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Gender is perhaps the most pervasive, fundamental, and universally accepted way we separate and categorize human beings. Yet in recent years, U.S. courts and administrative state agencies have confronted a growing challenge from individuals demanding to have their gender reclassified. Transgender people create a profound category crisis for social institutions built on the idea that biological sex is both immutable and dichotomous. During the past four decades, the central legal question shifted from how to allocate specific individuals to categories to the permeability of gender categories themselves. This analysis of 38 judicial gender determinations provides a glimpse of the literal construction of the gender order and of the ways institutions gender individuals. It also provides powerful evidence that cultural anxieties about reproduction and the heterosexual, conjugal family underscore institutional efforts to manage the uncertainty of postmodern gender identities.

Spain has captured international attention with regards to equality for sexual minorities, recently approving laws that allow same-sex couples to marry under the same conditions as different-sex couples (Law 13/2005) and that allow transgender people to change their name in the register
without having to go through compulsory surgery (Law 3/2007). Using intersectionality as a framework for my analysis, I explore the limitations of the notion of equality in both legal texts by adding an analysis that includes not only sexuality, but also gender, ethnicity, age, and class.
Both laws aimed at satisfying the demands of social movements and were designed to overcome inequality and have a relevant symbolic impact. Despite this, it is argued, they were not framed to transform society in depth. Both laws are contributing to reproduce inequality by not taking into
account multiple discriminations.

Muslim women and Muslim members of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) community face a specific form of dual subordination in relation to their gender and sexuality. A Muslim woman might seek solace from India's patriarchal religious judicial structures only to find that the secular system's patriarchal structures likewise aid in their subordination and create a space for new forms of such subordination. Similarly, a marginalized LGBT Muslim might attempt to reject an oppressive religious formulation only to come to find that the secular Indian state might criminalize a particular form of sexuality. This analysis explores how Indian laws "give meaning" to sexuality through the legal structures manifested by state and religious regulatory bodies and argues that both religious and state legal institutions need to be reformed to create a legal environment that furthers rather than inhibits a full realization of sexual rights.

2013 Summer. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; The present research applied a modified version of the investment model to the study of how gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (GLBT) persons become committed to the social, political, and organizational GLBT community. Additionally, a main goal of the study was to determine if community commitment was a risk or protective factor for health behaviors and outcomes. First, a confirmatory factor analysis determined that the three theorized aspects of the GLBT community can be measured distinctly and individually. However, results did not indicate that commitment to individual aspects of the GLBT community (while controlling for commitment to other aspects) predicted individual health outcomes. It was not demonstrated that commitment to the GLBT community was either a risk or a protective factor. This research has important implications for understanding how one's community can or cannot influence health behaviors.

Given the conceptual and classificatory evolution of transsexuality in the medical sciences and the development of the theme also in law, it remains to be observed what is the legal treatment conceived by the Brazilian Armed Forces to the military or their transgender dependents. Faced with the problem, it was investigated a hypothesis that considers any suspension motivated exclusively by transsexuality as invalid under the fundamental and objective rights of the 1988 Republican Constitution, regardless of the time when the change of gender was registered due to its declaratory nature, a fact that also impact on the benefit granted on the binary criterion (male and female) to dependents. The research had as theoretical reference the Constitution of the Republic of 1988, having been executed through the hypothetical-deductive method, primarily with bibliographic survey, articles, theses, dissertations, laws and court decisions. The hypothesis initially presented was confirmed. ; Con la evolución conceptual y clasificatoria de la transexualidad en las ciencias médicas y el desarrollo del tema también en derecho, queda por observar cuál es el tratamiento legal concebido por las Fuerzas Armadas de Brasil a los militares o sus dependientes transgénero. Ante el problema, se investigó una hipótesis que considera inválida cualquier desviación motivada exclusivamente por la transexualidad a la luz de los derechos fundamentales y objetivos de la República de 1988, independientemente del momento en que se registró el cambio de género debido a su naturaleza declaratoria, un hecho que también impactó en el beneficio otorgado en el criterio binario (masculino y femenino) a los dependientes. La investigación tuvo como referencia teórica la Constitución de la República de 1988, que se ejecutó mediante el método hipotético-deductivo, principalmente con encuestas bibliográficas, artículos, tesis, disertaciones, leyes y decisiones judiciales. La hipótesis presentada inicialmente fue confirmada. ; Com a evolução conceitual e classificatória da transexualidade nas ciências médicas e o desenvolvimento do tema também no Direito, resta observar qual o tratamento jurídico concebido pelas Forças Armadas brasileiras aos militares ou a seus dependentes transgêneros. Diante do problema foi investigada a hipótese que considera qualquer afastamento motivado exclusivamente pela transexualidade como inválido à luz dos direitos fundamentais e objetivos da República de 1988, independentemente da época em que se der o registro da mudança de gênero em virtude de sua natureza declaratória, fato que também repercute no benefício concedido sobre o critério binário (masculino e feminino) a dependentes. A pesquisa possuiu como referencial teórico a Constituição da República de 1988, tendo sido executada por meio do método hipotético-dedutivo, primordialmente com levantamento bibliográfico, artigos, teses, dissertações, leis e decisões judiciais. A hipótese inicialmente apresentada foi confirmada.

Butch is 68 years old and was born in Youngstown Ohio, One of 6 children, Moved to Maine in 1980 to be with his husband. Family life was relatively normal for Butch in terms of coming out. However his father was not very emotionally available in general. Butch Knew he was gay from a very young age and did not feel as if he was ever confused about his sexuality. Butch later joined the military and was in the Vietnam War. Continued to move to different states and eventually ended up in Maine later becoming owner of Blackstones in Portland. The bar is no longer under his ownership but is one of the last remaining gay bars in Portland Maine. Butch is one of the original members of a group called Harbor Masters and continues to be an active member. Citation Please cite as: Querying the Past: LGBTQ Maine Oral History Project Collection, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer+ Collection, Jean Byers Sampson Center for Diversity in Maine, University of Southern Maine Libraries. For more information about the Querying the Past: Maine LGBTQ Oral History Project, please contact Dr. Wendy Chapkis. ; https://digitalcommons.usm.maine.edu/querying_ohproject/1036/thumbnail.jpg

The launch of the new gender law (21,120) by the end of 2018, it has been issued after almost five years of tense parliamentary discussion. This law grants the civil right to citizens to change their sex and name on identity documents, which has begun complex discussions among conservative groups that talk of gender ideology. This study aims to identify and describe parliamentary evaluative stances within discussion during the legislative project processing. The analysis is drawn on critical discourse studies (CDS henceforth) and the appraisal system, where the object is to explore the hate speech configuration within discussions about the gender identity law at the Parliament in Chile. The findings show that discursive verbal violence appears highly evoked; a discourse of hatred toward transgender people is recognized but expressed through apparent intentionality of 'good', generally characteristic of right-wing parliamentary. ; A fines de 2018 es promulgada en Chile la Ley 21.120, tras casi cinco años de tensos debates. La ley otorga el derecho civil a los/as ciudadanos/as de cambiar su sexo y nombre en documentos de identificación, lo que genera discusiones en grupos conservadores que hablan de ideología de género. Esta investigación trabaja en la identificación y descripción de posicionamientos valorativos de los/as parlamentarios/as dentro de las discusiones durante la tramitación del proyecto. El análisis, basado en los Estudios Críticos del Discurso (en adelante ECD) y el Sistema de la valoración, tiene como objetivo explorar la configuración de discursos de odio en la discusión de la Ley de Identidad de Género en el Congreso Nacional de Chile. Entre los hallazgos, se evidencia violencia verbal evocada: se reconoce un discurso de odiosidad hacia las personas trans, pero que se expresa a través de una aparente intencionalidad de hacer el 'bien'. Este tipo de discurso es generalmente característico de parlamentarios/as de derecha. ; A lei 21.120 foi promulgada no Chile no final de 2018, após quase cinco anos de intensos debates. Esta lei, em essência, concede aos cidadãos e cidadãs o direito civil de mudar seu sexo e nome em documentos de identificação, o que gera discussões complexas em torno da "ideologia de gênero". São esses debates, que permearam as discussões parlamentares so longo do processo, objeto deste artigo, que busca identificar e explicar as posições de parlamentares e valores associados. A análise se baseia em estudos críticos do discurso e utiliza o sistema de avaliatividade para mapear o surgimento do discurso de ódio nas discussões no Congresso Nacional. Entre os resultados do estudo, a violência discursiva aparece altamente evocada; e o discurso de ódio contra pessoas transexuais é expresso por meio de uma aparente intencionalidade de "bem", geralmente por parlamentares de direita.

Cover -- LEGALIZING SEX -- Title -- Copyright -- CONTENTS -- Introduction: Contemporary Politics of Sex -- 1. "HIV Is Our Friend" -- 2. Challenging "Bare Life" -- 3. Empowered Criminals -- 4. Tolerable Identities, Intolerable Sex Acts -- 5. Interconnected Rights -- Acknowledgments -- Appendix A. Abbreviations -- Appendix B. Timeline for Anti-Sodomy-Law Contestations -- Notes -- References -- Index -- About the Author.

The driving force behind this thesis is an examination of how bodily experience can be documented as artistic performance and what written documentation can invariably omit when it comes to queer experience. Drawing from archival research, as well as discourses in art history, performance studies, and queer theory, Cassils's 2017 project PISSED captured and displayed raw material in non-representational objects to make visible the very real experiences a body must endure under discriminatory political legislation. Following threads of performance studies, this thesis examines how Cassils's incorporation of performance documentation across several mediums propelled a re-mounting and invariably transformed the capacity for delegated performance. I ask: what does it take to produce an empathic narrative and inclusive index of queer/LGBTQI+ experience through visual form.

Introduction: Harry Gorman's Buffalo -- The last female husband: new boundaries of identity in the late nineteenth century -- Beyond community: rural lives of trans men -- "The trouble that clothes make": whiteness and acceptability -- Gender transgressions in the age of U.S. empire -- To have and to hold: trans husbands in the early twentieth century -- Conclusion: Kenneth Lisonbee's Eureka.

Sexual and gender minority (SGM) individuals endure a number of health disparities, such as higher rates of violence, mental health conditions, and more medical conditions. These disparities are exacerbated by the fact that SGM individuals face issues such as accessing health insurance, social support programs, and health service providers who are knowledgeable about SGM health issues. Certain health service provider governing organizations (i.e., the American Psychological Association, the Association of American Medical Colleges, and the Gay and Lesbian Medical Association) have recognized the need for guidelines regarding SGM care in recent years and published guidelines for health service providers regarding culturally competent care of SGM clients. SGM individuals represent a highly stigmatized and understudied population in regard to health service education and training. The primary purpose of this dissertation was to understand health service providers SGM competency by developing a measure (the HCAF-SGM), examining theories (Dual Process Model of Prejudice and SIT) that may be related to SGM competency, and identifying correlates of SGM competency. Study one of the dissertation was a systematic review that examined rates and correlates of health service providers competency working with SGM individuals. Study two of the dissertation was a review of a psycho-educational training with military sexual assault victim advocates (SAVAs) serving SGM victims. Study three of the dissertation developed and assessed a measure of health service provider SGM competency.

In 2012, after decades of trans and travesti activism in Argentina, the law on gender identity was finally adopted. Travesti activists Diana Sacayán and Lohana Berkins were at the forefront of these efforts. The same year, after the long struggle of the feminist movement, 'femicide,' understood as the murder of women by men in the context of gender-based violence, was incorporated into the Criminal Code as aggravated murder. This legal amendment also criminalized hate crime based on the sexual orientation or gender identity of the victim. Mobilized by Sacayán's murder in 2015, the trans and travesti collective sought to make the experiences of exclusion and marginalization of the travesti collective visible by coining the notion of 'travesticide,' and demanded it to be used in the ensuing criminal trial that followed her death. Constrained by the legal notions of femicide, gender-based violence, and hate crimes, the Tribunal introduced 'travesticide' in their decision, yet questions on how to properly operationalize this notion in criminal law remain. Each notion offers opportunities and poses difficulties in making the murder of travestis politically visible and accounted for. By a detailed analysis of the final judgment, this article reflects on the implications of the notions used in the trial and the possible lessons for future interactions with the criminal justice system.