be altered except by a resolution of the National Assembly." When the ROC constitution was revised in 2005, it merely shifted the authority to alter the ROC's national territory from the National Assembly (now called the Legislative Yuan) to that of a public referendum. Nonetheless, a referendum to delimit Taiwan's territory has never been passed or held. Finally, the Cross-Strait Act, amended most recently in 2022, still considers mainland China to be "territory of the Republic of China." The political parties that do support de jure independence, such as the New Power Party, the Formosa Alliance, and the Taiwan Statebuilding Party, are among the island's least popular.Unless and until the people of Taiwan unequivocally codify their own independence, U.S. policymakers cannot assume that the premise on which the U.S. one-China policy is based is false: that "all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China."It is true, as Cohen argues, that Taiwan has many of the trappings of an independent state: "its own currency, a thriving economy, lively democratic politics, sizable armed forces." Taiwan's de facto autonomy has allowed it to become the strong, democratic, and prosperous partner that many Americans admire. This success story is one of the reasons that the United States does not need to change its policy toward Taiwan. Beijing, on the other hand, clearly seeks to undermine the status quo, as evidenced by official statements and military coercion toward the island.Maintaining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait is not easy. Taiwan is stuck between a rock and a hard place. Stability requires the United States to provide Taiwan with the means to defend itself, while at the same time respecting Beijing's red lines. Taiwan's leaders are also cautious about making any moves that would undermine the status quo. Rather than preemptively and unilaterally recognize Taiwan's independence, as Cohen suggests, the United States should continue to provide Taiwan with the means to defend itself, deepen economic and cultural ties, maintain unofficial exchanges, and effectively advocate for Taiwan's participation in international organizations.Respecting Taiwan's unofficial status may not satisfy the desire by some to see the flourishing of democratic self-determination around the globe. But it is the best way for the United States to contribute to a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic future for Taiwan.

The way Louisiana Republican Atty. Gen. Jeff Landry keeps racking up wins,
you almost wish he would say "no thanks" to running for governor and attempt to
stay on in his present job, especially after posting his biggest W to date.

Several times in his present term Landry, in conjunction
with any of another to over a dozen other state attorneys general have won key
cases against federal government overreach (as well as picking up some
corporate settlements). Last
week he and Missouri's put another notch in their belts by having a federal
district court rule that several federal government agencies and officials had
to desist collaborating, if not pressuring, social media companies over constitutionally
protected speech.

Their lawsuit argues that the federal government
overstepped in its efforts to convince social media companies to respond to or
deemphasize, if not block, postings containing information about vaccinations for
the Wuhan coronavirus or that could affect elections. Evidence
continues to mount that agencies and officials coordinated with several
social media companies to influence news content or sources that likely affected
the outcome of the 2020 presidential election and suppressed validated information
critical about government policy concerning the pandemic.

Yet drawing less national coverage but perhaps having
the greatest impact of any challenge to federal government action directly
affecting Louisiana, also last week Landry beat back a major and illegitimate expansion
of federal power when the Democrat Pres. Joe Biden's
Environmental Protection Agency backed out of an effort to penalize operations of
chemical manufacturers on the basis of "environmental racism." After the Biden
Administration assumed office, with much fanfare the EPA announced,
among other things, that it would investigate all responsible for actions
that allegedly caused the impact of supposed environmental degradation disproportionately
to fall on ethnic minority residents as a matter of civil rights violations, questionably
arrogating new authority in the name of "environmental justice."

It followed
through last year when the agency went after Louisiana's Departments of
Environmental Quality and Health because they allowed two processors, Denka and
a Formosa Plastics subsidiary, to operate. In essence, responding to the
demands of special interests the Biden Administration alleged that for racially
discriminatory reasons the state allowed the pair to continue supposedly harmful
activities.

Even as the activities themselves remain under
great dispute as to their impact, where in the case of Denka chloroprene
emissions the EPA has used out-of-date and suspect information on which to
declare this problematic, the Biden Administration investigated the state to
force it to change its permits on this basis at the behest of the special
interests, the first time the agency had used Title VI of the Civil Rights Act
to do this. Landry's agency stepped into the breach last month, filing suit arguing
that the EPA had delegated its power to special interest groups and asserted other
powers not granted to it under law.

Like a bully punched in the nose, only a month later
the Biden
Administration backed down. Usually,
when the EPA receives a complaint, it will resolve these only with the attacked
party making some kind of concession. This time, it left with its tail tucked
between its legs, hollering as it ran away that it perceived discrimination afoot,
but not intentionally.

This turns out to be a huge victory for the
people. The much-ballyhooed expansion of EPA action fizzled and demonstrated it
had tried to go too far under the law and Constitution to declare that mere
outcome, rather than intention, denoted illegal discrimination and permanently
attenuated in its ability to assert such powers. Not only did Landry's office
preserve the integrity of Louisiana's permit issuance in these matters but it also
created a national precedent protecting the will of the people and preventing federal
government overreach.

So, while some of Landry's many other actions in
collaboration with other states might grab more headlines, his office's going
alone here certainly was most consequential for Louisiana directly and perhaps
as much so for the country as a whole. We thank him for that.