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While entities as different as armed groups, multinational corporations, political parties, megacities, labour unions, terrorist organisations, or indigenous peoples are mentioned as non-state actors in the relevant literature, rural communities are never referred to. This book addresses the role of rural communities as non-state actors, lifting this invisibility veil with arguments coming from three theories of/scholarly approaches to international law: positivism, sociolegal realism (the New Haven School), and constitutionalism. It argues, first, that rural communities are recognised by the community of states as derived subjects of international law since they are made bearers of rights and duties in some major multilateral treaties. Second, rural communities have the ability to affect international lawmaking as they acquire the tools to influence decision-making in international arbitration and court litigation. Finally, the book highlights the need to recognise the status of rural communities when seeking global justice, as these are the communities that benefit the least from globalisation, while paying the highest price in terms of damage to the natural and sociocultural environment. Advocating for the existence of some supreme norms above the will of the states and the recognition of rural communities as non-state actors, this book will be of interest to academics, policy-makers, and non-governmental organisations working in the field of public international law and rural social matters.

After more than a decade of experience and research on financing arrangements in post conflict countries and fragile states, a consensus has emerged on at least one matter. The core objective is to build effective and legitimate governance structures that secure public confidence through provision of personal security, equal justice and the rule of law, economic well-being, and essential social services including education and health. These governance structures are necessary to ensure that countries do not turn, or turn back, to violence as a means of negotiating state-societal relations. This paper discusses a number of the weaknesses in current financing arrangements for post conflict countries and fragile states, with a focus on Official Development Assistance (ODA). We argue that tensions persist between business-as-usual development policies on the one hand and policies responsive to the demands of peace building on the other. The preferential allocation of aid to 'good performers,' in the name of maximizing its payoff in terms of economic growth, militates against aid to fragile and conflict-affected states. If the aim of aid is redefined to include durable peace, the conventional performance criteria for aid allocation lose much of their force. Compelling arguments can be made for assistance to 'poor performers' if this can help to prevent conflict. Yet the difficulties that initially prompted donors to become more selective in aid allocation remain all too real. Experience has shown that aid can exacerbate problems rather than solving them.

During the twentieth century, the health and life expectancy of persons residing in the United States—as in most other countries of the globe—have improved greatly. (For a discussion of some aspects of that improvement, see the article in this issue by Kevin White assessing the effects of changes in cardiovascular and tuberculosis mortality in the United States since 1900.) A considerable share of this change is attributable to advances in public health. To highlight these advances the Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (MMWR) of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (an agency of the US Department of Health and Human Services) is issuing a series of reports profiling ten great public health achievements in the United States during the present century. The first of these reports discusses vaccination: "Impact of vaccines universally recommended for children—United States, 1900–1998," MMWR 48 (12), 2 April 1999. It is reproduced below in full.The improvements chronicled in the report are especially great with respect to morbidity. In many developing countries mortality resulting from vaccine‐preventable causes is, however, still very high. Recent international initiatives, involving UN agencies, bilateral aid agencies, foundations, and the vaccine industry, aim at accelerating the outreach of immunization in developing countries. A meeting discussing an expanded program of vaccination (Bellagio, March 1999) estimated that global immunization, at a cost of approximately $3 billion per year, could save some 40 million lives over the next ten years.

"Although Theodore Roosevelt has been the subject of numerous books, there has not been a single volume that traces Roosevelt's interaction with the U.S. Navy from his work as a naval historian in the 1880s through his leadership of the Navy as president in the early twentieth century. This volume fills in this gap in the historical literature."--

Introduction. Our country has gone on the path of European integration, and the development of European values in various fields of management. One of the main directions of the country's rise is the formation of a sustainable middle class and its support in the future. The middle class is the main internal investor of the state, and the guarantor of the prosperity of the country's economy. Small and medium enterprises are the main representatives of the middle class, their development will bring economic growth and stability.But factors such as corruption, excessive tax pressures and limited access to financial resources do not allow entrepreneurship to develop in the normal way, and in some cases be a key player leading to the collapse of business.Purpose. The aim is to draw the attention of the public and state leaders to promote the development of small and medium enterprises. To find the right ways to reform public authorities in the sphere of entrepreneurial activities, for the development and prosperity of Ukraine and Ukrainian people.Methods. An analysis was carried out using a variety of sources in the field of small and medium enterprises.Also conducted a comparative analysis of the action conducted by Ukraine, and actions that are implemented or are be implemented for business development in other developed countries.Results. After analyzing the situation, it was discovered that in our country there was a negative climate for the development of entrepreneurship. Political instability and the military situation in Ukraine are worsening conditions for doing business. Corruption and taxation problems generate the emergence of illegal enterprises, with so-called hidden profits. From the side of the state there is no clear regulation program, laws for to overcome the crisis, which will give impetus to economic development, are accepted only partially.Originality. The first priority in improving the situation is: 1) to overcome corruption, is the biggest problem that constrains the country's development in all sectors; 2) deregulation - simplify paper fuss; 2) reduction of tax rates, which will facilitate the opening of their own business and its further development, even in a politically unstable country; 3) to increase the protection of entrepreneurs' rights (corruption in courts and other state human rights structures); 4) support from the state in the field of business lending, with lower interest rates.Conclusion. At the moment, the actions directed by the government of our state for the development of small and medium-sized entrepreneurship are ineffective. Approved bills designed to promote this industry does not work and only hamper the development of. Ukraine still falls behind in all international development rankings.In our opinion, in order to get out of this crisis, the government together with community representatives, small and medium enterprises should adopt and implement reforms in human rights structures, to create conditions to overcome corruption and to provide financial support for business.Conducting reforms will give impetus to attracting new investments, provide favorable conditions for the creation of new projects, thus creating new jobs and modernizing production.

"This volume examines the phenomenon of paramilitarism across Latin America and the Caribbean, Eastern Europe, Africa, and Asia, offering a nuanced perspective while identifying key patterns in the way paramilitary violence is implicated in processes of capital accumulation, state-building, and the reproduction of social power. Paramilitary violence, a key modality of coercion in the era of globalization, has been pursued by states and dominant classes in the Global South, to reproduce or extend their power over subaltern groups. Paramilitary groups are responsible for atrocities including extra-judicial executions, disappearances, torture, rape, and forced displacement. The volume integrates empirically-rich investigations into an emergent theory of political violence, capturing the relationship between parastatal armed actors, capital, and the state. The analysis sheds light on globally relevant phenomena such as the end of the Cold War, the shifting role of US hegemony, and evolving nature of the nation-state. The volume is suitable for academics, graduate and upper-year undergraduate students, and policy-makers in development, human rights, and violence prevention. Given its interdisciplinary subject, it appeals to scholars from a wide range of disciplines including political science, sociology, political anthropology, development, peace and conflict, security and terrorism, international relations, and global studies"--

Over the course of the past quarter century, paralleling the decline of organized labor, there has been a marked increase in the role of the state in the industrial relations of advanced capitalist societies. This has come both in the form of state activism in the reconstruction of institutions, and through the replacement of collective self-regulation by employer and labor organizations with legal regulation. Unsurprisingly, these developments have failed to encourage a renewal of trade union collective power, leaving workers increasingly insecure, dependent upon markets, and vulnerable to the vagaries of state power.

Between the foundation of the new Irish state in 1921–22 and the early 1970s approximately one-and-a-half million people left independent Ireland, the vast majority travelling to Britain. Demography, State and Society is the first comprehensive analysis of the twentieth-century Irish exodus to Britain. Meticulously researched, using an exhaustive range of previously unused source materials, this book provides a detailed examination of the many ways in which migration shaped twentieth-century Irish society. The book focuses on a number of vital themes, many of them rarely mentioned by previous studies: state policy in Ireland; official responses in Britain; gender dimensions; individual migrant experience; patterns of settlement in Britain; and the crucial phenomenon of return migration. A major study of Irish migration, this book also offers much that will be of interest to scholars, students and general readers in the wider fields of modern British and Irish history

AbstractIf nationalism is defined as a claim to sovereignty based on authenticity, para‐nationalism is nationalism in the state of war: urgent, yet ultimately futile. Modern warfare makes it particularly urgent for historical latecomers to national unity to claim their national sovereignty. Those claims, however, sometimes have to be postponed for the very same reason of military pragmatism. The double bind of nationalism at war is illustrated with the case study of the Wa State of Myanmar: Persistent military threat imparts great urgency to the promotion of authentic culture, the purification of a shared language and the rationalisation of violence. Yet at certain moments and places, the same objectives are put aside, in favour of working with what is at hand. Rather than a semiotic circle, it is suggested that the entanglement of para‐nationalism and war is primarily a pragmatic bond, which is accessible to ethnographic analysis.

The article aims to analyze the fundamentals and the methods of state constitutional changes in the United States. It recognizes a certain pattern in the political processes of state constitutional changes, but it also points out that, in each case, some specific social groups act more intensely. Furthermore, it analyzes how external political forces can influence changes in state Constitutions. Finally, it concludes that, as a rule, the United States is currently undergoing a period in which there is a certain resistance to the creation of new state Constitutions, with greater popular preference for specific changes in the existing Constitutions.

The article aims to analyze the fundamentals and the methods of state constitutional changes in the United States. It recognizes a certain pattern in the political processes of state constitutional changes, but it also points out that, in each case, some specific social groups act more intensely. Furthermore, it analyzes how external political forces can influence changes in state Constitutions. Finally, it concludes that, as a rule, the United States is currently undergoing a period in which there is a certain resistance to the creation of new state Constitutions, with greater popular preference for specific changes in the existing Constitutions.