Suchergebnisse

Backed by sound economic policies and until the global crisis, a buoyant global economy, many developing countries made significant movement toward achieving the 2015millennium Development Goals (MDGs), particularly those for poverty reduction, gender parity in education, and reliable access to safe water. But even before the global economic crisis, progress in achieving some MDGs, especially those on child and maternal mortality, primary school completion, hunger, and sanitation, was lagging. The global food, fuel and economic crises have set back progress to the MDGs. An estimated 64 million more people are living on less than $1.25/day than there would have been without the crisis. The challenges ahead are achieving the MDGs requires a vibrant global economy, powered by strong, sustainable, multi-polar growth, underpinned by sound policies and reform at the country level; improving access for the poor to health, education, affordable food, trade, finance, and basic infrastructure is key to accelerating progress to the MDGs; developing countries need to continue to strengthen resilience to global volatility in order to protect gains and sustain progress toward the MDGs; the international community must renew its commitment to reach the 'bottom billion', particularly those in fragile and conflict-affected countries; and global support for a comprehensive development agenda including through the G20 process is critical. In the wake of recent global crises, and with the 2015 deadline approaching, business as usual is not enough to meet the MDGs.

Armenia gained its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 and inherited a traditional Soviet- style command economy. After a period of hyperinflation and economic contractions, progress on basic reforms led to greater macroeconomic stability. The reform effort strengthened after 2000, aided by return flows of investment from the diaspora. Recognized for its prudent fiscal management and improved business environment, Armenia received a Rehabilitation Credit (RC) from the World Bank in 1995 and a series of five Structural Adjustment Credits(SACs) from 1996-2003 to maintain stability, accelerate growth, and sustain reform. The PRSC program in Armenia centered on four main themes that supported Armenia's poverty- reduction objectives: i) consolidating macroeconomic discipline and strengthening governance;ii) sharpening competition and entrenching property rights; iii) mitigating social and environmental risks; and iv) modernizing the rural economy. The PRSC also identified good governance and reduction of corruption as essential to achieving pro-poor growth. Furthermore, reforms implemented under the PRSC were intended to make the social sectors more efficient, raise the quality of services, and increase access for the poor.

Nicaragua's state domination of productive capacity from the late 1970s to 1990, coupled with the civil war of the 1980s, left the economy with hyperinflation, large fiscal and current account deficits, and an external debt that was six times gross domestic product. As a result, economic activity declined at a sharp rate. By 1993, per capita income had fallen by a full 60 percent from the 1977 level. By the early 1990s the country was receiving aid equivalent to more than 70 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Subsequent administrations tried to address the country's economic problems through fiscal and monetary discipline and market-oriented reforms to redefine the role of the state. There were some successes, for example, decisive government action reduced inflation to around 10 percent by 1995, but many reforms failed due to their slow pace and to continued political volatility. The Bank supported the reform agenda with two economic recovery credit operations in the early 1990s. The results were less positive than expected, as the government's capacity to privatize state-owned enterprises and otherwise reform the public sector wavered in the face of political instability. The lack of political consensus prompted the Bank to withdraw from structural adjustment lending for several years. An opening for re-engagement was provided in 2002 when, after several failed attempts, Nicaragua successfully implemented the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF). This allowed the Bank to respond to the government's request for assistance to close a financing gap through fast disbursing budget support in the form of a programmatic structural adjustment credit. While technically a structural adjustment loan, the credit supported objectives based on budget-based goals already attained in implementing a Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP), which had been prepared by the government in 2001. In this sense, the credit was the last structural adjustment loan and the precursor to the Poverty Reduction Support Credits (PRSCs).

Baskground. One of the priority directions of scientific research in the field of social medicine and health care is the development and substantiation of the best models for the organization of an affordable, high-quality and efficient PHC System in Ukraine, that requires the formation of a state policy of the PHC support and its implementation with taking into account the best international and national experience, opportunities and conditions of the country. The urgency of the problem and the global need for PHC are growing in connection with the unbridled aging of the population and the spread of severe chronic progressive diseases, including those, a treatment of which is ineffective or hopeless. Purpose: to carry through a medical and social analysis of the current legal framework (CLF) of Ukrainian and some international documents regulating the PHC providing organization, that are the basis for the creation and development of affordable, high-quality and efficient PHC System to the population in Ukraine. Materials and methods. In our analysis Ukrainian and international normative and legal documents, scientific literature were used. The following research methods were applied: system-analytical, comparative content analysis, system approach, generalization and grouping. Results. The legal regulation of the provision of PHC to the population of Ukraine at the state level is carried out by the relevant Laws of Ukraine, decrees of the President of Ukraine, resolutions of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, orders of the Ministry of Health (MOH) of Ukraine and the Ministry of Social Policy of Ukraine. In particular, the Law of Ukraine "On the Basis of the Legislation of Ukraine on Health Care" dated 19.11.1992, No. 2801-XII, for the first time at the legislative level in 2011, palliative care was recognized as a form of medical care, as well as the definition of the term "palliative care" was defined. Provision of PHC to cancer patients and TB patients was foreseen in the relevant Laws of Ukraine, which are not valid today. Currently, only the "National Targeted Social Program for HIV/AIDS Response for 2014-2018" is in force, which was approved by the Law of Ukraine dated 20.10.2014 No.1708-VII, which defined certain tasks related to the organization and access to PHC to people who live with HIV, training the appropriate staff to provide such care. Unfortunately, the tasks defined by these laws were not implemented: the PHC standards to patients in the facilities of palliative and hospice medicine (PCM) of the MOH of Ukraine have not yet been approved, the system of training has not been implemented, etc. Also today, PHC in Ukraine are regulated by a number of departmental regulatory acts, in particular, by Order of the MOH of Ukraine of 21.01.2013 № 41 "On the organization of palliative care in Ukraine", but there is now a significant need to complete and improve this order, taking into account Ukrainian and international development PHC experience, the results of reforming the Health Care System in Ukraine, new WHO documents, Council of Europe, EAPC, ІАНРС. It is important that valid clinical protocols from different nosologies are complemented by sections "PHC" or "Palliative Medical Care and Care at the End of Life", which has both practical and legal significance. Of particular importance is the Order of the Ministry of Social Policy of Ukraine dated January 29, 2016, No. 58 "On Approval of the State Standard of Palliative Care", which regulates the activities of social protection institutions for the provision of PHC to patients in outpatient settings and at home, and other orders. Conclusions. 1. The content-analysis of the current Laws of Ukraine and some documents of WHO, the Council of Europe, ЕАРС, ІАНРС and other authoritative international institutes on the PHC organization allowed us to identify positive trends, in particular, the legislative approval of palliative care in Ukraine as a type of medical care, but only in relation to incurable patients with limited predictive life expectancy, and this fact goes in to a discrepancy with modern international documents. 2. The main shortcomings of the acts regulating the PHC organization delivery in Ukraine are the lack of systematic and coordinated regulatory norms, the uncertainty of the criteria of PPs with different nosologies, the lack of mechanisms for determining the status of PPs, the problems of the organization of the PHC providing for incurable sick in both in-patient and out-patient conditions and at home. 3. The aforecited statements require the urgent development and approval of the Order "About the Procedure for the Providing of Palliative Medical Care to the Population in Ukraine and the List of Medical Indications for Its Delivery" by the MOH of Ukraine, in which mechanisms and coordination of the various levels of medical care providing, standards of palliative care and maintenance of various category of PPs, criteria for the status of PPs definition, etc should be determined. 4. In order to optimize Ukrainian legislation in its part of the PHC providing organization to the population of Ukraine, there is an urgent need for the elaboration and adoption of a Law of Ukraine "About Palliative Care" by Ukrainian Parliament, in which the priorities of state policy, adequate financing of PHC from the State and Regional Budgets and extrabudgetary sources, clearly outline the system of such type of care, determine the state regulation of the provision of PHC, provide a systemicity, continuity and structuring of Ukrainian PHC, help to eliminate inter-departmental barriers on personnel policy issues, provide motivation for specialists in PHC training, PPs and their families with adequate drugs, care facilities, social, psychological and spiritual support etc. 5. An extremely urgent task that will ensure the development of an accessible, high-quality and efficient PHC System is the development and approval of the "State Social Program for the Development of Palliative and Hospice Care in Ukraine" by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine and Parliament of Ukraine. This document will help to realize a right of palliative patients and their families members for appropriate quality of life and its worthful ending. ; Актуальность. Одним из приоритетных направлений научных исследований в области социальной медицины и организации здравоохранения является разработка и обоснование оптимальных моделей организации доступной, качественной и эффективной системы паллиативной и хосписной помощи (ПХП) населению в Украине, что требует формирования государственной политики поддержки ПХП и внедрение оптимальной нормативно-правовой базы (НПБ), которая учитывает лучший международный и национальный опыт, возможности и условия страны. Глобальная потребность в ПХП будет и дальше возрастать в связи с неуклонным старением населения и распространением тяжелых хронических прогрессирующих заболеваний, в т.ч. в терминальной стадии их развития, лечение которых, направленное на излечение (выздоровление пациента), является неэффективным или бесперспективным. Цель исследования: осуществление медико-социального анализа действующей НПБ Украины и некоторых международных документов, регулирующих организацию оказания ПХП, что является основой для создания и развития доступной, качественной и эффективной системы ПХП в Украине. Материалы и методы. В работе были использованы отечественные и международные нормативно-правовые документы, отечественная и зарубежная научная литература и применены следующие методы исследования: системно-аналитический, сравнительный контент-анализ, системного подхода, обобщения и группировки. Результаты. Правовое регулирование оказания ПХП населению Украины на государственном уровне осуществляется Конституцией Украины, соответствующими Законами Украины, указами Президента Украины, постановлениями Кабинета Министров Украины, приказами Министерства здравоохранения (МЗ) Украины и Министерства социальной политики Украины. В частности, в 2011 году Законом Украины «Основы законодательства Украины о здравоохранении» от 19.11.1992 года № 2801-XII впервые на законодательном уровне паллиативная помощь была определена как вид медицинской помощи, а также дано определение понятия «паллиативная помощь». Оказание ПХП онкологическим больным и больным туберкулезом было предусмотрено в соответствующих законах Украины, которые сегодня не действуют. На сегодня действует только «Общегосударственная целевая социальная программа противодействия ВИЧ-инфекции/СПИДа на 2014-2018 годы», которая была утверждена Законом Украины от 20.10.2014 № 1708-VII, в которой определены конкретные задачи по обеспечению организации и доступа к ПХП людям, живущих с ВИЧ, подготовка соответствующих кадров для оказания такой помощи. К сожалению, задачи, которые были определены этими законами не были выполнены: стандарты оказания ПХП больным в условиях учреждений паллиативной и хосписной медицины (ПХМ) МОЗ Украины до сих пор не утвердило, система подготовки кадров не внедрена и т. д. Также сегодня ПХП в Украине регулируется рядом ведомственных нормативно-правовых актов, в частности, приказом МЗ Украины от 21.01.2013 № 41 «Об организации паллиативной помощи в Украине», но сейчас существует значительная потребность дополнить и усовершенствовать этот приказ, учитывая украинский и международный опыт развития ПХП, результаты реформирования системы здравоохранения в Украине, новые документы ВОЗ, Совета Европы, ЕАРС, ІАНРС. Важно, чтобы действующие клинические протоколы по разным нозологиям были дополнены разделами «ПХП» или «Медицинская помощь и уход в конце жизни», что имеет как практическое, так и юридическое значение. Чрезвычайно важным является приказ Министерства социальной политики Украины от 29.01.2016 № 58 «Об утверждении Государственного стандарта паллиативного ухода», регламентирующий деятельность учреждений социальной защиты населения в вопросах предоставления паллиативного ухода пациентам в амбулаторных условиях и на дому, и другие приказы. Выводы. 1. Контент-анализ действующей НПБ Украины и некоторых документов ВОЗ, Совета Европы, ЕАРС, ІАНРС и других авторитетных международных организаций по вопросам организации оказания ПХП населению позволил определить положительные тенденции, в частности законодательное определение в Украине паллиативной помощи как вида медицинской помощи, которая применяется только в отношении инкурабельных больных с ограниченным прогнозом продолжительности жизни, что не соответствует современным международным документам. 2. Основными недостатками законодательных и нормативно-правовых актов, регламентирующих организацию оказания ПХП в Украине, является отсутствие системности и скоординированности регулирующих норм, неопределенность критериев паллиативных пациентов (ПП) с различными нозологиями соответствующими клиническими протоколами, отсутствие механизмов определения статуса ПП, недостаточно решены проблемы организации оказания ПХП инкурабельным больным как в стационарах заведениях ПХМ, так и в амбулаторно-поликлинических условиях и дома, что требует оптимизации нормотворческой деятельно МЗ Украины и скоординированности разрабатываемых нормативно-правовых актов, с действующими постановлениями КМУ, приказами Министерства социальной политики Украины и других органов государственной власти. 3. Указанное выше требует неотложной разработки и утверждения МЗ Украины приказа «О порядке оказания паллиативной медицинской помощи населению в Украине и Переченя медицинских показаний для ее оказания», который определит и обеспечит механизмы и скоординированность различных уровней оказания медицинской помощи, стандартов паллиативного лечения и содержания различных категорий ПП, критерии определения и порядок предоставления статуса ПП, особенности ПП детского и старческого возраста и т. п. 4. С целью оптимизации отечественного законодательства по организации оказания ПХП и паллиативного ухода в Украине есть необходимость в разработке и принятию Верховным Советом Украины отдельного Закона Украины «О паллиативной помощи», который должен определить приоритеты государственной политики, обеспечить адекватное финансирование ПХП и паллиативного ухода из Государственного и региональных бюджетов и внебюджетных источников, четко очертить систему такой помощи, главные аспекты межведомственной координации в этой области, определить порядок государственного регулирования оказания ПХП и основные требования к учреждентям ПХМ, а также обеспечить системность, преемственность и структурированность отечественного законодательства в области ПХП и паллиативного ухода, способствовать устранению межведомственных барьеров, с четким определением юридической, медицинской, социальной составляющей ПХП. 5. Очень актуальной задачей, которая обеспечит развитие доступной, качественной и эффективной системы ПХП, является разработка и утверждение Кабинетом Министров Украины и Верховным Советом Украины «Государственной целевой социальной программы развития паллиативной и хосписной помощи населению в Украине», что позволит реализовать право паллиативных больных и членов их семей на соответствующее качество жизни и достойне его завершение. ; Актуальність. Одним з пріоритетних напрямів наукових досліджень у галузі соціальної медицини і організації охорони здоров'я є розробка та обґрунтування оптимальних моделей організації доступної, якісної та ефективної системи паліативної та хоспісної допомоги (ПХД) населенню в Україні, що потребує формування державної політики підтримки ПХД та впровадження оптимальної нормативно-правової бази (НПБ), яка враховує кращий міжнародний і національний досвід, можливості та умови країни. Глобальна потреба у ПХД буде і далі зростати у зв'язку з неухильним постарінням населення і поширенням важких хронічних прогресуючих захворювань, у т.ч. у термінальній стадії їх розвитку, лікування яких, що спрямоване на вилікування (одужання пацієнта), є неефективним або безперспективним. Мета дослідження: здійснення медико-соціального аналізу чинної НПБ України і деяких міжнародних документів, які регулюють організацію надання ПХД, що є основою для створення і розвитку доступної, якісної та ефективної системи ПХД населенню в Україні. Матеріали та методи. У роботі були використані вітчизняні та міжнародні нормативно-правові документи, вітчизняна та зарубіжна наукова література та застосовані наступні методи дослідження: системно-аналітичний, порівняльний контент-аналіз, системного підходу, узагальнення та групування. Результати. Правове регулювання надання ПХД населенню України на державному рівні здійснюється Конституцією України, відповідними Законами України, указами Президента України, постановами Кабінету Міністрів України, наказами Міністерства охорони здоров'я (МОЗ) України та Міністерства соціальної політики України. Зокрема, у 2011 р. Законом України «Основи законодавства України про охорону здоров'я» від 19.11.1992 року № 2801-XII вперше на законодавчому рівні паліативну допомогу було визнано як вид медичної допомоги, а також дано визначення поняття «паліативна допомога». Надання ПХД онкологічним хворим та хворим на туберкульоз було передбачене у відповідних Законах України, які сьогодні не чинні. На сьогодні чинна лише «Загальнодержавна цільова соціальна програма протидії ВІЛ-інфекції/СНІДу на 2014-2018 роки», що була затверджена Законом України від 20.10.2014 № 1708-VII, якою визначені певні завдання щодо забезпечення організації та доступу до ПХД людям, які живуть з ВІЛ, підготовка відповідних кадрів для надання такої допомоги. На жаль, завдання, що були визначені цими законами не були виконані: стандарти надання ПХД хворим в умовах закладів паліативної і хоспісної медицини (ПХМ) МОЗ України досі не затвердило, система підготовки кадрів не впроваджена тощо. Також сьогодні ПХД в Україні регулюється низкою відомчих нормативно-правових актів, зокрема, наказом МОЗ України від 21.01.2013 № 41 «Про організацію паліативної допомоги в Україні», але зараз існує значна потреба доповнити і удосконалити цей наказ, враховуючи український і міжнародний досвід розвитку ПХД, результати реформування системи охорони здоров'я в Україні, нові документи ВООЗ, Ради Європи, ЕАРС, ІАНРС. Важливо, щоб чинні клінічні протоколи з різних нозологій були доповнені розділами «ПХД» або «Медична допомога і догляд наприкінці життя», що має як практичне, так і юридичне значення. Надзвичайно важливим є наказ Міністерства соціальної політики України від 29.01.2016 № 58 «Про затвердження Державного стандарту паліативного догляду», який регламентує діяльність закладів соціального захисту населення у питаннях надання паліативного догляду пацієнтам в амбулаторних умовах і вдома, та інші накази. Висновки. 1. Контент-аналіз чинної НПБ України та деяких документів ВООЗ, Ради Європи, ЕАРС, ІАНРС та інших авторитетних міжнародних організацій з питань організації надання ПХД населенню дозволив визначити позитивні тенденції, зокрема законодавче затвердження в Україні паліативної допомоги як виду медичної допомоги, яка застосовується тільки стосовно інкурабельних хворих з обмеженим прогнозом тривалості життя, що має невідповідність з сучасними міжнародними документами. 2. Основними недоліками законодавчих та нормативно-правових актів, що регламентують організацію надання ПХД в Україні, є відсутність системності і координованості регулюючих норм, невизначеність критеріїв паліативних пацієнтів (ПП) з різними нозологіями відповідними клінічними протоколами, відсутність механізмів визначення статусу ПП, недостатньо вирішені проблеми організації надання ПХД інкурабельним хворим як в стаціонарних закладах ПХМ, так і в амбулаторно-поліклінічних умовах та вдома, що потребує оптимізації нормотворчої діяльності МОЗ України і координованості нормативно-правових актів, що розробляються, з чинними постановами КМУ, наказами Міністерства соціальної політики України та інших органів державної влади. 3. Зазначене вище вимагає нагальної розробки та затвердження МОЗ України наказу «Про порядок надання паліативної медичної допомоги населенню в Україні та Перелік медичних показань для її надання», що визначить та забезпечить механізми та скоординованість різних рівнів надання медичної допомоги, стандартів паліативного лікування та утримання різних категорій ПП, критерії визначення та порядок надання статусу ПП, особливості ПП дитячого і старечого віку тощо. 4. З метою оптимізації вітчизняного законодавства щодо організації наданні ПХД та паліативного догляду в Україні є нагальна потреба розробки і прийняття Верховною Радою України окремого Закону України «Про паліативну допомогу», який мав би визначити пріоритети державної політики, забезпечити адекватне фінансування ПХД та паліативного догляду з Державного і регіональних бюджетів та позабюджетних джерел, чітко окреслити систему такої допомоги, головні аспекти міжвідомчої координації у цій галузі, визначити порядок державного регулювання надання ПХД й основні вимоги до закладів ПХМ, а також забезпечити системність, наступність та структурованість вітчизняного законодавства у галузі ПХД та паліативного догляду, сприяти усуненню міжвідомчих бар'єрів, із чітким визначенням юридичної, медичної, соціальної складової ПХД. 5. Надзвичайно актуальним завданням, що забезпечить розвиток доступної, якісної та ефективної системи ПХД, є розробка та затвердження Кабінетом Міністрів України та Верховною Радою України «Державної цільової соціальної програми розвитку паліативної та хоспісної допомоги населенню в Україні», що дозволить реалізувати право паліативних хворих і членів їх родин на належну якість життя і гідне його завершення.

El objeto principal de este trabajo de investigación es el debate sobre la justificación de la pena en el pensamiento de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo (1922-2014), como el autor más representativo de las ciencias penales y criminológicas y ponderado como "el más destacado penalista de la segunda mitad del siglo XX" y uno de los más altos valores de la democracia ecuatoriana. En primer lugar, abordamos la cuestión desde la perspectiva que exige este tipo de investigación. Para ello, exponemos algunas cuestiones particulares sobre la selección y definición del tema, planteamiento y formalización del problema, hipótesis, pregunta de la investigación o punto de partida, objetivos generales y específico, justificación metodológica, justificación práctica, una pincelada del Ecuador como un país intercultural y pluricultural, un resumen profesional del doctorando, el marco teórico y metodológico de la investigación, antecedentes, estado del arte o de la cuestión, definiciones conceptuales, bibliografía preliminar y cronograma. En segundo lugar, presentaremos este tema en la formación y progreso de la figura vital de Zavala como punto de partida, incluyendo sus manifestaciones, como heredero de la cultura liberal radical ecuatoriana, analizando las causas del mismo, su desarrollo y consecuencias; trataremos de establecer cuáles son los factores que inciden en la construcción de su ideario, en concreto, aquellos procedentes de la académica, de la docencia, de la doctrina jurídica, de la política, entre otros. En tercer lugar, expondremos el desarrollo de este tema en Zavala y la cuestión analítica de académico y docente, producción intelectual y publicaciones, jurista y político, presentando algunas tesis de su concepción del derecho, del individuo y de la sociedad. Finalmente, abordamos unas breves conclusiones en las que pretendemos revelar y dar más voz a nuestro autor, dar más a conocer y promocionar su obra ante la comunidad científica internacional, para esclarecer algunas cuestiones centrales sobre el problema de la justificación de la pena desde la perspectiva del autor. La finalidad perseguida en esta investigación que se presenta como tesis doctoral es sobre todo la de exponer el pensamiento jurídico y político de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, respetado como el más eminente jurista y político de la segunda mitad del siglo XX en Ecuador. No hemos pretendido realizar un estudio de todo su pensamiento sino que nos centramos en ciertos aspectos esenciales de su filosofía jurídica como son el concepto, el fundamento y los fines de la pena. Lo primero que tratamos es la relación que para Zavala se da entre el castigo y la pena, observándose que para él coexiste una continuidad entre ambos saberes considerados en la sistematización de su aquilatada obra jurídicopenal, que merece ser rescatada de los garfios del olvido, tanto por su valor ético, como por su valor histórico. Dentro de este contexto, la ciencia jurídica y la filosofía del derecho también son para el maestro ecuatoriano dos formas necesarias y complementarias para comprender la realidad de los fines de la pena. Luego del abordaje de este itinerario, nos introducimos en la cuestión sobre el concepto, el fundamento y los fines del castigo o pena defendidos por el autor. El trabajo intelectual y político de Zavala se distingue por sus valores éticos fundamentales y su defensa de la racionalidad, así como por un gran bagaje epistémico y cultural que, sin duda, le permitió adoptar posiciones nada comunes en el liberalismo radical de su época, así como comprender los problemas del velasquismo y de las dictaduras emergidos antes, durante y después de los años 70. En la misma se pone al descubierto la axiología jurídica en relación con su formación humana dentro del contexto de una estructura lógico-filosófica, cuya expresión se manifiesta a través de una relación armónica en el seno de la actividad humana y su concreción e inserción en la cultura jurídica, política y académica ecuatoriana. En esta propuesta académica partimos de la premisa mayor de que la obra científica, académica y política de Zavala tiene un propósito, el de vislumbrar una imagen más evidente de él y su argumento humanista. De esta forma hay que revelar y dar voz a Zavala, dar a conocer y exponer su obra, como objetivos específicos de esta investigación. Por último, hemos prestado mucha atención a los autores y doctrinas que consideramos influyeron de una manera decisiva en el pensamiento de nuestro autor. El trabajo de investigación sobre el itinerario jurídico y político de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, está estructurado en cinco capítulos bien diferenciados, a saber: En el capítulo primero se muestran los aspectos en concreto que han motivado el desarrollo de este estudio partiendo de la situación del problema que se presenta en la comunidad científica al reconocer al profesor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, como el más destacado penalista de Ecuador en la segunda mitad del siglo XX y uno de los valores más altos de la democracia ecuatoriana. Se presentan las preguntas y los objetivos de la investigación, así como las decisiones metodológicas realizadas para diseñarla. Y, además, cuenta con el cronograma y organización de esta tesis doctoral. En el capítulo segundo centramos una mirada poliédrica a la biografía de Zavala Baquerizo como punto de partida, incluyendo una referencia de su itinerario personal e intelectual: grandes cosas; una breve caracterización social, política y económica del Ecuador durante el siglo XX y algo del XXI; el pensamiento político-social de Jorge Enrique: ideología y política social, posición ideológica y la quinta parte del siglo XXI, una caracterización económica, aproximación a los valores e influencia de Alfaro en Zavala. Se examinan aspectos relevantes sobre la sistematización de la obra científica del autor de nuestro estudio. En el capítulo tercero se expone la justificación axiológica de la pena, en el que se sistematiza la obra del autor. Esta relación ofrece nuevos elementos enriquecedores del debate gracias al análisis de distintas variables y factores que inciden en la problematización del contenido, fundamentación crítica y el discurso iusfilosófico-penal sobre el fundamento y las finalidades de la pena, que se constituyen en componentes ineludibles. En el capítulo cuarto se realiza el análisis teórico del capítulo anterior y se construye una formulación teórica atribuida al autor. Aquí se estudian algunas cuestiones generales en el ideario de Zavala Baquerizo, el concepto castigo-pena y su finalidad, y se concluye con los enfoques de los juristas Nicolás Castro Benites, Edmundo Durán Díaz y Guillermo Bossano Valdivieso, distinguidos profesores y contemporáneos del ilustre profesor ecuatoriano. En el capítulo quinto se discuten resultados y reflexiones finales con lo que se deja constancia de las conclusiones y aprendizajes obtenidos de la investigación, permiten avizorar futuras líneas de investigación. Y, finalmente, optamos por una exposición axiológica del discurso que promueva en lenguaje sencillo el itinerario del ilustre autor ecuatoriano –como jurista, docente, publicista y político–, capaz de generar la atención de lectores hispanoparlantes que, a fin de cuentas, son aliados estratégicos para, sin duda, dar voz a Zavala Baquerizo en la comunidad científica. Como bien se sabe, las conclusiones son constructos teóricos a través de los cuales se exponen aquellos datos confirmatorios o limitaciones finales de la investigación, es decir, son las ideas de cierre de la investigación ejecutada a fin de colaborar con el acervo académico. Por lo tanto, de acuerdo con la discusión de resultados que se constaron entre en el capítulo segundo, tercero y cuarto de esta tesis doctoral y de acuerdo con la metodología empleada y particularmente el diseño de la investigación, las conclusiones son las que se exponen a continuación. A pesar de la falta de información, es posible vislumbrar la inteligencia poliédrica de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo en su itinerario personal e intelectual que incide positivamente en su formación individual, razón por la cual se destaca como buena persona, ciudadano ejemplar, maestro de las ciencias penales y criminológicas, publicista, excelente padre, ecuatoriano ilustre. No obstante, nosotros compartimos como discípulo sus enseñanzas; mucho más que simples enseñanzas, en realidad son un torrente impresionante de ideas que parecen liberarse luego de un largo cautiverio para apoderarse de nuestras mentes, como aquel hombre modelado en la mística suprema que llega a la profundidad de las cosas y de los hechos. De este modo, se identifica que las cuestiones y los escenarios que incidieron en el pensamiento y obra de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo objeto de estudio, demuestran con mayor seguridad y frecuencia que son la docencia universitaria, el ejercicio profesional de penalista y criminólogo, la publicación de su obra aquilatad y la política lo que le permite ocupar diversos cargos públicos de elección popular, tales como consejero, diputado, vicepresidente de la república y presidente del H. Congreso Nacional, entre otros cargos importantes. De igual forma, creemos importante tener en consideración la descripción de la sistematización de la obra jurídica y científica del profesor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, especialmente, La pena, en donde no es evidente únicamente el penalista, sino que razona y escribe el iusfilósofo. En definitiva, se percibe que la pena es un mal, y debe ser administrada con prudencia, con mesura, sin perder jamás el punto de vista imprescindible de que vaya dirigida contra seres humanos e impuesta por otros seres humanos, de manera que el autor tiene interés por los mensajes de humanización patrocinados por Voltaire y Montesquieu, que se yuxtaponen a su pasión y erudición de escribir sobre las ciencias penales y criminológicas. Es apasionante decir que el castigo es tan antiguo como la humanidad y la historia del castigo es historia también de la crueldad humana. En consecuencia, la crueldad humana es tan antigua como la humanidad. Así, el autor en su obra desarrolla y sustenta su teoría que bautizamos como castigo-pena. Dentro del análisis expuesto, es posible percibir las revelaciones de juristas como León Roldós Aguilera, Alfonzo Zambrano Pasquel, Hernán Pérez Loose, Víctor Hugo Sicouret Olvera, Lenin Arroyo Baltán, entre otros, cuyas orientaciones jurídicopenales son consecuencias de las enseñanzas de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, que lo distinguen y posicionan de modo individual como el más destacado penalista ecuatoriano. No obstante, nosotros compartimos por experiencia y convicción las revelaciones hechas por los juristas en el presente informe. En conclusión, todos podemos realizar un itinerario personal e intelectual si contamos con las herramientas adecuadas para ello, en este caso, es posible indicar que a través de los instrumentos metodológicos de investigación se determina que Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo es el más destacado penalista ecuatoriano de la segunda mitad del siglo XX y uno de los valores más altos de la democracia ecuatoriana, debido a su larga trayectoria académica como docente de derecho penal y derecho procesal penal en las universidades ecuatorianas, el libre ejercicio profesional, la publicación de su abundante obra jurídica y científica, así como la política. Efectivamente, se cumple con la expectativa trazada en los cinco objetivos específicos de esta investigación, lo que nos permite establecer la construcción del objetivo general y la demostración de las preguntas iniciales o hipótesis de investigación. Como consecuencia de lo expuesto en el informe, hemos de refutar las hipótesis o preguntas iniciales de investigación, afirmando que las cuestiones específicas que influyen en el reconocimiento del profesor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo como el más destacado penalista de la segunda mitad del siglo XX y uno de los más altos valores de la democracia ecuatoriana, son las de jurista, docente, publicista y político, todo cuanto se encuentra debidamente documentado. Y fue un penalista modelado en la mística suprema que lo llevó al fondo de las cosas y de los hechos. Para lograr este cometido queda en evidencia la relación causa efecto, las pruebas que son analizadas de manera lógica y se verifica las consecuencias deducidas a partir de la hipótesis de esta investigación. Se delimita con cuidado las generalidades respaldadas en las pruebas pertinentes, por lo tanto, en el informe final no existen contradicciones, incongruencias o enunciados confusos, vagos o exagerados. En efecto, se aprecia también que las opiniones, inferencias y contrastación de la hipótesis, no se confunde con los hechos investigados. Las referencias bibliográficas que más contribuyen en las contrastación de los hechos son la obra de Jorge Enrique; la obra escrita sobre Zavala, particularmente, las opiniones de los juristas contemporáneos de Zavala como Nicolás Castro Benites, Edmundo Durán Díaz y Guillermo Bossano Valdivieso, así como también las obras y opiniones afectivas de los juristas discípulos y amigos del profesor ecuatoriano: Roldós Aguilera, León (2014); Pérez Pimentel, Rodolfo (2014); Zambrano Pasquel, Alfonzo (2014); Pérez Loose, Hernán (2014); Rodríguez Vicéns, Antonio (2014); Echeverría Gavilanes, Enrique (2014); Sicouret Olvera, Víctor Hugo (2014); Solís, Jeremy (2014); y, Arroyo Baltán, Lenin T. & Albert Márquez, José J. (2018), entre otros. Además, para comprobar este objetivo se relacionaron los hallazgos del Análisis de la teoría de la pena en la obra de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo. Un enfoque desde el saber criminológico y su influjo dogmático en el foro jurídico penal ecuatoriano (Trabajo Final de Máster, presentado en la Universidad de Córdoba, en septiembre de 2016), realizado por el autor de estas líneas y dirigido por el Dr. José J. Albert Márquez –profesor de Filosofía del Derecho de la Universidad de Córdoba–. Y, finalmente, logramos establecer un nexo cognoscitivo entre el profesor Jorge Zavala Baquerizo, y los profesores Luigi Ferrajoli y Juan Bustos Ramírez, por cuanto, entre ellos confluye derecho penal (garantismo penal), filosofía del derecho, derechos humanos y, además, son de izquierda, tal como hemos señalado en el devenir del discurso de esta tesis doctoral. ; The main purpose of this research paper is the debate on the justification of the penalty in the thinking of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo (1922-2014), as the most representative author of criminal and criminological sciences and weighted as "the most prominent criminalist of the second half of the twentieth century" and one of the highest values of Ecuadorian democracy. First, we address the issue from the perspective required by this type of research. To do this, we present some particular questions about the selection and definition of the topic, approach and formalization of the problem, hypothesis, research question or starting point, general and specific objectives, methodological justification, practical justification, a brushstroke of Ecuador as a country intercultural and pluricultural, a professional summary of the doctoral student, the theoretical and methodological framework of the research, background, state of the art or issue, conceptual definitions, preliminary bibliography and schedule. Secondly, we will present this theme in the formation and progress of the vital figure of Zavala as a starting point, including its manifestations, as heir to the Ecuadorian radical liberal culture, analyzing its causes, its development and consequences; We will try to establish what are the factors that influence the construction of your ideology, specifically, those coming from academics, teaching, legal doctrine, politics, among others. Thirdly, we will present the development of this topic in Zavala and the analytical question of academic and teacher, intellectual production and publications, jurist and politician, presenting some theses of his conception of law, of the individual and of society. Finally, we discuss some brief conclusions in which we intend to reveal and give more voice to our author, to make his work more known and promoted before the international scientific community, to clarify some central questions about the problem of justification of punishment from the perspective of the author. The purpose of this research presented as a doctoral thesis is above all to expose the legal and political thinking of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, respected as the most eminent jurist and politician of the second half of the twentieth century in Ecuador. We have not intended to conduct a study of all your thinking but we focus on certain essential aspects of your legal philosophy such as the concept, the basis and the ends of the penalty. The first thing we are dealing with is the relationship that Zavala has between punishment and punishment, observing that for him a continuity coexists between both knowledge considered in the systematization of his quarrelsome legal work, which deserves to be rescued from the hooks of oblivion, both for its ethical value, as for its historical value. Within this context, legal science and the philosophy of law are also for the Ecuadorian teacher two necessary and complementary ways to understand the reality of the ends of the sentence. After approaching this itinerary, we introduce ourselves to the question about the concept, the basis and the purposes of the punishment or punishment defended by the author. The intellectual and political work of Zavala is distinguished by its fundamental ethical values and its defense of rationality, as well as by a great epistemic and cultural background that, without a doubt, allowed it to adopt positions not common in the radical liberalism of its time, thus how to understand the problems of Velasquism and the dictatorships that emerged before, during and after the 70s. In it, legal axiology is revealed in relation to its human formation within the context of a logical-philosophical structure, whose expression is manifests through a harmonious relationship within human activity and its concretion and insertion in the Ecuadorian legal, political and academic culture. In this academic proposal we start from the main premise that the scientific, academic and political work of Zavala has a purpose, to glimpse a more evident image of him and his humanist argument. In this way we must reveal and give voice to Zavala, publicize and expose his work, as specific objectives of this research. Finally, we have paid close attention to the authors and doctrines that we believe had a decisive influence on the thinking of our author. The research work on the legal and political itinerary of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, is structured in five distinct chapters, namely: The first chapter shows the specific aspects that have motivated the development of this study based on the situation of the problem that arises in the scientific community by recognizing Professor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, as the most prominent criminal in Ecuador in the second half of the twentieth century and one of the highest values of Ecuadorian democracy. The questions and objectives of the research are presented, as well as the methodological decisions made to design it. And, in addition, it has the schedule and organization of this doctoral thesis. In the second chapter we focus a polyhedral look at the biography of Zavala Baquerizo as a starting point, including a reference to his personal and intellectual itinerary: great things; a brief social, political and economic characterization of Ecuador during the twentieth century and some of the twenty-first; Jorge Enrique's political-social thought: ideology and social policy, ideological position and the fifth part of the 21st century, an economic characterization, approximation to the values and influence of Alfaro in Zavala. Relevant aspects of the systematization of the scientific work of the author of our study are examined. In the third chapter the axiological justification of the sentence is exposed, in which the author's work is systematized. This relationship offers new enriching elements of the debate thanks to the analysis of different variables and factors that affect the problematization of the content, critical foundation and the iusphilosophical-criminal discourse on the foundation and the purposes of the penalty, which are inescapable components. In the fourth chapter the theoretical analysis of the previous chapter is carried out and a theoretical formulation attributed to the author is constructed. Here some general questions are studied in the ideology of Zavala Baquerizo, the punishment-punishment concept and its purpose, and it concludes with the approaches of jurists Nicolás Castro Benites, Edmundo Durán Díaz and Guillermo Bossano Valdivieso, distinguished professors and contemporaries of the illustrious Ecuadorian professor. In the fifth chapter, final results and reflections are discussed, which records the conclusions and lessons learned from the research, allowing us to anticipate future lines of research. And, finally, we opted for an axiological exposition of the discourse that promotes in simple language the itinerary of the illustrious Ecuadorian author -as a jurist, teacher, publicist and politician-, capable of generating the attention of Spanish-speaking readers who, after all, are allies strategic to undoubtedly give voice to Zavala Baquerizo in the scientific community. As is well known, the conclusions are theoretical constructs through which those confirmatory data or final limitations of the research are exposed, that is, they are the closing ideas of the research carried out in order to collaborate with the academic heritage. Therefore, according to the discussion of results that were recorded in the second, third and fourth chapters of this doctoral thesis and in accordance with the methodology used and particularly the design of the research, the conclusions are those that are exposed to continuation. I. In spite of the lack of information, it is possible to glimpse the polyhedral intelligence of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo in his personal and intellectual itinerary that positively affects his individual training, which is why he stands out as a good person, exemplary citizen, teacher of criminal and criminological sciences, publicist, excellent father, illustrious Ecuadorian. However, we share his teachings as a disciple; much more than simple teachings, in reality they are an impressive torrent of ideas that seem to be released after a long captivity to seize our minds, like that man modeled on the supreme mysticism that reaches the depth of things and facts. II. In this way, it is identified that the issues and scenarios that influenced the thinking and work of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo object of study, demonstrate with greater security and frequency that they are university teaching, the professional practice of criminal and criminologist, the publication of his aquilatad work and the This policy allows him to hold various public positions of popular election, such as counselor, deputy, vice president of the republic and president of the H. National Congress, among other important positions. III. Similarly, we believe it is important to take into account the description of the systematization of the legal and scientific work of professor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, especially, La Pena, where not only the criminalist is evident, but he reasons and writes the iusphilosopher. In short, it is perceived that the penalty is an evil, and must be administered with prudence, with restraint, without ever losing the essential point of view that it is directed against human beings and imposed by other human beings, so that the author has interest in the humanization messages sponsored by Voltaire and Montesquieu, which juxtapose their passion and erudition to write about criminal and criminological sciences. It is exciting to say that punishment is as old as humanity and the history of punishment is also history of human cruelty. Consequently, human cruelty is as old as humanity. Thus, the author in his work develops and supports his theory that we baptize as punishment. IV. Within the above analysis, it is possible to perceive the revelations of jurists such as León Roldós Aguilera, Alfonzo Zambrano Pasquel, Hernán Pérez Loose, Víctor Hugo Sicouret Olvera, Lenin Arroyo Baltán, among others, whose legal orientations are consequences of the teachings of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, which distinguish it and position it individually as the most prominent Ecuadorian criminalist. However, we share from experience and conviction the revelations made by the jurists in this report. V. In conclusion, we can all make a personal and intellectual itinerary if we have the appropriate tools for this, in this case, it is possible to indicate that through the methodological investigation instruments it is determined that Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo is the most prominent criminalist Ecuadorian of the second half of the twentieth century and one of the highest values of Ecuadorian democracy, due to his long academic career as a teacher of criminal law and criminal procedural law in Ecuadorian universities, free professional practice, the publication of his abundant legal and scientific work, as well as politics. Indeed, the expectation set in the five specific objectives of this investigation is fulfilled, which allows us to establish the construction of the general objective and the demonstration of the initial questions or research hypotheses. As a result of what is stated in the report, we have to refute the initial hypotheses or research questions, stating that the specific issues that influence the recognition of professor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo as the most prominent criminal of the second half of the 20th century and one of the highest values of Ecuadorian democracy, are those of jurist, teacher, publicist and politician, everything is properly documented. And he was a criminal modeled on the supreme mysticism that took him to the bottom of things and facts. To achieve this task, the cause-effect relationship, the evidence that is analyzed in a logical way and the consequences deduced from the hypothesis of this investigation are evidenced. The generalities supported by the relevant evidence are carefully defined, therefore, in the final report there are no contradictions, inconsistencies or statements that are confusing, vague or exaggerated. Indeed, it can also be seen that the opinions, inferences and contrast of the hypothesis are not confused with the facts investigated. The bibliographical references that contribute most to the contrast of the facts are the work of Jorge Enrique; the written work on Zavala, particularly the opinions of Zavala's contemporary jurists such as Nicolás Castro Benites, Edmundo Durán Díaz and Guillermo Bossano Valdivieso, as well as the works and emotional opinions of the jurist disciples and friends of the Ecuadorian professor: Roldós Aguilera, León (2014); Pérez Pimentel, Rodolfo (2014); Zambrano Pasquel, Alfonzo (2014); Pérez Loose, Hernán (2014); Rodríguez Vicéns, Antonio (2014); Echeverría Gavilanes, Enrique (2014); Sicouret Olvera, Víctor Hugo (2014); Solís, Jeremy (2014); and, Arroyo Baltán, Lenin T. & Albert Márquez, José J. (2018), among others. In addition, to verify this objective the findings of the Analysis of the theory of the penalty in the work of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo were related. An approach from the know criminological and its dogmatic influence in the Ecuadorian criminal legal forum (Master's Final Project, presented at the University of Córdoba, in September 2016), carried out by the author of these lines and directed by Dr. José J. Albert Márquez –professor of Philosophy of Law of the University of Córdoba–. And, finally, we managed to establish a cognitive link between professor Jorge Zavala Baquerizo, and professor Luigi Ferrajoli and Juan Bustos Ramírez, because, among them, criminal law (criminal guarantee), philosophy of law, human rights and, in addition, are on the left, as we have pointed out in the future of the discourse of this doctoral thesis.

Alex Nowrasteh


The recent Supreme Court case about affirmative action in university admissions (SFFA v. Harvard) paralleled a broader social debate over meritocracy. Those opposed to affirmative action broadly say they are supportive of meritocracy. They believe individual achievement should be more prominent in university admissions, at least when the government is involved in university funding. The debate over affirmative action and meritocracy intersects with the immigration debate in two ways. First, immigration restrictions are the most destructive form of affirmative action. Second, immigrants and their descendants have been essential in reducing the scope of affirmative action in the United States over the last 30 years.
Meritocrats believe that individuals should rise or fall on their achievements. Those supportive of affirmative action are more skeptical of meritocracy, at least how it exists under the current system. They argue that meritocracy is bad, a myth, unfair, or that current means of identifying merit are insufficient because systemic rules or practices hold back some people in specific racial, ethnic, or other categories.
I'm a supporter of meritocracy, but a compelling point raised by skeptics is that the design of meritocratic systems can select wildly different types of merit. In other words, there's a principal-agent problem whereby the most meritocratic people design methods of gauging merit that favor themselves and people like them.
This problem could be to the detriment of specific organizations relying on merit and, eventually, to the rest of society.
Hard work, fluid intelligence, crystallized intelligence, personality, luck, physical attractiveness, and other characteristics contribute to merit in different endeavors and extents. A one-size-fits-all approach across all organizations doesn't make sense and is slightly less bad in organizations in the same industry. That doesn't mean some of the factors listed above aren't good predictors of merit in most endeavors, some certainly are, but their relative weights are important.
For instance, the combination of characteristics that make a successful film actor differs from those required to be a successful astrophysicist, CEO, or farmer. But that's just the supply side of merit; there's also a demand side. What consumers demand of people in different endeavors changes over time. Consumers want the best over time, but what they think is best changes.
That's why I favor the "competitive meritocracy;" that is, the meritocracy of the market over alternatives like massive government examination systems that exist in other countries. Under competitive meritocracy, firms and individuals seeking to increase profits, economic efficiency, and consumer surplus under competitive market conditions are incentivized to develop means to identify meritorious individuals that deliver. Otherwise, firm profits shrink, they go bankrupt, and consumers are left unsatisfied.
One of the beneficial results of a competitive market system is the identification and use of merit. Of course, government rules and regulations reduce the effectiveness of new merit identification techniques, but the market is better at identifying and producing meritocratic identification methods than other alternatives because it best aligns incentives to do so on the supply and demand sides.
U.S. immigration restrictions are the most anti-meritocratic policies today, and they are intended as affirmative action for native-born Americans. Ignore the myriad ways that immigration laws disadvantage certain immigrants relative to others, such as with the per-country quotas that make immigrants from populous countries wait longer for green cards. Just peruse nativist websites, and you'll see many arguments about immigrants taking jobs from more Americans who are more deserving because of where they were born. When people think of anti-meritocratic policies, they rightly jump to quotas, race-based affirmative action, or class-based affirmative action.
It's true; those are all anti-meritocratic and likely wouldn't exist in a free market outside of a handful of organizations in the non-profit sector. But U.S. immigration restrictions are worse. The U.S. population is about 4.2 percent of the global population. Immigration laws prevent the other 95.8 percent of the world from trying their hand in the U.S. market meritocracy. The cost of immigration restrictions is in the trillions of dollars, which makes the real costs of affirmative action seem small by comparison. Those who truly favor meritocracy and oppose affirmative action on principle should reject the anti-meritocratic affirmative action of American immigration laws.
Nativists agree with my analysis. They argue that the U.S. government exists to protect Americans from market competition, so it should do so with immigration restrictions. Nationalist affirmative action is still affirmative action. And lest you accuse me of hypocrisy, of working behind the protection of immigration restrictions while others labor exposed to the brutality of globalist labor competition, the sector of the economy where I labor is more exposed to legal immigrant competition than yours is.
One of the main arguments for immigration restrictions is to protect Americans. That makes sense when protecting Americans from criminals, terrorists, national security threats, or those with severe contagious diseases, because they could physically harm Americans or their property. It makes sense in the same way that the NYPD exists to protect the life, liberty, and private property of New Yorkers and shouldn't be enforcing laws in North Dakota.
But protecting jobs and wages or shielding people from the market doesn't make sense. On a purely principled opposition to preferences, meritocrats should oppose almost all immigration restrictions regardless of the wage effects. Immigration restrictions don't even work well to protect American workers. Ironically, immigration restrictions do more to protect the wages of immigrant workers in the United States than native-born workers. Affirmative action likely helps the beneficiaries more than immigration restrictions help American workers.
The idea of shielding Americans from market competition to protect them under the theory that that would make them better is silly. Industries protected behind tariffs and trade barriers tend to stagnate because they have no incentive to innovate or improve. Why would they when the government removes competition by legal fiat? Americans similarly shielded from immigration have less of a reason to get more skills, improve their human capital, or be more productive. As I wrote in my review of Reihan Salam's Melting Pot or Civil War?, labor protectionism incentivizes stagnation among American workers.
Salam fails to draw additional connections between wages and education. He worries about low levels of educational attainment among the descendants of immigrants but also favors restricting low-skilled immigration to raise the wages of high school dropouts. He does not explain how raising the wages for dropouts relative to other educational cohorts will incentivize workers to spend more time in school (hint: it won't). Salam is worried that automation will destroy lots of jobs, so he wants to stop low-skilled immigration by raising wages for low-skilled Americans and immigrants already here, which will just make it more likely that their jobs will be automated.

Maybe you favor meritocracy in university admissions and affirmative action through immigration restrictions. You wouldn't be the first person to have inconsistent policy opinions, but you support less meritocracy than you probably believe. Most people recognize that Texas' "Top 10 Percent Law" is thinly disguised affirmative action because it guarantees admission to the University of Texas to all students in the top 10 percent of their high school graduating class. Since students are geographically clustered in Texas by race, this law advantages some students based on race who otherwise wouldn't be admitted.
Harvard tried something similar when it adopted an admissions policy that accepted top-ranking students nationwide under geographic quotas rather than relying on admissions exam scores. The intent was to reduce Harvard's Jewish population. The Harvard freshman class was 21 percent Jewish in 1922, up from about 7 percent in 1900. Harvard's President Abbott Lawrence Lowell wanted to bring their percentage down to 15 percent and faced fierce opposition from Jewish students, the Boston press, and the meritocrats of his day. The geographic distribution system discriminated against Jewish students and reduced their numbers to 15 percent of the student body by 1931. Harvard later eased the geographic system and then ended it altogether. One should view the admissions policy as anti-Semitic, and the effect was identical to a policy that favored the admission of other groups like white Protestants. Regardless, the geographic admissions system was anti-meritocratic.
Despite restrictions on immigration, immigrants and their descendants are already indirectly improving meritocracy in the United States. Edward Blum, the attorney behind numerous challenges to affirmative action, including SFFA v. Harvard, lost a challenge to affirmative action in 2015 when he had a white female plaintiff. There are many reasons why that challenge failed, but afterward, Blum said, "I needed Asian plaintiffs." Law and the Constitution always matter to the Court, but politics and optics also matter for major controversial questions. When the issues are controversial and Congress or the President don't want to resolve conflicts or are otherwise at loggerheads, the Court steps in as a sort of super-legislature to decide the issue. Sometimes they rule to maintain their own institutional power in an environment where the power of Congress is declining, and that of the Presidency is increasing. Viewing the Court as a sometimes-super-legislature makes it clear that political narratives, public opinion, and other normal tools of political persuasion are important to ruling in a certain way. Without Asian American plaintiffs, it's hard to see how SCOTUS would have struck down affirmative action this time. It may have happened eventually because the arguments are good, but sympathetic plaintiffs and damning facts are just as important.
Beyond the plaintiffs in SFFA v. Harvard, immigrants, their descendants, and the diversity they bring to the United States have greatly helped reduce affirmative action through politics. As I wrote in 2022:
Voters in California—the most diverse state and the one with the highest immigrant share of the population—first voted to ban affirmative action when presented with Proposition 209 in 1996. Since then, progressives in the state have attempted to revive the issue. But in 2011, Governor Jerry Brown vetoed a bill that would have weakened the affirmative-action ban. Another proposal to re-institute affirmative action failed in 2014 after several Asian-American state senators defected from the effort in response to opposition from their constituents. "As lifelong advocates for the Asian-American and other communities," Democratic state senators Ted Lieu, Carol Liu, and Leland Yee wrote, "we would never support a policy that we believed would negatively impact our children." In 2020, voters affirmed the state's ban on affirmative action by a wider margin than the original vote to ban it 24 years earlier.

Asian Americans are the most likely to be foreign-born of any racial group. In 2019, two-thirds of Asian Americans in California were immigrants. As is clear to all after SFFA v. Harvard, Asians are the biggest losers in any race-based affirmative action system. Without them, it would be tougher to make the case that affirmative action is unjust. That's an unfortunate commentary on the state of political debate in the United States because the arguments against affirmative action are convincing regardless of who wins or loses, but those are the facts.
Furthermore, states with a higher foreign-born share of the population are likelier to have banned affirmative action than states with a lower foreign-born share. Interestingly, the share of the non-citizen population is best correlated with a state banning affirmative action. According to a piece I coauthored a few years ago, a 1 percent increase in the share of non-citizens is associated with a 27–34 percent increase in the probability of the state banning affirmative action. The share of the white population is not statistically significant in any regression we ran, and the measure of population-wide diversity is only significant at the 10 percent level in the 3‑and‐​5‐​year lags.
Affirmative action is more politically stable when they are two groups, one of which is large and the other that is small. Malaysia has a Chinese minority punished by affirmative action and a Malaysian majority aided. Apartheid South Africa punished blacks and favored whites, which was then reversed after the end of apartheid. The United States, with blacks favored and whites punished before large waves of immigrants in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, are such cases.
Of the above examples, only the United States has a substantial immigrant-induced demographic change that upended that relatively stable institutional dynamic by adding mainly Asian and Hispanic immigrants. Suddenly, Asians became the biggest losers of affirmative action, whites the second biggest, and Hispanics moderate beneficiaries. The goals of affirmative action became murkier – why would the U.S. government help Hispanic immigrants and their descendants with a program designed to help the descendants of black slaves?
Even more so, competition between disadvantaged groups seeking affirmative action lessened the benefits. Worse for the supporters of affirmative action, the biggest victims became a large and growing immigrant group and their children, a group whose ancestors were also targeted by racist laws like the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, various Alien Land Laws that barred Asians from owning land, and Japanese Internment.
There are three significant motivations for supporting redistribution, of which affirmative action is a type. They are self-interest, compassion, and malicious envy. Self-interest and compassion are obvious. Malicious envy is hatred toward a group that has done better. Immigration weakens all three supports for affirmative action. Immigration weakens self-interest by spreading the benefits among more groups, it weakens compassion because new beneficiaries have dubious claims to racial preferences under the justifications for the schemes, and malicious envy is weakened because the biggest victims are no longer whites.
Immigrants weakened affirmative action in the United States by being the specific plaintiffs in SFFA v. Harvard and changing the politics of the issue. But a far more substantial and destructive apparatus of affirmative action operates today through our immigration laws that bar about 96 percent of the world's population from participating in the American market meritocracy. Opponents of affirmative action should rest on their laurels by embracing just a touch more meritocracy just among Americans; they should embrace a true global meritocracy.

Six years after former President Donald Trump's withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal, the disastrous consequences of this decision are still adding up. In addition to Iran being closer than ever to a nuclear weapons capability, now we must consider how the declining security situation in the Middle East has raised the stakes significantly. Trump promised a "better deal" but instead we got an increasingly costly blunder that may be impossible to fix.To fully understand the enormity of Trump's decision to leave the Iran deal, consider this: When the U.S. and Iran were complying with the deal, it was estimated that it would take Iran about one year to produce enough fissile material (in this case, weapons grade uranium) for a nuclear bomb (known as the "breakout" time). The states negotiating with Iran (the United States, Russia, China, Great Britain, France, and Germany) assessed that this would be enough time to respond to possible violations and prevent Iran from producing a bomb. Even if Iran were to acquire sufficient fissile material, it could still take another year for Iran to make a deliverable nuclear weapon. As of May, 2018, the deal was working and considered (by most) to be a great success.Then President Trump unilaterally left the deal, calling it a "horrible one-sided deal that should have never, ever been made." And now we are in a much worse place. Iran says it has no intent to produce nuclear weapons and U.S. intelligence sees no current efforts by Tehran to weaponize, yet Tehran is believed to be not one year but just weeks from being able to produce enough fissile material for a bomb if it chooses to do so. At the same time, the ability of international inspectors to detect violations in a timely manner has eroded. As one U.S. official said of Iran, "they are dancing right up to the edge."Worse still, relations between the United States and Iran have been so damaged by Trump's withdrawal that it does not appear as though the deal can be resurrected. Any efforts to stabilize the U.S.-Iran relationship have been severely complicated by the recent exchange of direct attacks between Israel and Iran. Just as we need a non-military approach more than ever, the prospects for a diplomatic solution appear distant. What's worse is that increasing tensions may be pushing Tehran closer to a political decision to go nuclear. The danger of an Iranian bomb and the related risk that Israel could attack Iran's nuclear sites could lead to wider military conflict in the region. Of course, it did not have to be this way. The deal was working until Trump abandoned it and, if he had not, it could still be working today.How did we get here?To comply with the Iran deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or JCPOA, Tehran agreed to significantly limit its nuclear program. Under the deal:Iran agreed to reduce its stockpile of low-enriched uranium by 98% to 300kg and limit uranium enrichment to 3.67%, suitable for civilian nuclear power but well below highly enriched (20%) or weapons grade (90%). Those limits would have lasted for 15 years.Tehran limited the number of uranium centrifuges in operation by two-thirds and committed not to build any new enrichment facilities for 15 years. The Fordow enrichment plant (designed as a secret, underground facility) was prohibited from enriching uranium, and limited enrichment could take place only at the Natanz facility.Iran agreed to redesign another nuclear facility to produce much less plutonium and its spent fuel would be shipped out of country. Iran agreed to provisionally implement additional safeguards under the auspices of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).A year after President Trump's withdrawal, Iran began to retaliate by incrementally breaching the terms of the deal. Tehran lifted the cap on its uranium stockpile, increased enrichment beyond the allowed 3.67% and resumed and expanded activity at prohibited nuclear facilities.Many of Iran's advances were taken in response to provocative actions from the U.S. and Israel. In early 2020, the Trump administration killed Iranian Major General Qassem Soleimani, leader of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and soon after Tehran announced that it would no longer abide by its enrichment commitments under the deal. But, even so, Tehran said it would return to compliance if the other parties did so and met their commitments on sanctions relief.In late 2020, Iranian nuclear scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh was assassinated near Tehran, reportedly by Israel. Soon after, Iran's Guardian Council approved a law to speed up the nuclear program by enriching uranium to 20%, increasing the rate of production, installing new centrifuges, suspending implementation of expanded safeguards agreements, and reducing monitoring and verification cooperation with the IAEA. The Agency has been unable to adequately monitor Iran's nuclear activities under the deal since early 2021.Iran began enriching uranium to 20% in early 2021 at Fordow and then to 60% at Natanz a few months later after an act of sabotage damaged Natanz. Since then, Iran has been steadily increasing the rate of enriched uranium production. The latest IAEA report (February 2024) estimates Iran's enriched uranium stockpile to stand at 5,525kg, more than 27 times the level permitted under the deal, with 833kg enriched to 20-60%.How close to a bomb?Iran is steadily advancing its nuclear program, getting ever closer to becoming a "threshold state" with the ability to make a weapon while making no overt move to build one.The U.S. government estimated in March 2022 that Iran would need as little as one week to produce enough weapons-grade uranium for one nuclear weapon, according to a State Department official. During a March 2023 congressional hearing, then-Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mark Milley testified that Iran could produce this amount of enriched uranium "in approximately 10-15 days."In its 2024 annual threat assessment, the U.S. Office of the Director of National Intelligence concluded that "Tehran has the infrastructure and experience to quickly produce weapons-grade uranium, if it chooses to do so."And in March 2024, France, Germany, and the UK estimated that Iran had acquired enough highly enriched uranium that, if enriched further to 90%, would theoretically be enough for three nuclear explosive devices.There is greater uncertainty about how long it would take Iran to build a nuclear weapon once it has the required weapons-grade uranium. Such steps, referred to as "weaponization," include producing uranium metal and shaping it into bomb parts, producing high explosives and electronics, and fitting it all into a device that could be used for a demonstration test. It would presumably take longer to produce a bomb that could be delivered by aircraft or a warhead small enough to fit onto a ballistic missile.According to official U.S. assessments, Iran halted its nuclear weapons program in late 2003 and has not resumed it. Reportedly, this program's goal, according to U.S. officials and the IAEA, was to develop an implosion-style nuclear weapon for Iran's Shahab-3 ballistic missile. A State Department official stated in April 2022 that Iran would need approximately one year to complete the necessary weaponization steps.We cannot put Humpty Dumpty back together againMuch of Iran's uranium activities can be reversed; centrifuges can be disassembled, facilities can be closed, and uranium stocks can be blended down or shipped out of the country, as was done under the terms of the original deal. However, after years of operating more sophisticated centrifuges, Iran has acquired technical knowledge that cannot be undone.But more importantly, we have lost the political opportunity to reach a comprehensive deal with Iran. The Iran nuclear deal would not have been possible without the active support of Russia and China. Yet these countries are no longer aligned with the West on these issues and Iran is actively supporting Russia in its war with Ukraine and selling oil to China. Iran does not need sanctions relief from the United States as much as it once did.It was often said that although the Iran deal did not solve all the problems in the U.S.-Iran relationship, it solved an important one by taking an Iranian nuclear bomb out of the equation. That even if the myriad problems in the Middle East continued, at least we would not be facing those challenges and Iran on the nuclear threshold. And now that is exactly where we are.The lessons of this tragic tale are clear: a meaningful nuclear agreement is much harder to create than to destroy; if we are lucky enough to get one it should be protected; and if we lose it, we should try to replace it.The Iran deal was a truly remarkable achievement, and we would be much better off today if the United States had rejected the fantasy of a "better deal" and remained in compliance with the one we had. Trump's decision (aided by then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and then-national security adviser John Bolton) to walk away was an historic and utter failure. Now, the prospects of finding a new diplomatic solution to the Iran nuclear crisis are daunting. But we must try; the alternatives are worse.

U godini kada obilježavamo 250. obljetnicu hrvatskoga šumarstva, a u tijeku je 169. godina od utemeljenja Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva i tiskanja 139. godišta našega znanstveno-stručnoga i staleškog glasila Šumarski list, interesantno je baciti pogled na tekstove iz prvih godišta tiskanja časopisa, pa i povući paralelu s današnjicom.Već u prvome godištu 1877 god. pozornost nam privlači članak Adolfa Danhelovskog "Predlozi o štednji drva u proizvadjanju francezkih duga", u kojemu kaže da se postupak proizvodnje neznatno poboljšao, "premda ova vrst robe zaslužuje, da se najvećom štednjom proizvadja, dočim su njoj namijenjeni najkrasniji hrastici". To mora raditi "vješt radnik", jer se inače može "mnogo drva potratiti …., a užje se duge imaju izradjivati od tanjih stabalah ili trupacah". Nastavno, preporuča se radi uštede sortirati trupce sukladno dužini i širini zadanih dimenzija dužica, a slijede ostale preporuke za uštedu. Povucimo sada paralelu s tadašnjim razmišljanjem i preporukama glede štednje i današnjim rasipanjem nacionalnog bogatstva, korištenjem "najkrasnijih hrastika", tako da netržišna cijena sortimenata omogućuje proizvodnju poluproizvoda, a ne visoko finaliziranih proizvoda s velikom dodanom vrijednošću i maksimalnom zaposlenošću. Najžalosnije je kada se furnirski sortiment kamuflira u pilanski prozvod za izvoz, čime se "izvoze" i radna mjesta za kojima plačemo. O tome smo detaljnije pisali u uvodniku ŠL br. 5-6/2012. "Odnos šumarstva i prerade drva". Stoga se ne slažemo s tvrdnjom resornog ministra izrečenoj u razgovoru poslije Konferencije za tisak o kojoj pišemo u rubrici Aktualno, da su potpisani netržišni ugovori s drvoprerađivačima spasili domaću preradu drva od inozemne konkurencije. Za nas je i dalje to način rasipanja nacionalnog bogatstva i trenutačni probitak za račun pojedinaca, a ne za opće dobro.Članak iz trećeg godišta, 1879. god. Alex. Nik. Schultz podnaslovom "Sedam glavnih točaka šumskoga gospodarstva i njihova teoretično-praktična uporaba" započinje motom: "Proizvadjanje najveće kvantitativne i kvalitativne množine drva na najmanjoj površini: i čim vrlije gospodarstvo". U članku navodi kako šumsko gospodarstvo dijeli djelatnosti na temeljne i pripomoćne. Temeljne su računarstvo i prirodoslovlje, a pomoćne: tehnologija, zakonodavstvo, državoznastvo, računovodstvo povijest i geografija. Razdioba praktičnih struka šumskog gospodarstva dijeli na: "gojenje šume, b) zaštita šume zajedno s šumskom stražom, c) šumska poraba za jedno sa šumskom tehnologijom, d) šumska procjena zajedno s uredbom obhodnje i obračunanjem vriednosti i e) šumska uprava i šumsko ravnateljstvo". Ako razmislimo o poanti i današnjem poštivanju mota članka, zaključujemo da se sugerira maksimalno moguće korištenje proizvodnosti pojedinog šumskog staništa, a njegova bi degradacija predstavljala katastrofu. Komentirajući spomenutih sedam točaka, ponajprije navodi da je prva i glavna točka upravljanja i rada "teoretično i praktično naobraženo gospodarstveno osoblje da se može šumom koristno i potrajno gospodariti". Pita se "kako može čovjek uobće, koji neima niti pojma o neophodno nuždnih znanosti, upravljati šumom s mnogimi njezinimi osebujnosti". Druga glavna točka je samostalno odgovorno vođenje gospodarstva "bez pohlepe za dobitkom". Treća točka govori ponajviše o načinima obnove sastojina – umjetnim načinom ili prirodnim pomlađivanjem. U četvrtoj točci bilježimo zaključak: "Pošteni šumar, koji znade računati, ne će nikada privoliti, da njegov gospodar, kada se u momentanoj novčanoj neprilici snadje, te bude prisiljen, uteći se šumi, postane žrtvom takvih švindlera i šumskih pustošnika, te će svu svoju duševnu snagu upotriebiti, da ono što se ne da izbjeći, ograniči bar na najmanji prostor i s obzirom na budućnost". Peta točka tiče se "šumske porabe zajedno sa šumskom tehnologijom i važnija je nego što se na prvi čas čini", a detaljnije obrazlažući zaključuje da joj treba posvetiti dužnu pozornost prateći razvoj i primjenu novih tehnologija. Šesta točka obuhvaća "šumsku taksaciju zajedno s uredjenjem obhodnje i vriednostnim obračunom", a sve spomenute točke međusobno se isprepleću i potrebno ih je ne razdvajati, "jer bez poznavanja jedne ne da se druga izvesti". O sedmoj točci "k šumskoj upravi i ravnateljstvu šuma" nema se što posebno reći kaže on, jer je uglavnom obuhvaćena u prethodnim točkama, ali zaključuje kako prema staroj poslovici "od glave riba smrdi, a preneseno na šumsku industriju: ne valja li ravnateljstvo, to ne valja ni cielo šumsko podčinjeno osoblje. To vriedi kod svake grane gospodarstva, a potvrdjuju to i nebrojeni dokazi u čovječjem družtvenom životu i u svih strukah". Na kraju mi zaključujemo ovaj tekst s porukom – usporedite sami!Uredništvo ; The 250th anniversary of Croatian forestry and the 169th year of the foundation of the Croatian Forestry Association and the publication of the 139th issue of the scientific-professional and specialist magazine Forestry Journal offer an ideal opportunity to look back at the texts published in the first issues and draw a parallel with present times. The very first volume from the year 1877 contains an interesting article by Adolf Danhelovski "Recommendations on saving wood in the production of French staves", which states that the production process has improved slightly "although this type of goods requires maximal saving in its production, since they are produced of the most beautiful oak trees". Work should be performed by a "skilful labourer", otherwise much of the wood "might go to waste". Narrower staves should be made of thinner trees or logs". Furthermore, logs should be classified according to the length and width of stave dimensions required. Other recommendations for saving follow. Let us draw a parallel with the present manner and recommendations related to saving and present squandering of national resources by using "the most beautiful oak forests", so that the non-market prices of the assortments allows the production of semi-finished goods and not high-quality products with a high added value and maximal employment. What is detrimental is the fact that veneer assortments are camouflaged into sawmill products intended for export; this also means "export" of working places which we sorely need. We discussed this in more detail in the Editorial of the Forestry Journal No. 5-6/2012, "The relationship between forestry and wood processing". This is why we do not agree with the words of the competent minister said after a Press conference, which we discuss in the column Current Affairs. The minister claimed that non-market contracts with wood processors had saved home wood processing from foreign competition. We continue to perceive this as a way of squandering national wealth for momentary gain of an individual and not for the benefit of the society as a whole. The article published in the third year of publication in 1879, written by Alex. Ni. Sshulz and entitled "Seven main points of forest management and their theoretical-practical use" starts with a motto: "Production of he highest quantitative and qualitative amount of wood in the smallest area: and the best management". According to the article, forest management activities are divided into basic and auxiliary. The basic activities are mathematics and natural sciences and the auxiliary ones are technology, law-making, political sciences, book keeping, history and geography. Practical parts of forest management are divided into "a) silviculture, b) forest protection together with forest surveillance, c) use of forests together with forest technology, d) forest inventory with rotation and calculation of value and e) forest administration and forest directorate". From the present standpoint, the motto of the article suggests maximum possible use of the productivity of a particular forest site, whose degradation would mean catastrophe. In his comment of the seven points that follow, the author stresses that the first and the main point of management and work lies in "highly educated management personnel who posses theoretical and practical knowledge for useful and sustainable management of forests". He asks himself: "How can a person who has absolutely no knowledge of the basic sciences manage such a highly complex system as a forest?" The second point is independent management devoid of "greed for profit". The third point is primarily concerned with stand regeneration methods - artificial or natural regeneration. The fourth point contains a conclusion: "An honest forester who knows how to calculate will never allow his master, who, if faced with financial problems and forced to exploit his forest, to become a victim of swindlers and forest exploiters, and will use all his spiritual strength to at least limit what is unavoidable to the smallest space with regard to the future". The fifth point refers to "use of forests together with forest technology, which is more important that might seem at first glance". In his detailed explanation, the author concludes that the development and application of new technologies should be given due importance. The sixth point comprises "forest taxation together with rotations and value calculation". All the above points are mutually intertwined and cannot be separated from one another, "since without knowing one it is impossible to perform another". In the author´s words, the seventh point concerning "forest administration and forest directorate" requires no comments because everything is contained in the previous points, but he concludes that, as the old proverb says, "the fish rots from the head down", or translated into forest industry: if the directorate is no good, then the entire subordinate personnel will be no good. This refers to all branches of economy, and has been proven myriad of times in the human society and in all the professions". We conclude this text with the message – compare!Editorial Board

The Agbiotech Bulletin Volume 5 Issue 1 January 1997 Published by AG-WEST BIOTECH INC. Code Number:NL97003 Sizes of Files: Text: 48.9K Graphics: No associated graphics files Biotech Discovery Will Boost Oilseed Industry Researchers at the National Research Council's Plant Biotechnology Institute (PBI) in Saskatoon have discovered a genetic modification capable of increasing the oil production of rapeseed by up to 25 per cent. Developing High Erucic Rapeseed The discovery resulted from efforts to increase rapeseed's erucic acid content by adding a yeast gene. The erucic acid content was increased, but overall oil content in the seeds also rose by 25 per cent. Industrial Uses of S.H.E.A.R. Erucic acid and its derivatives, now obtained mainly from H.E.A.R. Brassica napus varieties, are widely used in the chemical industry, where they are considered environmentally friendly and a renewable resource. The main use of the oil is in the manufacture of plastic films, where the derivative erucamide is used as an anti-block, slip promoting agent. More recently erucic acid derivatives have been used in the manufacture of low-calorie food additives and coatings. Substantial Economic Implications Worldwide demand for erucic acid is expected to increase from about 40 million pounds in 1990 to 75 million pounds by 2010. Over the same time frame, demand for the derivative behenic acid is expected to triple to about 102 million pounds. News Ag-West President Resigns Dr. Bill Riley has resigned as President of Ag-West Biotech Inc. and as General Manager of ICAST effective January 5, 1997. Feed Centre Cements Chinese Contacts Four University of Saskatchewan researchers visited China recently to strengthen ties between the Saskatchewan and Chinese feed industry. Red Williams, Phil Thacker, Vern Racz, and David Christensen all of the Department of Animal and Poultry Science lectured at the First International Feed Industry Conference held in Beijing and took part in the official opening of the Ministry of Agriculture Feed Industry Centre (MAFIC) and its new headquarters building. Foiling Aluminum Intolerance Researchers at Agriculture Canada's Lacombe Research Centre are combing oat genetic resources in search of varieties with tolerance to the aluminum found in acidic soils. Fast method of detecting E. coli A seven-hour method of detecting Eschericha coli in food has been developed by Cornell University researchers. E. coli is a food-borne bacteria that causes hemorrhagic colitis and hemolytic uremic syndrome, two problems that can be deadly to children and elderly adults. Wild genes boost rice yield Also at Cornell, plant breeders have discovered genes in wild rice species that may help boost production of some of the world's major agricultural crops. Transgenic Cotton Has "Polyester" Fibres Researchers at Agracetus of Middleton, Wisconsin report the development of a transgenic cotton with some of the properties of polyester. .and Colours Meanwhile, a patent for transgenic colour changes in cotton has been issued to Calgene of Davis, California. Retrovirus-like components identified in corn genome Every living organism has a genome the DNA in each cell's nucleus which includes the active genes that determine the organism's characteristics. However, genes make up only a tiny percent of the genetic material in a cell, begging the question, "What are all those other things?" Scientists find way to eliminate junk genes Purdue University scientists Thomas K. Hodges and Leszek Lyznik have found a way to reduce the guesswork and errors in genetic engineering. The technology, which has been licensed for commercial application to Plant Genetic Systems, could speed the delivery of biotech-derived crops, and possibly even benefit human gene therapy. Scientists Narrow Search for Genes that Starve Worms Scientists at the Agricultural Research Service and Mississippi State University are making progress in their efforts to modify corn to express genes that can "starve" leaf-eating fall armyworms. Transgenic Blue Carnations Commercialized Florigene of Melbourne, Australia will be selling its transgenic blue "Moondust" carnations in Europe and Japan later this year. Regulatory Copyright Law Could Affect Research International treaties being proposed by the World Intellectual Property Organization could inhibit common uses of published research. Events Going Public CIBC's Knowledge-Based Business Unit will be jointly sponsoring a seminar on Taking Your Technology Company Public on Thursday, January 23, 1997. Biopesticides and Transgenic Plants A conference on Biopesticides and Transgenic Plants: New Technologies to Improve Efficiency, Safety and Profitability will be held January 27-28, 1997 in Washington, DC. Direct Seeding Direct Seeding: The Economic Advantage is the theme of The 9th Annual Meeting, Conference, and Trade Show of the Saskatchewan Soil Conservation Association. It will be held February 12-13 at the Saskatoon Prairieland Exhibition, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. Farm Animal Genetics Canadian Farm Animal Genetic Resources at the Crossroads: Crisis or Opportunity? is the topic of an International Speakers Forum planned for February 27-28, 1997 at Le Chateau Cartier in Aylmer, Quebec. Animal Biotech Beijing The Beijing International Conference on Animal Biotechnology will be held June 11-14, 1997 at the China Agricultural University in Beijing, China. Brassica '97 The International Society for Horticulture Symposium on Brassicas and the Tenth Crucifer Genetics Workshop will occur in Rennes, France from September 23-27, 1997. BIOTECH '97 The National Biotechnology Network will be holding BIOTECH '97 in Toronto from March 11-13, 1997 at the Toronto Marriott Eaton Centre Hotel. ABIC '98 Planning is underway for the Agricultural Biotechnology International Conference 1998 (ABIC '98) which will be held June 9-12, 1998 in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. Trends Depressing News Proponents of something called Kondratieff Wave cycles have come out with some depressing future trend forecasts. US Tops Canada in Biotech Support US authorities provide more support for biotech than their Canadian counterparts, laments an article appearing in the Ontario Farmer. Tide Turning For Biotech in Germany According to an item in the journal Science, surveys indicate that 60 per cent of Germans want their country to play a leading role in the development of the European biotech industry. Alliances Ontario Farmers Form Alliance for Biotech R&D A farmer initiated alliance to develop agricultural biotechnology has been formed in Ontario. Ontario Agri-Food Technologies brings together players ranging from the Ontario Federation of Agriculture, growers associations, and the Ontario Cattlemen's Association; to the universities of Toronto, Queen's, Waterloo, and Guelph; to major agricultural companies such as Monsanto, DuPont, Ciba, and Cyanamid. Tech Transfer Beef Development Centre To Facilitate Tech Transfer Years of discussion and planning among Saskatchewan's beef industry, government, and beef researchers has resulted in an innovative concept becoming a reality. Finance AgriBioTech Is Roundup Ready AgriBioTech has licensed Roundup Ready soybean technology from Monsanto, enabling it to market soybeans under its own AgriBioTech label. PGS/AgrEvo Deal Sign of the Times An article in Nature Biotechnology points to the acquisition of the biotech company Plant Genetic Systems by the agri- chemical giant AgrEvo as a key example of the growing value of innovative, patented plant biotechnologies. DE Gains Control of Mycogen DowElanco has bought a controlling share in Mycogen Corp. According to the Wall Street Journal, the purchase is a move to block Monsanto's bid for the agbiotech company. Monsanto To Spin Off Chemicals The directors of Monsanto Co. has approved a plan to spin off its chemical business to existing shareholders, leaving behind the company's more profitable agbiotech, pharmaceutical, and food ingredient business. Issues Biotech Controversy Boon to US Company The European controversy over transgenic crops has been a boon for Genetic ID, a US company that markets a test able to detect genetic alterations in corn and soybeans. European Food Labelling Dismissed as Ineffective Greenpeace has dismissed the European Parliament's move to label transgenic foods as ineffective. Greenpeace believes the move does not go far enough because some biotech-derived foods are exempted. South Africa Considers Biotech Regulation The South African Department of Tourism and Environmental Affairs has released a Green Paper on Biodiversity which also considers the potential environmental impacts of biotechnology in that country. Attitudes Biotechnology, Agriculture and Our Future: A Student's View (The following essay is by Kathryn Gustafson of Macoun, Saskatchewan. Gustafson, who attends Estevan Comprehensive School) Resources Feednews Feednews is the quarterly newsletter of the Feed Resource Centre located at the University of Saskatchewan in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. It carries news and information about international feedstuff markets, opportunities for value-added processing of Saskatchewan feed crops, and developments in animal nutrition. ULearn Centre Offers Ag Resources The ULearn Centre of the Extension Division of the University of Saskatchewan offers a wide range of print material and software to support on-going agricultural education and research. Progrid-TA^R Technology Assessment Progrid is a proprietary methodology for measuring the technical and commercial readiness of technology ventures and products. It is based on the experience of major Canadian technology-intensive corporations, supplemented with the track record of small and medium-size enterprises in bringing new products and services to the market place. Genome Workshop Report The report of the 1996 ISAG Comparative Genome Workshop in Tours, France is now available on the Web. Just click on "Comparative Mapping" and choose whatever format you prefer. People Watch Brandon Research Centre Dr. Karl Volkmar and Dr. Al Moulin have recently transferred to the Brandon Research Centre of Agriculture Canada. IBAC The Industrial Biotechnology Association of Canada recently elected its Board of Directors for 1997. We Welcome Your Input The AgBiotech Bulletin welcomes submissions of news, ideas and articles from subscribers. Information about new developments at your company or institution, notices about new products or resources, or observations about events and opportunities affecting the agbiotech industry will be considered for publication. Credits: The Agbiotech Bulletin is published 12 times per year on behalf of Ag-West Biotech Inc. by Westcross House Publications, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Canada S7K OR1.

The College Metcuty. VOL. IV. GETTYSBURG, PA., JULY, 1896. No. 5. THE COLLEGE MEfiCUftr, Published each month during the college year by the Students of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. STAFF. Editor: ROB3IN B. WOLF, '97. Associate Editors : LEWIS C. MANGES, '97. ED. W. MEISENHELDER, '98. SAMUEL J. MILLER '97. CHARLES T. JOHN W. OTT, '97. CHARLES H. E. L. KOLLER, '98. LARK TILP, Alumni Association Editor: REV. D. FRANK GARLAND, A. M., Baltimore, Md. Business Manager: HARRY R, SMITH, '97. Assistant Business Manager: JOHN E. MEISENHELDER, '97. -n.-.iru ("One volume (ten months). U'UMS-\Slngle copies Finable is advance. $1,110 .15 AH Students are requested to hand us matter tor publication. The Alumni and ex-members or the College will favor us by sending information concerning their whereabouts or any items they may think would be interesting for publication. All subscriptions and business matters should be addressed to the business manager. , Matter intended for publication should be addressed to the Editor Address, THE COLLEGE MEKCUHY, Gettysburg, Pa! CONTENTS. ABSTRACT or BACCALAUREATE SERMON, - 66 THE PLACE or THE Y. M. C. A. IN THE \ ,R SOCIOLOGY OF THE COLLEGE, | CLASS-DAY EXERCISES, . - --- 71 CLASS-DAY POEM, - 71 JUNIOR ORATORICAL CONTEST, - 71 HOME, SWEET HOME. - 71 ROLL OF HONOR, - - -.- - - - - - -74 COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT PROGRAM. --- 74 DEGREES. -74 SPECIAL ANNOUNCEMENT, - - 75 ALUMNI NOTES, 75 SrF.ciAL ANNOUNCEMENT, - - - 77 COLLEGE LOCALS, -' --- . 77 ATHLETICS, 79 HOTEL LOOKOUT, --81 ABSTRACT OF BACCALAUREATE SERMON. BY II. W. MCKNIGHT, D D., IX. D. li'h- 8: 5. "See, saith He, that thou make all things according to the pattern showed to thee in the Mount." These words relate to the building of the tabernacle in the wilderness. It was to sub-serve such great purposes in the camp of the chosen people that God himself had revealed the pattern of it to Moses on Mount Sinai, in-dicating and fixing both its general plan and its minutest details, and saying to him : "See that thou make all things according- to the pattern showed to thee.'' Moses was, first, to grasp clearly the plan, the ideal. He was to go to his work, not aimlessly, but knowing what he was to do and how he was to do it. Definiteness of plan, distinctness of ideal, and fidelity to it were to him the esseutialconditions of success. The lessons thus taught are easily discerned. They are applicable now and here. You, my young friends, are about to go down from a veritable mount of privilege and preparatory training to engagements and a mission that have been fixed for you in the divine plan. Your intended work is to be constructive. You are to be builders in a very high and real sense—builders of character, organizers and constructors of a lifework as solemn in its im-port as destiny and as enduring as the endless cycles of eternity. Nor are you left to guess what you are to do and how you are to do it. God, who has built the universe and formed its myriad and minutest parts together in a comprehensive and harmonious plan, whose purpose shines in every star, blooms in every flower, is enfolded in every seed and finds ex-pression in every voice of nature, has his plan, also, for your life and work. He has embod-ied it for your guidance in the precepts and principles of His word. He has revealed it 67 THE COLLEGE MERCURY. most clearly and impressively in the spotless example of His Son. He has brought you up to that other mount of latest and sweetest reve-lation, the mount of the cross, that you might with open-face behold and with grateful hearts love the heavenly pattern of living and work-ing. Fidelity to this divine ideal is central and all inclusive in your preparation for life. To ignore it is the madness of turning from light to darkness. To practically neglect it will be to repeat the fatal mistake of the foolish builder who "built his house upon the sand," and whose plans and efforts and hopes came to naught in the ruin wrought by the tempest's and torrent's fury. Speaking to you, therefore, in the name of your instructors and delivering to you the final and affectionate charge of the institution, whose training you have received, permit me to set before you the pattern of a true life, to urge you to embody it in the ideal, and plans you form for your work, and to re-peat to you the solemn injunction : "See that you make all things according to it.'' He then presented and discussed the ideal of a true life as ist. The subordination of the material to the spiritual. 2nd. The embodiment of beneficence. 3rd. Having as its radiant centre—its Holy of Holies, God, his will, grace and glory. After discussing these points he addressed the class as follows : "My young friends of the class of'96: In sending you forth now, the Institution is concerned, not only for what you will do, but also for the spirit in which you will do it. It would have you adopt as the stand-ard by which you will measure your achieve-ments a high and worthy ideal and aim. What you will do, the spheres you will fill, will be determined largely by your endowments and opportunities, by circumstances not always within your control. You may not be per-mitted to choose what you will do, but you can determine the spirit in which you will do it. This, more than anything else, will settle the question of your worthiness and real suc-cess. Ideals and aims, whether right or wrong, true or false, lofty or low, though but neutral facts, mere abstractions, become a vitalized force to those who make them their own—a power to be measured only by the comprehen-siveness and reach of the principles involved. Whether in the form of proverbs, mottoes or doctrine, they have masterful force. Men bow before them as the ripened corn before the au-tumn winds. How the recent re-statement of the Monroe doctrine, our nation's ideal for this continent, and its interposition against the ag-gression of England roused the people with readiness to subordinate to it all other interests and to defend it at any cost : "Freedom for the American slave," too, was once only an abstraction, and those who cherished it were decried as wild enthusiasts, but it asserted its sway and, through the proclamation of Presi-dent Lincoln and the victories of the Union arms, became a sublime reality in the disen-thrallment of swarthy millions. Of the Puri-tans, whose unswerving devotion to truth and the principles of liberty once made them seem so visionary, whose name has become familiar as any household word in the homes of free-dom, and whose imperishable memorial is the civil and religious liberty of England and America. Macaulay, tracing the power that swayed them to its source, has well said: "They derived their character from the daily contemplation of superior beings and eternal interests." All history attests the fact that all men who have done the best and largest work first wrought out in thought the pattern of their work. They anticipated the end from the beginning and set their aims toward it as the pilot holds the prow of his ship towards the harbor beyond the sea. Greatness and steadiness of aim impelled Paul and Luther to heroic deeds and made them a world-wide force. The loftiness of their ideals drew them up with increasing strength into spheres of sub-limest achievement. Nor can you come into excellence of char-acter and work in any other way. "Purpose," it has been wisely said, "is what gives life a meaning." It rouses and directs the energies, THE COLLEGE MERCURY. 68 and prevents drifting. Bind your life to that which is great and good, and greatness and goodness will be your enduring portion. A worthy ideal will give its ennobling impress to vour character and work, in any sphere, even as the beauty of the blossom is determined by the colors laid at the root of the tree. In the very sense of incompleteness, of "having not yet attained" which it begets and perpetuates vou will find a prime condition of progress, and an urgency to such sustained effort as in-sures increasing effectiveness and power. "Mrs. Sarah Larman Smith," it is said, "learned to talk of Christ to the Arab women in a few months, and Schwartz to the Hindoos in three weeks." Why? A great purpose— to preach the gospel to the benighted and per-ishing, quickened their faculties and enabled them to do in a few weeks or months what to minds, lacking such inspiration, would have been the work of years. So let it be with you. While you dwell among things which seem temporal and have to do with them, look above and beyond them at the things which are un-seen and eternal. Let your ideal of living and working be a pattern showed to you in the Mount of God, a celestial power and iuspira: tion in the doing of earthly things. Grasp its full significance "in the perfect man" in whom the ideal became the real, and pattern was changed with person. Let His love constrain you ; His arms control you ; His example in-spire and mould you ; let it be Christ for you to live, and the end will be, must be, eternal gain. "See that you make all things accord-ing to the pattern showed to you in the Mount.'' THE PLACE OF THE Y. M. C. A. IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE COLLEGE. BY DR. ENOCH PERRINE. A change international in extent has revo-lutionized the college world. Barriers between the different classes and between professors and students have been broken down. An-tagonism between different professors and bit-ter contention between colleges has largely disappeared. Colleges are bound even in an international fellowship. All departments contribute to this movement, the Y. M. C. A. most of all, suggesting a sociology of the col-lege. The young man coming to college thinks first of his social status, the attitude of other students, and whether he shall make war or peace. Formerly he had to conquer a place and having established his reputation as a dangerous man, he visited the newer comer with the same horrors to which he had been subjected. Now the Y. M. C. A. meets him at the beginning and does numberless acts of kindness, exhibiting the characteristics of Christ, "the first true gentleman that ever breathed." It thus binds the college world fast by social ties. This must be done in the college before we can expect, it to obtain out-side, since in the college are peculiar incen-tives for the work. The young man next adjusts himself to his intellectual environment. He begins to be shut in by the material success about him and may be tempted to leave behind his "trailing clouds of glory." Then the Y. M. C. A. can direct aright his thought, insisting that God ought to be traced everywhere, thus binding all his intellectual efforts around the cross of Christ, "by whom all things consist." The importance and office of the intellect in the pursuit of truth will be plain to him. Darwin suffered an atrophy ou his poetic and spiritual side and the Y. M. C. A. may prevent such a fate from overtaking their fellows, thus pre-venting the head from freezing the heart and working a great benefit in the Intellectual life of the college. As he proceeds in the acquisition of knowl-edge, the young student will begin to think that in ideas alone there is a defense against moral degredation and a nepenthe for all dis-appointments. Culture will keep corruption from his hands—will be a shelter in the time of storm. Orators and poets shall be his all in all. Then the Y. M. C. A. may give him 69 THK COLLEGE MERCURY. right conceptions as to the Moral life, assert-ing that it is pitiful when the soul mounts higher but comes not closer to God and prov-ing that he only is truly moral who bases his life upon God. All parts of the social life are to be harmonized under one supreme principle. This is to be found at the foot of the cross and any other proposal is but a scheme of decep-tion leaving the mighty turmoil to seethe and boil underneath in undiminished horror. As the Y. M. C. A. insists upon this no man of culture will wail with Mathew Arnold that "most men die unfreed, having seen nothing, still unblest." But all these results may be successfully ac-complished and yet the student may miss the crowning glory. He may play the gentleman in the highest outward sense, may go willingly to the point where his logical faculties assure him that'there is a God, may develop his aesthetic sense so that the moral thing shall seem to be a beautiful thing, and yet blending by all this glory he may not know that he is really in Chimerian darkness. Then the Y. M. C. A. can declare that only he truly loves who loves a personality, that no one ever got beyond a cold respect for an abstraction, though that abstraction be a s.ream of tend-ency that makes for righteousness, and that one must see the king in his beauty before he will get that larger outlook without which life is flat, stale and unprofitable. The Y. M. C. A. can bring about this very desirable change of view better than any other agency about the college since the ordinary student out of Christ, now that he is no longer in the acad-emy, will resent the efforts of his professors to a greater degree than he will those of his fel-lows. Hence in the Social, Intellectual, Moral and Spiritual life of the college, the Y. M. C. A. can make its influence felt at every point, con-tributing that great and final binding force which will make the students in colleges in all lauds a more nearly compact body, and hence furnishing the material for an enduring sociol-ogy inside the college that shall spread out-ward in power and bring the world into a fed-erated parliament that-shall be the longest known to history'. FINE ART'S LIFE. BY L. P. EISENHART. Delightfully care-free seems the Fine Art's career to most of us. Light-hearted and blith-some, it is like the Arcadian life of poetic lore. But beneath its ruddy surface are the marks of many a suffering, the traces of many a heartache. The working of these hidden cares gives to genius its wonted lustre. Sons of art whatever be its realm are all of one brotherhood. The story of the one is the re-told tale of the other. The history of Italy is one great romance. It is the story of sailors, painters and poets. But its fulcrum chapter is the tale of that life-tossed son of Florence. Dante. Born into the throes of civil war, banished from office, de-serted by his friends, he was turned out of his beloved Florence, a heart-broken exile. Sor-row- stricken, death-doomed, he became a wan-derer with no home on earth. An American poet told his life-story in the epithet "world-worn." But his thoughts kept tending toward the eternal world. There his tender pitying soul found a calm repose. This hidden pain of a wrecked and thwarted usefulness showed itself seared and smarting in the Divine Comedy. Had he been spared these suffer-ings, the world would have lost its greatest epic, "the voice often silent centuries" would have been unheard. Insanity made an exile of another Italian bard. Vexed in spirit and failing in body, it was during the same moments of his prison lite that he poured forth his sweetest strains. In another clime those ballads which inspired a nation's people with the love of country are the life thoughts of a poverty-cursed poet. England's master poet in the trouble time of life wrote his best tragedies. A German poet touched the key-note of Fine Art's life when he said of a fellow-craftsman, "The Muse of THE COEEEGE MERCURY. 70 Comedy kissed him on the lips, but the Muse of Tragedy on the heart." Many a versed line lightly passed by has in it the throb and heart-break of tragic every day. The picture of Scott's departure from life-bought Abbottsford is painted in cold, gray colors. We who read his tales of Scotland life scarce realize the pathos and romance of their writer's ill-fated career. Of it his own words were: "But death would have them from me, if misfortunes had spared them." Pride-stricken, broken in body and crushed in spirit he toiled until his fingers could no longer grasp that noted pen. Scott, the minstrel of Highlandlays, the story-teller of border life appeared in the tragic fifth act of his life as Scott the great-hearted man. The life of Robert Louis Stevenson was one long struggle for health. It was this that led him into the pleasant scenes of Scotland, brought him to America, and finally carried him to the island of Samoa. Yet in these blighted years came his creative mood, came too his working day. *'I count life just a stuff To try the soul's strength on, educe the man." Delightful Jean Paul Richter gave this word-ing to our theme—thought. "Fate does with poets, as'we-do with birds—it darkens the warbler's cage until he has caught the oft-played air that he is to sing." Workers at canvas and easel have painted with real meaning in dark, sombre hues. Michel Angelo working for years on those Florentine frescoes, a victim of civil strife and hated by his fellow-painters is a picture not to be forgotten. Many a time did faithless patrons and flights for liberty stay his brush. The sweet-faced Madonnas of an earlier art age are their master's souls in color. Had they life, theirs would be a touching tale of dingy garrets, sleepless nights, days of untold hunger. Pressing poverty and a father's violence made intense the storm and stress period of Beethoven's life. Few were the moments not embittered by trouble at home, ingratitude of friends and the sting of unjust criticism. But life itself seemed lost when the dearest of all senses to him was gradually passing away. His own sonatas could no longer make sound-harmony. It was at this time that he poured forth his great symphonies, those tales of human woe. That was poetic music, the music of the soul. Not one of Schubert's greater operas was placed upon the stage ; nor was he ever to hear his own symphonies ; to him starvation was an uncanny darkness, ever near by. The Fine Art's life of our master musicians is a song in minors. The saddening notes of their soul-touching sonatas are the echoes of many sufferings. Behind the richly-colored scenes of the glit-tering theatre have been acted life's sternest realities. Queens of the stage and kings among actors have not only acted tragedies but have also lived them. While yet a mere boy, Edwin Booth, snow-bound amid the' wastes of Nevada, heard the news of his father's death, the loss of his only hope. The woman of his first love, the companion in his art, died in his absence. Then came the rash act of a lunatic brother, which cast a shadow over the whole world and for a moment his reputation and honored name seemed lost. But a nation's sympathy and the sense of duty to his great art called him back from his gloomy retire-ment. Returning, "he saw his fortune of more than a million dollars, together with the toil of some of the best years of his life frittered away." "A crowning hurt was the gradual passing away of his style of dramatic art. Booth was a dreamer, made sublime by suffer-ing. It was his cares and sorrows that made him dreamy and mysterious in Hamlet, tender and majestic in Richelieu, frenzied and at the same time affectionate in King Eear. May we not say, then, that often has it been the storm and stress of things that has cried to the Fine Art's soul, "Awake !" The Kalendar is the name of an interesting exchange that comes to our table from the Woman's College, of Baltimore. 71 THE COLLEGE MERCURY. CLASS-DAY EXERCISES. TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 16, 1896. Master of Ceremonies, - - - - L. P. EISENHART. Music—Orchestra. CLASS EXERCISES. Class Roll, ARTHUR C. CARTY. Class History, IRA O. MOSER. Class Poem, EDNA M. LOOMIS. Music—Orchestra. Presentation Oration, - - WILLIAM R. REITZEL. Class Prophecy, FRED. J. BAUM. Peace Cup Oration, WILLIAMG. BRUBAKER. Mantle Presentation, - - - - WILLIAM MENGES. Junior Response, HENRY W. BIKI.E. Final Parade around the buildings, headed by the Band. CLASS-DAY POEM. From our Freshman year to Senior, College life meant toil and pain ; Now, lessons all are learned, and never Need we con them o'er again. Oh, the joy this thought brings with it; Joy wo feel but cannot speak. No more trials with mathematics, Logic, chemistry, or Greek. Yet, amid these thoughts of pleasure, I am in a dreadful fix; For the class must have a poem, And what will rhyme with '96? All the words by Webster given, All of those in Worcester found, One by one I've looked them over, But they give no classic sound. Days and nights I've toiled in anguish, 'Till my brain is in a mix; But not a word of sound poetic, Will make a rhyme with '96. All the class has done and conquered, All its record pnre and bright, Merit words of beauty, surely, Yet with prosy pen I write. I would say, the class are noble, Yet I only call them "bricks;" It is slang, I know, but truly, Noble will not rhyme with six. When I say of this or that one, He does well, he never sticks, Do not criticise my language, It's all the fault of '96. I would say they all are students, Aud I say, "They burn their wicks ;" Midnight oil would sound much better, But that won't rhyme with '96. Sometimes, classes passed thro' college, Trusting in a horse that kicks; Some have wasted time, but never, Was this done by '96. Some, the Faculty have worried, With their wild and foolish tricks. Neither this, nor any such thing, Has been done by '96. Thus, our record's full of honor; Not a conscience here that pricks! Every heart is brave and loyal, In the class of'96. But our college days are over, And we turn in sadness round; Noting now, with tender memories, Each familiar sight and sound. Hall, and "dorm" and "lab" and chapel, And the solemn clock that ticks, Mid our jokes and smiles the warrant For the death of'96. Now, the time has come for parting; Hall and Campus, loved of yore, Loved forever, we must leave you, We may dwell with you no more. Gettysburg, our Alma Mater, Mournful is the latch that clicks, As we pass beyond thy portal, A long farewell to '96. JUNIOR ORATORICAL CONTEST. WEDNESDAY, The Magnetism of Mystery, Our Debt to our Forefathers, National Character, - The Model American, - Home, Sweet Home, r International Arbitration, The Mission of the Jew, - Shoals of Success. - fPhrenakosmian. ♦Philomathsan. JUNE 17, 1896. GEORGE W. ENGLAR:* P. T. E- STOCKSLAGER.f - HORACE E- CLUTE.* ROBBIN B. WOLF.t - A. GERTRUDE SIEBER.* JOHN \V. OTT.f - GEORGE F. ABEL.* HENRY W. BIKLE.I HOME, SWEET HOME. BY ANNA G. SIEBER-The home is a divine institution, founded when God created our first parents in his own image and placed them in that home of prim-eval innocence to form the nucleus of the race. Even since the fallj which "brought death into the world and all our woe," the home bears the marks of divine fingers. Here love's first and finest feelings find expression and the wholesome restraints of government begin their peaceful sway. The Father of us all set the solitary in families and bound them together with ties of mutual sympathy, mutual depend-ence and mutual helpfulness. From the begin- THE COLLEGE MERCURY. 72 ning its divine sanction as well as its divine wisdom was recognized. Among the chosen people it developed into the patriarchal gov-ernment ; among the Greeks and Romans, in their highest civilization, the home was a sacred spot and the family the cradle of social and political power and the school of patriotism and religion. With the neglect of the home and a disregard for the family, came the decay of morals, the loss of power and the fall of the empire. The home must ever be the founda-tion of government, and if the foundations be destroyed, how can the individual, social and political building stand ? If the home be pro-tected and the graces of virtue, education, in-dustry and religion be carefully fostered and cultivated, the nation must live and fulfil her high destiny. The coming campaign will doubtless again fill the air with eloquent argu-ment in protection of the national sheep and the American hen and skillfully fail to mention the imperiled boy in the citadel of the Ameri-can home. Whether our great leaders recog-nize the home in their ambition for position or not, the fact remains the same, that here lies the secret of national power or weakness. There are several insidious tendencies which threaten the national life by destroying the home. There is the mad rush to the large cities early in life to secure financial advant-age. Leaving the pure mountain air, the ten-der ministries of home and nature, the asso-ciations of religion in the country or village church, the simple demands of society, the modern young man is tossed like a toy upon the jostling mass of humanity to "break every tender tie" of home, to live in the city board-ing house or hotel and to measure his untried strength with the powers of the world, the flesh and the devil. His future success in building character that will ornament society, strengthen the church, and protect the nation from potitical peril will depend largely upon the principles brought from the obscure home among the hills and valleys of his youth. The permanence of his financial and social standing must depend finally, not so much upon the tricks of trade, nor the chance of fortune, but upon the fidelity to truth, the per-sistent industry and the self-sacrificing econ-omy, laid stone upon stone, in the tedious for-mation of character about the humble home of childhood. Even wealth or position without these would be a calamity. The mountain stream, bursting from the rock, leaping with youthful glee over many a sunlit cascade, goes hurrying to the broad plain below, to turn the weels of industry, to quench the thirst ol a multitude, to join hands with kindred streams and bear upon her jew-eled decked bosom the commerce of a world. But there are a few simple laws laid down by Mother Nature, from which she must never depart. vSo, from the home must go the forces that will drive the machinery of a nation, strike hands with their kindred beyond the seas, and lift an exiled world back to God. Our success will depend upon a few simple laws which God and our Christian mothers will teach us. One of these principles is that gold must not become the individual's nor the nation's god. There are things finer than gold, more pre-cious than much fine gold. Those invisible hands that bind the gold-thirsty young man to his mother, those imperishable chords that in-crease their tension with distant separation and will not relax through the pleadings of time. Those divine threads that are woven into the web of our lives, in such a variety of color, through so many years of tender ministries, which neither the sunshine nor the rain will cause to fade. That mysterious attraction that tears the busy merchant from his surroundings to hasten to the old home, to feast the eyes upon scenes that will not perish, to quicken the affections that cannot die, to grasp the parental hand that warms with age, and to look upon the face of the only one whose feat-ures beautify with years. What strange calculations are these ! By some irresistible logic, as he stands by the grave of the departed mother, he reasons thus: 73 THE COU-EGE MERCURY. Take these stocks and bonds, these railroad and real estate interests, seize these large man-ufacturing and commercial. enterprises, take this palace of marble and bury them all, rather than let the cruel clay hide from me the treas-ured influence that crowned that life, finer than gold. Wealth must not become our ideal nor our idol. Only as it builds more homes and builds them more beautiful, adorns them with culture and religion, sweetens them as fountains of purity for the healing of the nation, strength-ens them as fortresses for her protection, will it bless our civilization. Another tendency that threatens the home is the social condition which seeks to separate the family. There is a kind of centrifugal force which tends to scatter the members of the household and destroy that bond which should bind them together with a kind of social grav-itation, which afterwards becomes the power of the community and of the state. There is danger of the boys and girls being thrown from the home nest before the fledgelings can use their wings or have wisdom to select their food. There are many temptations to lure them from the tender influences and sympa-thies of those who reared them. Even the recognized helps may prove hindrances ;. the schools that place these young lives in the hands of strangers over half their time from six years of age, the social, innocent pleasures that rob the parents of over half the remainder of their heaven-given opportunities, to say nothing of those attractions which cause many to spend the remainder of their time not spent in eating and sleeping outside of the home. How narrow the margin becomes for the home to do its work. To pi ess the plastic ma-terial into shape, to lay the artful chisel to the stone and hew with loving stroke the perfect form. How jealous the parent should be of these first and best opportunities! How guarded the sensitive plate of the mind and heart, that the first light to shine upon its deli-cate surface should reflect a perfect image ! Is the father anxious to spend the leisure hours in the home rather than in the lodge or club house, or is he too busy with his profes-sion, too closely confined to his business to im-press true character upon his own boy, who shall succeed him in business and become heir of his hard-earned estate ? Has the wife and mother been more anxious to keep flies out of the house than to keep her boy in ; has she be-stowed more thought upon velvet or brussels than upon the delicately woven character of an immortal ; has she studied to make an impres-sion upon fashionable society rather than to impress a future citizen of the State ? The law of nature will not be reversed to make amends for parental indifference or careless-ness. The colors we mix will appear on the canvas, the materials we use in the mortar will show themselves in the building. Is the home the centre of attraction and interest? Then it has its rightful place and becomes the sun of the system around which all things re-volve, from which they get their light and heat and are held in their proper orbits. De-stroy this relation, and confusion and anarchy follow. The home is a miniature government, in which the parents rule. Here begins re-spect for authority and obedience to law, the two great essentials in the security of the State; and if not learned here, may be learned too late to avert crime. Here are developed those finer affections toward brothers and sisters which, when en-larged, produce true patriotism and make "the whole world kin." Here under the form of possessions acquired and protected, the true right of ownership becomes early established, that true love of country may become the en-larged law of self-protection ; thus combining the law of chivalry to defend the innocent and the heroism of the soldier to protect the nation. The social and national life are found in min-iature in the empire of the home which, when properly controlled, becomes the ideal of the national government. The King rules his subjects with a father's tenderness. The sub-jects obey the laws, prompted by filial grati-tude for the general good. An injustice against THE COLLEGE MERCURY. 74 one member is an offense against the whole body politic. Suffering in part enlists the sympathy of the whole. A cry of distress startles the nation and all the nerves of sensa-tion carry the news and the alarm brings re-pair and relief trains over every highway of approach. The homes of the nation must ever be the fountains for the public school, the supply for the church, the protection of our liberties against internal and external foes. These must be the watch towers, and the sons and daughters the real standing army to protect our civil and religious liberties. The thousands of men who live on wheels, without a sure place to set their feet, must have a starting-point and a returning point for their souls, a tension to hold them in place more binding than the rules of the business firm, a restraint to stay their feet on the verge of temptation mightier than law, an unseen angel to stand between them and sin, to guard them from its blighting touch This starting-point is the Christian home, this tension, the mystic chord that binds them to the altar, this angel, the messenger that sits in the temple of the memory and holds the wife, the mother, the innocent children before the soul. The home is a type of Heaven, the perfec-tion of future blessedness. God, the Father of us all, Christ, the Brother of us all, we, the children. From the imperfect to the perfect, from the trial to the triumph. We are but children away from home. Earth is but the play-ground. We stretch onr tiny hands toward the stars glimmering in the dark-ness that surrounds us. We tire of these earthly toys. We cry, in our distress, to grasp the eternal. The father hears his lost childrens' piteous wail and calls us home ; sweet, sweet, home. ROLL OF HONOR. FIRST HONOR. LUTHER P. EISENHART, York. D. EDGAR RICE, Chainbersburg. GRAYSON Z. STOP, Frederick, Md. EDNA M LOOMIS, Troy. GRIFF PRIZE, FOR BEST ESSAY ON HOLMES AS THE POET OF COLLEGIANS." LUTHER P. EISENHAET, York. HASSLER GOLD MEDAL, JUNIOR LATIN PRIZE. ELKANAH M. DUCK, Spring Mills. WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF GEORGE F. ABEL, Philadelphia. BAUM SOPHOMORE MATHEMATICAL PRIZE. JAMES A. MCALLISTER, Gettysburg EFPIE ELIZABETH HESS, - - - - Taneytown, Md! WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF EDMUND W. MEISENHELDER, York. EDMUND L. ROLLER, Hanover. CHARLES T. LARK, - - - - - - Millersburg. WILLIAM H. SPRENKLE, - - - Jack's Mountain. ALBERTUS G. FUSS, . Williamsport, Md. MUHLENBERG FRESHMAN PRIZE. FOR BEST GENERAL SCHOLARSHIP. HENRY ALBERS, JR., Jersey City, N. J. WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF ARTHUR STC. BRUMBAUGH, - - - Roaring Spring. STEWARD W. HERMAN, - . York. PAUL H. BIKLE, Gettysburg. REDDIG PRIZE IN ORATORV. ANNA GERTRUDE SIEBER, . Gettysburg. WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF HENRY WOLF BIKLE, Gettysburg. GEORGE F. ABEL, Philadelphia. *—♦—» COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT PROGRAM. THURSDAY, JUNE 18, 1896. Latin Salutatory, GRAYSON Z. STUP. Christianity and the Working Class, - WEBSTER C. SPAYDE. Municipal Reform, . FREDERICK J. BAUM. Cecil Rhodes, -. MERCHANT TAILOR flje tat Work at uje) NEXT DOOF* TO 5 Suits from $12,00 to $40.00. Lowest iPrkss, \ P^^f' J Paots from $00 to $121, ^Centre Square.^ COLLEGE OF PHVSICIANS S SURGEONS, The (College of Physicians and Surgeons of Balti-more, Maryland, i.s a well-equipped school. Four ses-sions arc required for graduation. For full informa-tion send for the animal catalogue, or write to THOMAS OPIE, M. D., Dean, Cor. Calvert and Saratoga Sts. c_£p»Established 1876.-5-5 *PBN110SB SfYBRSJfc WATCHMAKER AND JEWELER, Gettfsborg Souvenir Spoons, College Souvenir Spoons, No. 10 Baltimore Street, GETTYSBURG, PENN'A. J. A TAWNEV Is ready to furnish clubs and boarding houses BREAD, ROLLS, &0., at short notice and reasonable rates. Cor.Washington and Middle Sts., Gettysburg. WiiWlsiHoSwiit DEALERS IN Fresh Beef, Veal, Lamb, Pork, Pudding, Sausage, HAMS, LARD, &c-., GETTYSBURG, IMIM'A. JOHN L. SHERDS. NEW CIGAR STORE Next door io W. M.

In a recent interview with Jordan's government-backed broadcaster, America's top military officer lavished praise on the country's armed forces.


"We have common interests and common values," said Gen. Mark Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. "The Jordanian Armed Forces are very professional. They're very capable. They're well led."


Milley's view represents the most common American line on the Jordanian military, which has long enjoyed a close relationship with the Pentagon. There's just one problem: It's dead wrong, according to Sean Yom, a political science professor at Temple University.


Where Washington sees a small-but-mighty army, Yom sees a "glorified garrison force," as he wrote in a chapter of the recent edited volume, "Security Assistance in the Middle East." The Jordanian military, he writes, is "more accustomed to policing society to maintain authoritarian order at home than undertaking sophisticated operations."


As Yom notes, the regime that the Jordanian military defends has become increasingly autocratic in recent years. King Abdullah recently approved a cybercrime law that would allow the government to jail its citizens for promulgating "fake news" or "undermining national unity" — terms that the law largely leaves undefined. The crackdown on expression comes just three years after the government crushed the country's teachers' union, which had previously acted as a primary vehicle for political opposition in Jordan.


So what does the U.S. have to show for its decades of lavish support for Jordan's military? And what can that tell us about how Washington should approach security aid? RS spoke with Yom to find out. The conversation has been edited for length and clarity.





RS: The conventional story of U.S. security assistance is that, even though some of the countries that we help are authoritarian in nature, our aid tends to lead to greater respect for democracy, and if it doesn't do that, it at least will strengthen partner militaries. But in your chapter, you describe a different story in Jordan. Can you walk me through that a little bit?


Yom: U.S security assistance is typically justified through the doctrine of "building partner capacity." There has been a lot of ink spilled on the importance of modernizing the Jordanian Armed Forces and ensuring that it is a capable, coherent and interoperable armed force that can seamlessly work with the U.S. military or conduct operations on its own in the service of defending Jordan, or bolstering regional stability, for instance, by undertaking counterterrorist operations or contributing to peacekeeping missions.


The problem is that there is very little historical evidence that the Jordanian military is actually a capable fighting force, and I think a few key pieces of evidence underlie this. Number one, Jordan really hasn't fought a major armed conflict in a half century. It's undertaken peacekeeping abroad through the moniker of the UN, and it occasionally conducts one-off missions such as its airstrikes against the Islamic State in Syria back in 2014. But there is very little evidence on the battlefield that the Jordanian military is what the U.S. would call a capable and competent partner military. The other piece of evidence is that much of Jordan's defense structure has partly been offshored to the United States. The border surveillance system between Jordan and Syria was built by Raytheon Company through U.S. military and economic grants, and much of Jordanian airspace is monitored as closely by the United States as it is by the Jordanians themselves. The significant U.S. military buildup in Jordan is part and parcel of the United States interest in defending the sovereignty of Jordan and ensuring that foreign aggressors — whether they are terrorists or militant organizations or even foreign states — do not penetrate very far into the Hashemite Kingdom.


We don't see a military that is being built to be capable and modernized and independent and combat ready. Instead, the overriding justification — internally at least, seldom mentioned publicly — is that U.S. security assistance in Jordan is designed not to build partner capacity but to ensure political access to the Hashemite monarchy and to lubricate U.S.-Jordanian relations to make sure that this bilateral alliance is smooth and allows both sides to achieve their mutual interests. In Jordan's case, [its interests are] to remain stable, to receive aid and arms from the United States, and to preserve its sovereignty, and in Washington's case, it's to make sure that there is a pro-Western oasis of moderation in the heart of the Near East.


RS: A question that's underlying a bunch of this is whether the monarchy and the system as it exists in Jordan could even continue to exist without American support. To put it bluntly, does U.S. aid underwrite autocracy in Jordan?


Yom: I think it does, but with a few caveats. The first is that, in comparative perspective, Jordan is not unique in being a middle-income country whose autocratic regime needs foreign aid to survive. The other caveat is that I don't necessarily think that U.S. support and aid is the only reason why the current system of government in Jordan is able to endure. It has its own survival mechanisms, whether it is rallying support from certain constituencies in society, such as some tribal communities, or leaning heavily on other partners in the region.


But I will say this: U.S. support may not be the only reason, but it is a major reason why the Hashemite monarchy and its regime has been able to maintain its current political strategy of maintaining power, which is not to democratize or alleviate repression but rather to maintain an authoritarian status quo. And I think U.S. support is also a major reason why the Jordanian leadership has very little incentive to grant meaningful political reforms such as curtailing corruption and granting more democratic freedoms, which clearly a majority of Jordanians desire. And we know this from public surveys. Jordanians are very explicit in what they are unhappy about the current political system, but they also feel that, because the U.S. often refuses to pressure the Jordanian government to grant or concede more of these reforms, they feel that the U.S. is complicit and preserving the authoritarian status quo.


Geopolitically, Jordan plays an important function to U.S. grand strategy as a critical part of its war-making infrastructure in the Middle East, as well as diplomatically a pro-Western oasis or island of stability in the heart of a "shatterbelt" of the Middle East. Because of these factors, Washington has very little problem providing such profuse amounts of military assistance to the Jordanian Armed Forces. Above all else, of course, Jordan abuts Israel. Jordan's role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and its primary purpose as a peace partner of Israel validates in the eyes of many American policymakers why they should continue supporting the modernization and the arming of the Jordanian Armed Forces under the guise, of course, of building partner capacity but knowing full well that Jordan is not going to be fighting a war anytime soon.


RS: At some level, you've painted a picture of a big win for U.S. interests here. There's a sense in which America gets a huge plot of land in the middle of a region that it deems vital, and the only downside is that that support doesn't really square with our stated values. But in your article, you had a different conclusion. Can you tell me more about that?


Yom: By helping to maintain [Jordan's] political infrastructure, the United States is complicit in the continued economic and social stagnation of Jordan. For every dinar that the Jordanian leadership spends on security or military items — money that many Jordanians feel it does not have to spend — the less money there is to spend on, say, social programs or economic development.


If you look at the Jordanian economy, it is astounding how much of a crisis that it has fallen into. We're looking at, right now, 22 to 23 percent unemployment overall, which is probably a vast understatement of the real statistic. We're looking at nearly 50 percent youth unemployment. We're looking at poverty, which is between 25 to 30 percent depending upon which estimate we take as reliable. And this is all in a country that also spends approximately a third of each annual budget on military and security spending. So essentially, what you're looking at when you think about the Jordanian economy today is a wartime economy. The Jordanian government positions itself and maintains an army as if it were about to wage a war it doesn't have to wage, and that has a destructive effect on the economy and often justifies draconian security measures to regulate and police society. The United States, I would argue, is complicit in that arrangement.


Washington has had very similar experiences in the past with other countries where regimes have some kind of deep economic or political crisis, and yet they believe that having a well-armed coercive apparatus is going to immunize them from any sort of domestic unrest or popular overthrow. Now, that may be the case in Jordan, because the future is hard to tell. But that certainly wasn't the case in, say, Iran under the Shah. It wasn't the case in South Vietnam. It wasn't the case in some of our Central American client states in the 1970s and the 1980s.


One of the things I wish U.S. policymakers would reconsider is whether or not the current arrangement is fundamentally in the interest of the Jordanian people. If we define stability as a country having not just a legitimate political system, but a sustainable economy and a relatively satisfied population, then Jordan is failing on some of these key fronts.


History shows us that [this] kind of strategy seldom works, and it's one of the dark consequences that I fear the most in Jordan, since obviously instability in Jordan doesn't help anyone. But the current vision of stability that has encaged itself in the minds of American lawmakers is not one that I think is going to be fruitful over the long term.

В кратком выступлении сопоставляются два важнейших документа ХХ в., сохраняющих определяющее значение для судеб сотрудничества и безопасности в Европе и развития международных отношений в мире в целом. ; In my brief speech, I comment on and compare the two most important documents of the 20th century that still have a truly great significance for the future of co-operation and security in Europe, moreover, for the development of international relations in the world. 21 Nov. 1990, representatives of the supreme power of all European states, as well as the United States and Canada signed in Paris a fundamental international instrument for establishment of new European peaceful order after the end of 'cold war'. It entered the history as The Charter of Paris for a New Europe. There was no more significant and important international instrument in the twentieth century than the Charter of Paris. For the first time in the entire history of Europe pan-European consensus on ways to achieve the principles and mechanisms of European security and co-operation was reached. In The Charter, the most important principles of security and collaboration among the European nations have been formulated: "… we renew our pledge to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or from acting in any other manner inconsistent with the principles or purposes of those documents. We recall that non-compliance with obligations under the Charter of the United Nations constitutes a violation of international law" "With the ending of the division of Europe, we will strive for a new quality in our security relations while fully respecting each other's freedom of choice in that respect. Security is indivisible and the security of every participating State is inseparably linked to that of all the others. We therefore pledge to co-operate in strengthening confidence and security among us and in promoting arms control and disarmamen" "We reaffirm the equal rights of peoples and their right to self-determination in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations and with the relevant norms of international law, including those relating to territorial integrity of States" "… our growing interdependence will help to overcome the mistrust of decades, to increase stability and to build a united Europe" "We want Europe to be a source of peace, open to dialogue and to co-operation with other countries, welcoming exchanges and involved in the search for common responses to the challenges of the future". This was a new philosophy of peace and cooperation among peoples for the future of the 21st century, outlined in the Charter of Paris. Seven years have passed. And so, as an antithesis to The Charter, The Project for the New American Century, which the US administration set before the American and world public opinion, comes into being June 3, 1997. Present US presidential Jeb Bush, the representative of the Bush dynasty, took part in its elaboration. Here are much talking passages from this project: "We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership. … Does the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?" "We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States' global responsibilities" "… we cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. … If we shirk our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have taught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership" "… we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future" "… we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values" "… we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad" "… we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles" "Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our greatness in the next". So what happened? Why the United States does transformed the Charter of Paris, the greatest achievement of political thought and practice of the 20th century, into meaningless and worthless piece of paper, and tried to bury it in oblivion? Why Europe, devoid of unity, security and cooperation, has found itself on the verge of a new pre-war political crisis that could at any moment turn into a real war? The fact is that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States received an unprecedented opportunity to establish its global hegemony. They purposefully pursue this goal, not disdaining any means and methods up to provoke war in Europe. Indeed, thanks to wars in the European continent in 20th century, the United States removed enormous geopolitical and economic benefits and become a superpower, which has imposed its domination to Western-European ruling elites, especially during the 'cold war', acting as their defender against Stalin's messianic expansion. About how all this happened, I wrote in my article " Europe Has Lost Out the 20th Century to the United States ". US tried to transfer this experience in the twenty-first century and to extend their domination in Eastern Europe. In this, I must say, they have succeeded. All the countries of Eastern and Central Europe were drawn into NATO, and the troops of this block were put forward right up to Russia's borders. In order to achieve this, United States deployed an unprecedented propagandistic war against Russia, presenting it as a dangerous aggressive power, which is alien to the 'European civilization' and its values, and threatens the existence of the European countries. In doing so they did not shun unconscionable lies and distortion of historical facts. How can we incriminate Russian intentions of the military invasion into Europe and encourage Europeans to unite under the leadership of the United States to counter this threat? Firstly, NATO's military might is greater than Russian one by 4 times or more. Secondly, Russia has never had intentions to invade Europe, while grandiose military invasion from Europe into Russia took place twice. In the 19th century the Napoleon's troops had invaded into it and reached Moscow itself, and in the 20th century Nazi Germany troops broke through as far as Stalingrad. And both times, Russian army was able to repel the aggression and was forced to invade deep into Europe while pursuing enemy troops, to achieve complete victory. That is the truth of history. American leaders of the information war against Russia prefer to remain silent about it. Or maybe it is simply because of their ignorance, lack of knowledge history that the US senior policymakers have repeatedly demonstrated? Whatever it was, Washington was able to put the EU ruling elites in service of itself and to achieve the implementation of one of the most important tasks of the US foreign policy doctrine 'to keep Russia out of Europe'. Fear of increasingly being adopted of the idea of the Eurasian Union, i.e. integration space from Lisbon to Vladivostok, was also the reason for this course of action. The implementation of this idea promises to European countries and Russia the big economic, political, scientific, technological and other benefits, including relief from the US dictate the political and economic sphere, which increasingly concerned about a nationally minded circles of the European countries. While for the US, the most important task is to implement the idea of Euro-Atlantic alliance, i.e. US-Europe association, which is regarded as the main geopolitical bridgehead of US policy of domination. Sake of this, many subversive activities aimed against Russia, are held: the creation of 'enemy image' in its face; policies aimed at its isolation and locking by unfriendly states; sanctions against Russia; a coup in Ukraine and its transformation into a state hostile to Russia, a hotbed for the unleashing the war in Europe; deployment of US troops and military equipment, as well as anti-missile systems in Eastern Europe and so on. As a result of these actions, the United States deliberately brought Europe to the threshold of pre-war political crisis. Thus, today's imperative is to not let rabid members of American expansionism to turn this crisis into a war. This scares even the reasonable and responsible representatives of the political and scientific communities in the United States (for example, the famous American historian and political scientist, Prof. Stephen Cohen, about what he was saying at the annual US-Russian Forum in Washington, June 16, 2014). In the current situation alarming and dangerous intensification of policies aimed at a return to the life of the Paris Charter and its principles, and their widespread publicity among the general public in Russia and the Western countries, is of paramount importance. Their official inclusion in the agenda of foreign policy of Russia and other European countries is the saving against threats hanging over Europe. It would be essential that the Federation Council and the State Duma addressed to the parliaments of European countries with appeal to put again The Charter of Paris and its principles in the service of peace and pan-European cooperation, taking into account the characteristics of contemporary European situation.

La gobernanza ambiental es entendida más como un medio que como un fin en sí, para asegurar la conservación del medio ambiente (1), constituye un aspecto clave para el desarrollo de las políticas públicas ambientales del país; sin embargo, los esfuerzos por consolidarla todavía son mínimos en las autoridades de los distintos niveles de gobierno y, por el lado de la sociedad civil en los tomadores de decisiones de las diversas organizaciones sociales.Por la trascendencia del tema y nuestra responsabilidad con la sociedad como universidad, asumimos el compromiso de su fortalecimiento a través de la incorporación como una línea de investigación priorizada, esperando a futuro incrementar los aportes investigativos pertinentes socialmente desde la comunidad académica - científica, luego difundir los resultados de los diversos estudios para contribuir de este modo en la mejora del conocimiento y práctica de la gobernanza ambiental.Es claro que en materia de gobernanza ambiental poco hemos avanzado, pese a tener una normatividad muy comprometida con el medio ambiente y que otorga facultades a los gobiernos regionales y locales para impulsarla en busca de una mayor eficiencia. Las experiencias de Lima y Junín expresan en gran medida esta realidad. Según el Índice de Ciudades Verdes de Latinoamérica, estudio realizado por Siemens, la gobernanza ambiental de Lima se ubica "debajo del promedio" para la gobernanza ambiental a nivel de Latinoamérica. Esta ubicación se debe principalmente a la asignación fragmentada de recursos y responsabilidades para el manejo del medio ambiente entre múltiples instituciones y niveles de gobierno. En 2006 la municipalidad de Lima creó un departamento especializado en medio ambiente, sin embargo carece de competencia para implementar su propia legislación en este sentido. En los últimos cinco años la ciudad de Lima ha realizado una revisión básica de su sector de desechos, omitiendo agua, saneamiento y calidad del aire, entre otros factores. La mayor parte de las iniciativas de esta política se derivan del Ministerio del Ambiente, en donde se concentra la experticia técnica (2).La región Junín está constituida por nueve provincias. La ciudad de Huancayo desde la Comisión Ambiental Regional de Junín (CAR Junín), el Comité de Gestión del Área de Conservación Regional del Huaytapallana (CGACR-H), Grupo Técnico de Cambio Climático entre otras organizaciones sociales - con limitada participación y compromiso de representantes de otras provincias - desarrolla acciones de carácter ambiental con un impacto en la región poco valorada y reconocimiento por la población. Huancayo tiene como fortalezas la gestión de áreas verdes en la zona urbana, las iniciativas de sensibilización para la segregación de residuos sólidos en fuente y permanentes intentos de mejorar la cobertura de agua para consumo humano; todo un reto a futuro.La ciudad de Junín tiene en actividad la Comisión Ambiental Municipal (CAM). La Municipalidad Provincial de Junín con apoyo de la comunidad, han denunciado a las empresas mineras que contaminan las aguas del lago Chinchaycocha, y ya han judicializado el tema, en caso de no tener una pronta solución de las autoridades peruanas éstas serían denunciadas ante la Corte Inter-americana de Derechos Humanos de la OEA, asimismo, se procedería a plantear una medida cautelar para suspender las actividades mineras en Cerro de Pasco, sobre todo de las empresas El Brocal, Volcan y Panamerican Silver que son las responsables de la contaminación del segundo lago más grande del Perú, con relaves mineros afectando la biodiversidad del ecosistema del lago sin alguna medida de remediación; a la fecha se estima que un 30% del lago está contaminado poniendo en riesgo a unas 150 especies de aves endémicas y migratorias. Las aguas del lago Chinchaycocha también son fuente de agua del rio Mantaro, que contribuye en la generación de energía eléctrica a unos 14 departamentos de nuestro país. Entre sus fortalezas se encuentran la gestión adecuada de los residuos sólidos orgánicos orientándolos con fines de producción de compost para su uso en la agricultura y las acciones de conservación de los suelos con fines de un cultivo sostenible, un caso representativo es el de la Maca, producto de exportación de Junín.La ciudad de Concepción tiene en actividad la CAM de Concepción que administra información agraria para brindar información sobre costos de insumos, mercados y estadística que permita a los productores agrícolas decidir oportunamente respecto a oportunidades de negocios; también dispone de maquinaria agrícola que está al servicio de los productores. Entre sus fortalezas se encuentra la gestión adecuada de los residuos sólidos no orgánicos orientándolos con fines económicos y a través del Comité de Vigilancia Ambiental el desarrollo de monitoreos de la calidad del agua (3).Es oportuno destacar que en el Perú existen políticas y un marco legal ambiental que es el reflejo de los compromisos internacionales que asumimos, éstos instrumentos se encuentran en proceso de consolidación a partir del Ministerio del Ambiente, aunque con algunas deficiencias en su articulación con las organizaciones sociales existentes en las diversas regiones; asimismo existen mecanismos de resolución de conflictos incluido el fomento de conocimientos especializados en la determinación de causas ambientales, que sin embargo no están siendo aplicados adecuadamente en el contexto nacional y local. La gobernanza ambiental peruana, por lo demás tiene pendiente la solución de muchos problemas de carácter socio ambiental, en su mayoría vinculados al sector minero.Las ciudades de Huancayo, Junín y Concepción, en todo este panorama, exponen hasta hoy mejores desempeños en materia de gobernanza ambiental, aunque en proceso de mejora. Los mayores esfuerzos están concentrados en los temas de tratamiento y accesibilidad de agua para consumo humano, tratamiento de suelos e iniciativas para lograr a futuro el tratamiento de aguas residuales. ; Environmental governance is understood more as a way than a goal, to ensure the environment conservation (1), it's a key aspect to the environmental public policies development of the country; however, efforts to consolidate are still minimal in the various government levels authorities and, on the side of civil society in the decision-makers of various social organizations. United Nations' international agreements prompted it since the beginning of their decisions and today is an important dimension in peruvian law, as expressed in the General Environmental Law, its article XI gives category as a principle.On the issue significance and our responsibility to society as a university, we are committed to strengthening through incorporation as a prioritized research line, waiting for future increase socially relevant research contributions from the academic – scientific community, then spread the results of various studies to contribute in this way to improve the knowledge and environmental governance practice.It's clear that in environmental governance we have advanced very little, despite having strong regulations to the environment and empowers local and regional governments to promote it in search of greater efficiency. The Lima and Junin experiences largely express this reality.According to the Green Cities Index in Latin America, study realized by Siemens, Lima environmental governance is located "below average" for Latin America level environmental governance. This location is mainly due to the fragmented allocation of resources and responsibilities for environmental management among multiple institutions and government levels. In 2006 the Lima municipality created a specializing environment department, however it isn't competent to implement its own legislation in this regard. In the last five years Lima city has made a fundamental review of its waste sector, omitting water, sanitation and air quality, among other factors. Most policy initiatives arising from the Environment Ministry, where technical expertise is concentrated (2).The Junin region consists of nine provinces. Huancayo city from the Junin Regional Environmental Commission (CAR Junin), the Management Committee of the Huaytapallana Regional Conservation Area (CGACR-H), Technical Group on Climate Change and other social organizations - with limited participation and involvement of other provinces representatives – develop environmental character actions with an undervalued impact on the region and appreciation for population. Huancayo has as management strengths green areas in urban areas, sensitization initiatives for solid waste segregation at source and permanent attempts to improve water coverage for human consumption; a real challenge for the future.The Junín city has in operation the Municipal Environmental Commission (CAM). The Junin Provincial Municipality with the community support, have denounced mining companies which pollute Chinchaycocha lake waters, and they have already judicialized the issue, if they don't have an early settlement from peruvian authorities these would be reported to the Human Rights Inter-American Court of the OAS also they would proceed to raise an injunction to suspend mining activities in Cerro de Pasco, especially El Brocal, Volcan and Panamerican Silver companies which are responsible for pollution of the Peru's second largest lake, with mine tailings affecting the lake ecosystem's biodiversity without some remediation measure; to date it's estimated that 30 % of the lake is polluted jeopardizing 150 endemic and migratory birds species. Chinchaycocha lake waters are also a water source of Mantaro river, which contributes to the electricity generation to 14 departments of the country. Among its strengths are the proper management of organic solid waste directing for compost production to use it in agriculture and soil conservation actions with sustainable farming purposes, a representative case is the Maca, a Junin export product.The Concepción city has in operation the CAM Concepción which manages agricultural information to provide information on inputs costs, markets and statistics that allow farmers promptly decide on business opportunities; also it has farm machinery that serves producers. Among its strengths there is the proper solid non-organic waste management for economic purposes and through the Environmental Monitoring Committee the development of water quality monitoring (3).It should be emphasized that in Peru there are policies and an environmental legal framework that reflects international commitments we made, these instruments are being consolidated from the Environment Ministry, with some shortcomings in its articulation with existing social organizations in the various regions; there are also conflict resolution mechanisms including the expertise knowledge promotion in the environmental causes determination, which however are not being properly applied in the national and local context. Peruvian environmental governance, moreover is pending the solution for many social-environmental problems of character, mostly linked to the mining sector.The Huancayo, Junín and Concepción cities in all this panorama, until now, exhibited best performances in environmental governance, although in the improvement process. The main efforts are concentrated on topics such as treatment topics and water for human consumption accessibility, soil treatment and initiatives to achieve wastewater treatment in the future.

La presente investigación tiene por objetivo fundamental la restitución de una polémica teórico-política desarrollada en los albores de la organización constitucional argentina: aquélla entablada entre Juan Bautista Alberdi, principal inspirador teórico del texto constitucional a partir de sus Bases y puntos de partida para la organización política de la República Arjentina, derivadas de la ley que preside el desarrollo de la civilización en la América del Sud, y del tratado litoral del 4 de enero de 1831, y Mariano Fragueiro, primer Ministro de Hacienda de la Confederación Argentina en la era posrosista, autor de Cuestiones Argentinas e impulsor del Estatuto para la organización de la hacienda y el crédito público aprobado, en carácter de legislador ordinario, por el mismo Congreso General Constituyente que sancionara la Constitución de 1853. Se trata, como habremos de abordar con mayor detenimiento, de la primera gran polémica de interpretación en torno al texto constitucional argentino de 1853. Sus posiciones se encuentran ligadas por una serie de coincidencias: en primer lugar, ambos habían estado radicados en Chile a lo largo de la década previa a la sanción constitucional de 1853; en segundo lugar, los dos se cuentan entre las filas de los "hombres de Paraná", conjunto de políticos, publicistas e intelectuales agrupados en torno a Urquiza y al proyecto político de la Confederación Argentina, a la que permanecerían leales luego de la secesión de la Provincia de Buenos Aires; finalmente, ambos tienden a concordar en aspectos fundamentales del derecho público, en lo que habremos de denominar "federalismo centralizante". Sus propuestas, sin embargo, son sugestivamente divergentes en virtud de su diversa adscripción ideológica: mientras Alberdi llegará a ser tenido por padre putativo del liberalismo argentino, hacia 1850 Fragueiro se proclamará abiertamente socialista. Nuestra pregunta de investigación apunta a esclarecer cuáles son los fundamentos intelectuales de las posiciones políticas asumidas por Alberdi y Fragueiro en esta coyuntura crítica: en especial, nos proponemos restituir el modo en que los lenguajes políticos efectivamente disponibles de cara a la organización constitucional de la Confederación Argentina establecen las coordenadas de los respectivos diagnósticos en torno a las causas del conflicto político vernáculo, así como sus pronósticos respecto a las posibilidades de su superación. Nuestro modo de abordar esta polémica estará ordenado por una hermenéutica del momento constitucional que se centra en el estudio de las condiciones históricas de posibilidad que subyacen a las posiciones de nuestros protagonistas. Mediante una restitución del entramado de los lenguajes y tradiciones contextualmente disponibles -cuya reconstrucción remontamos a las postrimerías del ciclo revolucionario-, nos proponemos determinar las líneas de continuidad y de ruptura tradicional, así como las convergencias, distanciamientos, críticas e innovaciones respecto a sus fuentes intelectuales. De este modo, el trabajo hermenéutico sobre las historiografías política, conceptual e intelectual, así como la exégesis de fuentes primarias —tanto en el rol publicístico como en la escritura autobiográfica— son herramientas que, visibilizando la puesta en acción de lenguajes, conceptos y tradiciones políticas no siempre sistemáticamente compatibles, vehiculizan una lectura politológica dirigida a las cuestiones de la formación de un orden político, en la doble referencia a su pasado y a su proyección de futuro. Los resultados de la investigación pueden agruparse en dos grandes conjuntos. El primero, ligado a la crítica de las narrativas históricas dominantes por medio de la aplicación del arsenal de la nueva historia intelectual, remite al modo en que la primacía histórica de la figura alberdiana contribuiría a desdibujar los rasgos de una circunstancia política más rica en matices. En especial, identificamos el papel desempeñado por la autointerpretación ideológica retrospectiva realizada por Alberdi desde mediados de la década de 1840, por algunas contraposiciones políticas eminentes de la época —entre Buenos Aires y la Confederación en lo político, entre el federalismo estadounidense y el vernáculo en lo doctrinario, y entre Sarmiento y Alberdi en lo individual —, y por la política editorial de los sucesivos gobiernos nacionales hasta entrado el siglo XX, que se proyectan en diversas narrativas "mitológicas" en torno a la historia del pensamiento político argentino aún vigentes. Asimismo, la investigación nos ha permitido señalar la incidencia del escenario político-intelectual chileno de la década previa a la sanción constitucional, donde ambos protagonistas despliegan un rol publicístico en el que van delineándose progresivamente sus posturas. El segundo conjunto de resultados es producto de la historización de los lenguajes a los que ambos fueron permeables: junto a la relativización de la influencia del ejemplo estadounidense, habremos de destacar la casi excluyente incidencia de la literatura francesa posterior a la década de 1820. La investigación nos permitió advertir también que el campo de la reflexión económica se interseca con la filosofía de la historia: en especial, habremos de advertir el modo en que la interpretación de los acontecimientos europeos de 1848, a la luz de la secular querella malthusiana, impacta decisivamente en la formación político-intelectual de esta polémica. ; The fundamental aim of this thesis is the restitution of a theoretical-political polemic that arose at the dawn of the Argentine constitutional organization: the one settled between Juan Bautista Alberdi, main theoretical inspirer of the constitutional text in its Bases and starting points for the organization policy of the Arjentine Republic, derived from the law that presides over the development of civilization in South America, and from the coastal treaty of January 4, 1831, and Mariano Fragueiro, first finance minister of the Argentine Confederation in the post-Rosas era, author of Argentinian Issues and promoter of the Statute for the organization of the treasury and approved public credit, as an ordinary legislator, by the same General Constituent Congress that later sanctioned the Constitution of 1853. As we will address more thoroughly, this is the first great controversy of interpretation around the Argentinian constitution of 1853. Both positions share a series of coincidences: first, both had lived in Chile during the decade prior to the constitutional sanction of 1853; secondly, the two are counted among the ranks of the "men of Paraná", a group of politicians, publicists and intellectuals grouped around Urquiza and the political project of the Argentine Confederation, to which they would remain loyal after the secession of the Province of Buenos Aires; finally, both tend to agree on fundamental aspects of public law, on what we shall call "centralizing federalism". Their proposals, however, are suggestively different by virtue of their ideological ascription: while Alberdi will come to be regarded as the putative father of Argentine liberalism, by 1850 Fragueiro will proclaim himself openly socialist. Our research question aims to clarify the intellectual foundations of the political positions assumed by Alberdi and Fragueiro at this critical juncture: in particular, we intend to restore the way in which the political languages actually available in view of the constitutional organization of the Confederation Argentina establish the coordinates of their respective diagnoses about the causes of the vernacular political conflict, as well as their predictions regarding the possibilities of their overcoming. Our approach to this controversy is guided by a hermeneutic of the constitutional moment that focuses on the study of the historical conditions of possibility that underlie the positions of our protagonists. Through a restitution of the framework of the contextually available languages and traditions -whose reconstruction goes back to the end of the revolutionary cycle-, we seek to determine the lines of continuity and traditional rupture, as well as the convergences, differences, criticisms and innovations with respect to their intellectual sources. In this way, the hermeneutical work on political, conceptual and intellectual historiography, as well as the exegesis of primary sources -both their public and autobiographical writings- are tools that, making visible the putting into action of languages, concepts and political traditions that are not always systematically compatible, convey a political reading aimed at the questions of the formation of a political order, in the double reference to their past and their projection to the future. The results of the investigation can be gathered into two large groups. The first, linked to the criticism of dominant historical narratives through the application of the critical arsenal of the new intellectual history, refers to the way in which the historical primacy of the figure of Alberdi would contribute to blurring the features of a political circumstance richer in nuances. In particular, we identify the role played by the retrospective ideological self-interpretation carried out by Alberdi since the mid-1840s, by some eminent political oppositions of the time –between Buenos Aires and the Confederacy on the political aspect, between American federalism and the vernacular in the doctrinaire one, and between Sarmiento and Alberdi individually - and the editorial policy of successive national governments until the twentieth century, present in various "mythological" narratives around the history of Argentine political thought still in force. Likewise, the research has allowed us to point out the impact of the Chilean political-intellectual scenario of the decade prior to the constitutional sanction, in which both protagonists took on a publicity role in which their positions are progressively delineated. The second set of results is the product of the historicization of the languages to which both were permeable: next to the relativization of the influence of the American example, we will highlight the almost exclusive incidence of French literature after the 1820s. Research allowed us to see how the field of economic reflection intersects with the philosophy of history: in particular, we will emphasize how the interpretation of the European events of 1848, in light of the secular Malthusian quarrel, has a decisive impact on the political-intellectual formation of this controversy. ; Fil: Wieczorek, Tomás. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Although Moldova has made some important advances since the 2008 FSAP update, risks to banking sector stability have become severe. There is an urgent need, therefore, to improve transparency and governance in the banking system. Although the banking sector appears to be well capitalized and liquid, important pockets of weakness remain and vulnerabilities may be masked by fraud or misreporting. The two securities settlement systems are in need of updating, though plans to take this reform forward are not finalized. Weaknesses in the insolvency and creditor or debtor regime create uncertainty and may deter some stakeholders from engaging in financial transactions. Especially in light of the weaknesses described above and recent geopolitical uncertainties, urgent action is needed to address these and mitigate the risks to which the financial system appears to be exposed.