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A powerful personal narrative of recovery and an illuminating philosophical exploration of traumaOn July 4, 1990, while on a morning walk in southern France, Susan Brison was attacked from behind, severely beaten, sexually assaulted, strangled to unconsciousness, and left for dead. She survived, but her world was destroyed. Her training as a philosopher could not help her make sense of things, and many of her fundamental assumptions about the nature of the self and the world it inhabits were shattered.At once a personal narrative of recovery and a philosophical exploration of trauma, this bravely and beautifully written book examines the undoing and remaking of a self in the aftermath of violence. It explores, from an interdisciplinary perspective, memory and truth, identity and self, autonomy and community. It offers imaginative access to the experience of a rape survivor as well as a reflective critique of a society in which women routinely fear and suffer sexual violence.As Brison observes, trauma disrupts memory, severs past from present, and incapacitates the ability to envision a future. Yet the act of bearing witness, she argues, facilitates recovery by integrating the experience into the survivor's life's story. She also argues for the importance, as well as the hazards, of using first-person narratives in understanding not only trauma, but also larger philosophical questions about what we can know and how we should live

A bold reassessment of "smart cities" that reveals what is lost when we conceive of our urban spaces as computers Computational models of urbanism--smart cities that use data-driven planning and algorithmic administration--promise to deliver new urban efficiencies and conveniences. Yet these models limit our understanding of what we can know about a city. A City Is Not a Computer reveals how cities encompass myriad forms of local and indigenous intelligences and knowledge institutions, arguing that these resources are a vital supplement and corrective to increasingly prevalent algorithmic models. Shannon Mattern begins by examining the ethical and ontological implications of urban technologies and computational models, discussing how they shape and in many cases profoundly limit our engagement with cities. She looks at the methods and underlying assumptions of data-driven urbanism, and demonstrates how the "city-as-computer" metaphor, which undergirds much of today's urban policy and design, reduces place-based knowledge to information processing. Mattern then imagines how we might sustain institutions and infrastructures that constitute more diverse, open, inclusive urban forms. She shows how the public library functions as a steward of urban intelligence, and describes the scales of upkeep needed to sustain a city's many moving parts, from spinning hard drives to bridge repairs. Incorporating insights from urban studies, data science, and media and information studies, A City Is Not a Computer offers a visionary new approach to urban planning and design

Internal conflict prevention calls for a better understanding of the way those events form and spread through space and time. In comparison with other social science disciplines, economics started to explore this field only very recently. Over the past 20 years and as if it was trying to make up for the time lost, we have witnessed a bustle in the number of econometrical research papers written on this subject. What conclusions can we draw from those works? The present document defines the analysis scope of this area of study by insisting on the three deep mechanisms responsible of predatory behaviors: state capacity, the "prize" value of capturing the state and the opportunity cost of joining a rebel group. It also gives an assessment of the constraints and the recent developments in the causal analysis of internal conflicts. Finally, this article shows that the improvements in the methodology of causal inference, in the econometric tools and in the data collection methods open promising research opportunities on topics such as the role of social cohesion or the consequences of climate change on the risk of conflict. ; Prévenir les conflits internes nécessite une meilleure compréhension de la manière dont ils se forment et se propagent dans le temps et l'espace. Par rapport aux autres sciences sociales, l'économie n'a que très récemment investi ce champ d'étude. Comme pour rattraper son retard, nous assistons depuis une vingtaine d'années à une effervescence de la recherche économétrique sur le sujet. Quelles conclusions tirer de ces travaux ? Ce document définit le périmètre d'analyse de ce champ d'étude en insistant sur trois mécanismes profonds à l'origine des comportements de prédation : les capacités de l'Etat, la valeur du gain issu de la capture de l'Etat et le coût d'opportunité d'entrer dans un groupe armé auquel les individus font face (i.e. l'arbitrage entre des activités de production ou de prédation). Il dresse également un bilan des contraintes et avancées récentes dans l'analyse causale des ...

Internal conflict prevention calls for a better understanding of the way those events form and spread through space and time. In comparison with other social science disciplines, economics started to explore this field only very recently. Over the past 20 years and as if it was trying to make up for the time lost, we have witnessed a bustle in the number of econometrical research papers written on this subject. What conclusions can we draw from those works? The present document defines the analysis scope of this area of study by insisting on the three deep mechanisms responsible of predatory behaviors: state capacity, the "prize" value of capturing the state and the opportunity cost of joining a rebel group. It also gives an assessment of the constraints and the recent developments in the causal analysis of internal conflicts. Finally, this article shows that the improvements in the methodology of causal inference, in the econometric tools and in the data collection methods open promising research opportunities on topics such as the role of social cohesion or the consequences of climate change on the risk of conflict. ; Prévenir les conflits internes nécessite une meilleure compréhension de la manière dont ils se forment et se propagent dans le temps et l'espace. Par rapport aux autres sciences sociales, l'économie n'a que très récemment investi ce champ d'étude. Comme pour rattraper son retard, nous assistons depuis une vingtaine d'années à une effervescence de la recherche économétrique sur le sujet. Quelles conclusions tirer de ces travaux ? Ce document définit le périmètre d'analyse de ce champ d'étude en insistant sur trois mécanismes profonds à l'origine des comportements de prédation : les capacités de l'Etat, la valeur du gain issu de la capture de l'Etat et le coût d'opportunité d'entrer dans un groupe armé auquel les individus font face (i.e. l'arbitrage entre des activités de production ou de prédation). Il dresse également un bilan des contraintes et avancées récentes dans l'analyse causale des conflits internes. Il montre que l'amélioration des méthodes d'inférence causale, des outils économétriques et des méthodes de collecte de données dessine des perspectives de recherche prometteuses sur des sujets tels que le rôle de la cohésion sociale et les conséquences du changement climatique sur le risque de conflit.

Online outsourcing (OO) has become a promising alternative to traditional employment in today's digital era. It has transformed where, when, and how work is performed. For workers, this form of outsourcing has created new opportunities to access and compete in global job markets, from anywhere at any time, as long as they have computer and Internet access. This study focuses on OO's potential as a new and innovative channel for socioeconomic development for developing country governments and development practitioners, particularly in terms of youth employment, services exports, and participation in the digital economy. OO firms report that the private sector is currently driving most of the demand, but public sector demand for OO is a potential source of future growth. In order to understand the opportunity for developing countries, this study estimated the current size of the market and projected its growth, and profiled OO work through a combination of desk research and structured interviews with academics, online workers, firms, and industry analysts to better understand OO's potential impact on human capital and employment. The study also conducted focus group interviews with online workers in Kenya to gather additional insight into the socioeconomic impacts of OO, and carried out case studies in Kenya and Nigeria.

Rezension von: Hans-Uwe Otto / Jürgen Oelkers (Hrsg.): Zeitgemäße Bildung. Herausforderung für Erziehungswissenschaft und Bildungspolitik. München/Basel: Reinhardt 2006 (355 S.; ISBN 3-497-01846-5; 29,90 EUR).

Der Band enthält Reden, Referate und Arbeitsberichte des 11. Kongresses der Gesellschaft für Erziehungswissenschaft (Saarbrücken, 1988). Andernorts veröffentlichte Kongressbeiträge werden am Ende der Publikation nachgewiesen. Die Beiträge sind thematisch in drei Blöcke gegliedert: - Institutionsübergreifende Fragestellungen - Schule und Lehrerbildung - Außerschulische Erziehung und Bildung. (IAB)

Беневич Г. И. Логос Мелхиседека. Экзегеза и парадигма обожения у прп. Максима Исповедника В этой статье рассматривается один из сложнейших вопросов библейской экзегетики образ Мелхиседека и его связь с образом Христа. На материале ряда сочинений прп. Максима Исповедника показывается значение этого вопроса для восточного богословия VII в. Ключевые слова: Максим Исповедник, Мелхиседек, Христос, экзегетика. Benevich G. I. Logos of Melchizedek. The Учупуышы and Paradigm of Deification in the Works of Maximus the Confessor In the article, there is regarded one of the most complex matters of the Bible exegesis, i. e. image of Melchizedek and its relation to the image of Christ. The meaning of the matter for Eastern Theology of the VII century is shown through a set of writings of St. Maximus the Confessor. Key words: Maximus the Confessor, Melchizedek, Christ, exegesis. Бирюков Д. С. Николай Мефонский и его полемика с учением Прокла в контексте византийского проклренессанса Статья посвящена особенностям полемики византийского церковного писателя XII в. Николая Мефонского с учением Прокла. Указано на платонизирующих византийских авторов современной Николаю эпохи, с которыми он мог неявно полемизировать. На примере преломления Николаем платонического учения об иерархии причин сущего и учения об универсалиях показано, что Николай склонялся к номинализму и расходился в этом как с неортодоксальными, так и с некоторыми ортодоксальными авторами, а также с распространенной в Византии позицией, характерной для Александрийской школы Аммония, предполагающей троякий способ существования универсалий. Ключевые слова: византийская философия, проблема универсалий, платонизм, Александрийская школа философии, византийский проклренессанс. Birjukov D. S Nicholas of Methone and His Polemics Against Proclus in the Context of the Byzantine Proclosrenaissance The article is concerned on the features in polemics of the Byzantine Church author Nicholas of Methone with the authorities who kept the doctrine of Proclus in XII century. We have suggested the names of the authors in Nicholas' epoch, with whom he could maintain his latent dialogue in his writings. On the example of interpreting the Platonian notion concerning the hierarchy of causes of Being and the notion of Universals we show that Nicholas whose more inclined to Nominalism, fallen into divergence both with Non-orthodox and same Orthodox authors on that point. So that the analysis of his writings reveals the difference with the widespread position in Byzantium, characteristic to the Alexandrian school of Ammonius, which supported the Doctrine of Universals' existing in three modes. Key words: Byzantine philosophy, the problem of universals, Platonism, Alexandrian school, Proklosrenaissance. Бурановская Н. А. Сакрализация камня в культуре Средневековой Индии Сакрализация камня как наиболее долговечного материала, способного запечатлеть ценностные доминанты и духовные смыслы культуры, характерна для большинства цивилизаций Востока. В данной статье рассматривается космологическая символика индуистских храмов, являвшихся в своей исторической эволюции развитием идеи жертвенного алтаря. Ключевые слова: Индия, индуизм, каменное храмовое зодчество, сакрализация камня. Buranovsky N. A. Stone Sacralization in Culture of Medieval India The stone sacralization as the most durable material, capable to embody valuable dominants and spiritual senses of culture, is characteristic for the majority of civilisations of the East. In given article the cosmological symbolism of Hindu temples which were development of idea of a sacrificial altar in the historical evolution. Key words: India, Hindu, stone temple architecture, a stone sacralization. Бурмистров С. Л. Эстетика неоведантизма и принцип dhvani В статье на примере философии искусства С. Дасгупты рассматриваются некоторые особенности неоведантистской эстетики и ее связи с эстетическими представлениям древней Индии и с западной эстетической мыслью (Г. В. Ф. Гегель). Анализируется роль понятия dhvani (намек, скрытый смысл) в индийской эстетике и особенности восприятия неоведантистами гегелевского учения об искусстве как образном воплощении идеи. Ключевые слова: эстетика, прекрасное, неоведантизм, Гегель, dhvani. Burmistrov S. L. Esthetics of Neo-Vedantism and the Dhvani Principle In the paper specific features of neo-vedāntist aesthetics (S. Dasgupta's philosophy of art) are considered and its relations with aesthetic theories of ancient India and with Western aesthetic thought (G. W. F. Hegel) are examined. The main topic of the paper are the role of the concept dhvani (hint) in Indian aesthetics and specific features of neo-vedāntist reception of Hegel's theory of art as an embodiment of an idea. Keywords: Aesthetics, beauty, neo-vedāntism, Hegel, dhvani. Гольцев Д. В. Образ Храма в истории и современной культуре евреев Единство языка, традиций, культуры, которые еврейский народ сохраняет на протяжении более четырех тысяч лет покоятся на религиозном фундаменте иудаизма. Желание иудеев жить в чистом и святом мире, который был утерян прародителями после грехопадения, воплотилось в Храме. Идея Храма укоренена в самих истоках истории еврейского народа. И вся история евреев по сей день неразрывно связана с Храмом. Ключевые слова: культура, религиозное сознание, Храм, синагога. Goltsev D. V. Image of the Temple in the History and Contemporary Culrure of Jews The unity of language, traditions, and culture preserving by the Jewish people throughout more than four thousands years base on the religious foundation of Judaism. The desire of Jews to live in the clear and holy world lost by progenitors after the Fall had been embodied in Temple. The idea of the Temple is grounded in the very origins of Jewish history. And the whole history of Jews is intimately connected with the Temple to the present time. Key words: culture, religious consciousness, the Temple, synagogue. Воробьева-Десятовская М. И. Мечников Л. И. и русская цивилизация XIX в. Статья посвящена страницам биографии Л. И. Мечникова. Автор анализирует его жизненный путь, чтобы выяснить, когда ученый задался вопросом о причинах зарождения цивилизаций. Он считал ошибочным усматривать причину зарождения древних цивилизаций в благоприятных климатических условиях, поскольку климатические условия, в которых зарождались цивилизации, не были идентичны. Л. И. Мечников первым в русской науке сделал шаг к выявлению роли географического фактора в историко-цивилизационном процессе. Ключевые слова: первобытная культура, географический фактор, изменения климатических условий Vorob'yova-Desyatovskaya M. I. L. I. Mechnikov and the Russian Civilization of the XIX Century. This article is devoted to crucial points of L. I. Mechnikov's biography. The author analyzed his life story in order to explain how he conceived the idea of civilizations' origin. Mechnikov rejected auspicious climatic conditions as the main cause of the ancient civilizations' arising. He proved the exceptional role of geographical factor of historical-civilizational process. Mechnikov was the first Russian scientist who represented this mode of thinking. Key words: primitive culture, the geographical factor, changes of environmental conditions. Джибраев А. Ю. Судан-2011: грядущая религиозно-иделогическая реструктуризация До референдума 2011 г. о разделении Судана на южное и северное государства осталось менее года. В контексте столкновения западного, американского образца, и исламского проектов глобализации актуальным представляется и обсуждение, и прогнозирование геополитических последствий референдума. Cтатья посвящена анализу суданского узла пересечения интересов Запада и стран исламского мира: социально-политической и экономической ангажированность Судана, внутрисуданских политических противоречий, позиций Евросоюза и США в разделении Республики Судан. Ключевые слова: геополитика, суданский референдум, исламистские национальные движения Dzhibraev A. Y. Sudan-2011: Сoming Religious & Ideological Restructurization Less than one year has been left prior to the Referendum-2011, targeted to divide Sudan on the South and North states. In the context of clash of the Western, American and Islamic Globalization Projects, to discuss and forecast the geopolitical implication of the Referendum seem to be actual. This article is designated for analyzing the Sudanese intersection node of the Western and Islamic countries' interests and meaning the social & political involvement and commitment of Sudan, internal Sudanese political contradictions, and the EU & EC positions on division matters of the Republic of Sudan. The attention is focused to discussing the forthcoming reaction to the Referendum results in the conditions of a potential local East Africa's conflict transplantation into the ideological fields of challenge for various Globalization Projects and with the view of preventing the negative consequences for the neighboring regions regarding formation of two independent states. Key words: geopolitics, Sudanese Referendum, islamist national movements. Ермакова Т. В. Вклад монголоведа А. М. Позднеева в исследование буддийской культуры Статья посвящена анализу вклада монголоведа А. М. Позднеева в исследование буддийской культуры. Проанализированы результаты двух его поездок в Монголию (1876, 1892): описание буддийских монастырей в аспекте управления, религиозных практик, архитектуры и повседневной жизни, восстановлена его концепция историко-культурной уникальности центральноазиатской региональной формы буддийской культуры. Ключевые слова: буддизм, Монголия, российские экспедиции. Ermakova T. V. Personal contribution of mongolist A. M. Pozdneev into Buddhist culture research This article is devoted to the evaluation of the personal contribution of the Russian mongolist A. M. Pozdneev into Buddhist culture research. Notable results of his two expeditions into Mongolian region were analyzed: complex description of the Mongol Buddhist monasteries in various aspects: management, religious practices, architecture and everyday life. Pozdneev's conceptualization of Mongol regional form of Buddhist culture was analyzed. Key words: Buddhism, Mongolia, the Russian expeditions. Касаткина З. А. Дирижерско-хоровая педагогика и образование в России на современном этапе Статья посвящена проблемам теории хорового дирижирования, методике преподавания дирижирования, а также вопросам полифункциональности данной профессии. Рассматривается проблема качественной подготовки и воспитания хорового дирижера высокой квалификации, выявление специфических дирижерских способностей, раскрытие понятия дирижерско-хоровая школа, определение основных методологических и теоретических аспектов основ системы хорового образования и исполнительства. Ключевые слова: теория хорового дирижирования, дирижерско-хоровое образование, педагог, музыкант, дирижерско-хоровая школа. Kasatkina Z. A. Choir Conducting Pedagogy and Education in Russia at Present Days The article is dedicated to theoretical questions of choir conducting, choir conducting teaching methodology as well as to questions related to multifunction of this profession. The author contemplates such issues as: education of highly qualified choir conductor, revelation of specific conductor skills, academic detailing of meaning for choir conducting school, determination of basic methodological and theoretical aspects of choir and performance educational system and its basis. Key words: theory of choir conducting, choir conducting education, pedagogue, musician, choir conducting school. Климов В. Ю. Светские власти, Рэннё, восьмой иерарх буддийской школы истинной веры Чистой Земли, и ее адепты в средневековой Японии В XVI в. крупные феодалы сэнгоку-даймё законодательными мерами стремились запретить деятельность адептов буддийской школы дзёдо синсю. Школа была основана Святым Синраном (1173-1263). Рэннё (1415-1499) в XV в. сумел создать мощную религиозную организацию. Он отстаивал основные положения Учения школы, борясь с искажениями и ересями. Ключевые слова: религиозное движение икко-икки, буддистская школа дзёдо синсю, Синран, Рэннё, буддистский храм Хонгандзи. Klimov V. J. In the XVI-th century feudal lords sengoku daimyo tried to prohibit the activities of religious followers of Buddhist school jodo shinshu by law The Buddhist school was founded by Saint Shinran (1173-1263). In the XV-th century Rennyo (1415-1499) managed to create a powerful religious organization. He was supporting main statements of the religious doctrine, and was fighting against its misinterpretations and heresies. Key words: Religious movement ikko-ikki, Buddhist school jodo shinshu, Shinran, Rennyo, Buddhist temple Honganji. Ларионова Д. Г. Лингвокультурные предпосылки формирования концепта родина Статья посвящена формированию концепта родина на фоне американской лингвокультуры. Анализируются типологические особенности русской и американской культур, обусловившие различия в значимости концепта для языкового сознания русских и американцев. Исследуются лингвокультурные предпосылки формирования концепта родина как базового концепта русской культуры. Сопоставляются переводные соответствия концепта в русском языке и американском варианте английского языка. Ключевые слова: родина, концепт, русская культура, американская культура, лингвокультура, Larionov D. G. Lingual-Cultural Premises of Formation of the Motherland Concept The article is dedicated to the formation of the motherland concept against the background of the American lingual culture. The typological features of the Russian and American cultures that cause different meaning of the concept in the lingual consciousness of the Russian and American people are analyzed. The lingual cultural premises of formation of the motherland concept as a basic concept of the Russian culture are considered. The translated equivalents of the concept in the Russian and American English are compared. Key words: motherland, concept, Russian culture, American culture, lingual culture. Марахонова С. И. Выдающийся исследователь японской художественной культуры Сергей Елисеев и его петроградское окружение Статья посвящена деятельности С. Елисеева в области искусств, которое было его центральным интересом, что дает повод историкам считать его, прежде всего, специалистом в области дальневосточной культуры и искусств. Елисеев начал свои исследовательские изыскания, обучаясь в Японии. Позже, в 1915-1920 в Петрограде он подготовил лекции по дальневосточному искусству для Государственного университета и других институтов. Елисеев прожил первое десятилетие в эмиграции в Париже, где он работал как хранитель японской коллекции в музее Гиме. Парижский период был самым плодотворным для научной деятельности. С 1934 по 1958 С. Елисеев профессор Гарвардского университета США и директор Института Гарварда. Ключевые слова: востоковедение, Сергей Елисеев, дальневосточное искусство, культура Японии и Китая. Marakhonova S. I. The Outstanding Far Easten Fine Arts'scholar Serge Elisseeff and His Petrograd Environment The article deals with Serge Elisseeff 's activities in the field of fine arts. This was one of his most great interests and he is considered by some people the history of Far Eastern culture and fine arts scholar first of all. Elisseeff began his fine arts studies when a student in Japan. Later in 1915-1920 in Petrograd he prepared a lot of lectures on Far Eastern fine arts at the state university and some other institutes. Elisseeff spent the first decade of his emigration from Russia in Paris where he worked as the Japanese collection keeper in the Guimet museum. The Paris period was the most productive for Elisseeff 's scientific publications most part of which belonged to fine arts' problems. From 1934 to 1958 Serge Elisseeff spent in the USA as the Harvard University professor and director of the Harvard-Yenching Institute. Key words: Oriental studies, Sergey Yeliseyev, Far East arts, culture of Japan and China. Матюшкина Е. Н. Тип героя в исторических романах Б. Окуджавы В статье делается попытка создания типологии героя в исторической прозе Б. Окуджавы. Для этого рассмотрены произведения Бедный Авросимов, Похождения Шипова или Старинный водевиль, Свидание с Бонапартом, Путешествие дилетантов. В романах Окуджавы происходит трансформация героя середины XX века, наблюдается своеобразная модификация образов маленького человека (Авросимов, Шипов, Опочинин), лишнего человека (Мятлев). Ключевые слова: историческая проза, типология героя, маленький человек, лишний человек. Matyshkina E. N. Type the Hero in Historical Novels B. Okudzhava The seeks to make a typology of the hero in historical prose B. Okudzhava. To do this, consider the product Poor Avrosimov, The Adventures Shipova or old vaudeville, Rendezvous with Bonaparte, Journey dilettantes. In the novels there is a transformation of the hero Okudzhava mid XX century, there has been a kind of modification of images of the little man (Avrosimov, Shipov, Opochinin), superfluous man (Myatlev). Key words: historical prose, the typology of the hero, little man, superfluous man. Махлина С. Т. Значение Эдварда Саида в современной культуре и культурологи Доминантным аспектом современной культуры является глобализация. Конечно, это явление имеет черты двойственности. Основные особенности глобализации очень ярко воплотились в судьбе и творчестве Эдварда Вади Саида (1 ноября 1935 г. 25 сентября 2003 г.). И жизнь, и творчество, и политическая, и общественная деятельность его настолько двойственны, что отражают все противоречия глобализации. Фигура Эдварда Саида весьма 320 показательна для современной эпохи и, несомненно, значима для современной культуры и культурологии. Ключевые слова: глобализация, культура, культурология, Запад, Восток, ислам. Mahlina S. T. Edward Said's Value in Modern Culture and Cultural Science Globalisation is a dominant aspect of modern culture. This phenomenon is surely of dual nature. Main features of globalization are embodied in the art and life of Edward Wadie Said (1.11.1935-25.09.2003). His art and life, his political and social activity, are so ambiguous that reflect all controversies of globalization. Edward Said is a representative figure of the modern times and is definitely significant for the modern culture and culture studies. Key words: globalization, culture, culture studies, West, East, Islam. Микитюк Ю. М. Категории органической теории в идеологии почвенников В статье рассматриваются основные положения органической теории, раскрывается ее место в идеологии почвенничества. Анализ таких понятий, как народность, нация позволяет раскрыть решение почвенниками проблемы соотношения национального и общечеловеческого. Ключевые слова: органическая теория, нация, народ, почва, Григорьев, Страхов, Достоевский. Mikityuk Y. M. The Organic Theory in Ideology of Pochvenniks This article discusses the basic statements of the ''organic theory', it also reveals its place in the ideology of Pochvennichestvo. The analysis of such concepts as nation, nationality, nation may allow to solve the problem of the relationship between national and universal by representatives of this ideology. Key words: the organic theory, nation, people, national, soil, Grigoriev, Strahov, Dostoevsky. Михайлова М. В. Классический текст как личное бытие Классический текст рассматривается с позиций онтологической эстетики как один из видов личного бытия. Метафизическая потребность, лежащая в основе искусства, особенным образом реализуется в литературе. Благодаря совершенному тексту, гармонично соединяющему стратегии значения и присутствия, становится возможным эстетическое событие встречи автора, читателя и языка, имеющее важнейшим своим следствием перенастройку личности в согласии человека и мира. Ключевые слова: классика, текст, бытие, язык, автор, читатель. Mikhailova M. V. Classical Text as a Personal Being The article deals with the problem of classical text considered from the point of view of ontological esthetics as a kind of personal existence. The metaphysical requirement underlying art, is realized in literature in a special way. Thanks to the perfect text harmoniously connecting meaning and presence strategies, an esthetic event of a meeting of the author, the reader and the language become possible. Key words: classics, text, being, language, author, reader. Муравьев К. В. Два модуса триадологии А. Ф. Лосева В статье рассматривается триадология известного русского философа Алексея Федоровича Лосева, которая соединяет в себе диалектические начала античной философии и христианское православное богословие. Ключевые слова: триадология, ипостась, онтология, неоплатонизм, диалектика. Muravyev K. V. Two Modi of A. F. Losew's Triadology In the article triadology of noted Russian philosopher Alexey Losew which unites the dialectic principles of an ancient philosophy and Christian orthodox divinity is considered. Key words: triadology, hipostasis, ontology, Neo-platonism, dialectics. Островская Е. А. Теория традиционных религиозных идеологий: методологические возможности и горизонты применимости Статья посвящена презентации принципиально нового подхода к социологическому исследованию процессов институционализации религиозных систем. Методологическое ядро разработанного автором подхода составляет теория традиционных религиозных идеологий, содержащая в себе концептуальный инструментарий для изучения религиозных идеологий Запада и Востока. Авторское рассмотрение сфокусировано на теоретико-методологическом разъяснении таких ключевых концепций этой теории, как традиционные религии, религиозная модель общества, аналитическая схема институционализации религиозных систем. Особый интерес представляет предложенная в статье демонстрация методологических возможностей теории в аспекте преодоления эпистемологической ограниченности постхристианских академических моделей изучения религий. Ключевые слова: религиозные идеологии, социология религии, эпистемологические основания научного изучения религий Ostrowskaya E. A. Theory of Traditional Religious Ideologies: Methodological Capabilities and Horizons of Applicability The article presents a new approach to sociological study of religious systems institutionalization processes. In the core of this approach there is a theory of traditional religious ideologies, as providing a methodological tool for analysis of religious ideologies in the context of Western and Asian societies. The focus is brought to the theoretical and methodological clarifications to three key concepts of the theory that are traditional religions, religious model of society and analytical scheme of religious systems institutionalization. The demonstration of their methodological applicability is of great importance for comprehending epistemological limits of post-Christian scientific models for studies of religion. Key words: religious ideologies, sociology of religion, epistemology of scientific studies of religion. Островский А. Б. Категория замирщение в нормативных документах беспоповцев XIX начала XX в. Термин замирщение, употребленный впервые в конце XVII в. федосеевцами, в течение двух столетий прошел эволюцию: первоначально он выражал противостояние христиане (федосеевцы) / (отлученные, новожены, мирские), а во второй половине XIX в. уже служил мерой для оценки степени утраты благочестия конкретным членом беспоповской общины ввиду недозволенных контактов с иноверными в трапезе, совместной помывке в бане и др. ситуациях общения. Ключевые слова: старообрядцы, межконфессиональные отношения, федосеевцы, поморцы, замирщение. Ostrovsky A. B. The Category of Zamirshenie in Bespopovtsian (a Priestless Sect of Russian Old Believers) Regulations of the 19thand Early 20th Century The evolution of the term zamirshenie first used by the Fedoseetsy in the late 17th century: originally representing the opposition between Christians (Fedoseevtsy) and excommunicates, Novojeny (unionists recognizing marriage), and laity, and in the second part of the 19th century censuring imperfect piousness of individual members of priestless community found guilty of inadmissible contacts with adherents of different creed at meals, in a bathhouse or in other communicative situations. Key words: old believers, inter-confessional relations, fedoseevtsy, pomortsy, zamirshenie. Плебанек О. В. Цивилизационная матрица как категория геополитики Современные направления научных исследований глобалистика, геополитика потребовали и нового категориального аппарата. Традиционные понятия, такие как цивилизация, наполняются новым смыслом, на их базе возникают новые категории, такие как геоцивилизация, цивилизационная матрица, алгоритмы цивилизационной динамики и др. Использование новых и относительно новых понятий в новом контексте требует научного обоснования. Нестрогое, многозначное понимание научных категорий снижает их методологическое значение. Ключевые слова: глобалистика, геополитика, цивилизация, геоцивилизация, цивилизационная матрица, алгоритмы цивилизационной динамики. Plebanek O. V. Civilizational Matrix as the category of geopolitics Modern directions of scientific researches global studies, geopolitics have demanded also new categorial the language. Traditional concepts, such as a civilization, are filled with new sense, on their base there are new categories, such as a geocivilization, civilizational a matrix, algorithms civilizational dynamics, etc. Use new and concerning new concepts of a new context demands a scientific substantiation. Not strict, multiple-valued understanding of scientific categories reduces their methodological value. Key words: global studies, geopolitics, a civilisation, a geocivilization, civilization a matrix, algorithms civilizational dynamics. Прокуденкова О. В. Роль географического фактора в культурологической концепции Л. И. Мечникова В статье рассматривается культурологическая концепция выдающегося русского ученого Л. И. Мечникова. Отмечается особое внимание к проблеме географического детерминизма и роли природных условий в генезисе и развитии цивилизаций. Показано, что Мечников обосновывал своеобразие историко-культурного развития географическим фактором, главным из которых была гидросфера водное пространство, ставшее общим объединяющим признаком классификации мировых цивилизаций: речные, морские и океанические. Ключевые слова: географический фактор, гидросфера, цивилизация, географический детерминизм, культурогенез. Prokudenkova O. V. Role of Geographical Factor in the L. I. Mechnikov's Culturological Concept In the article, the culturological concept of outstanding Russian scientist L. I. Mechnikov is considered. Special attention to the problem of geographical determinism and role of environment in genesis and development of civilizations is paid. It is shown that Mechnikov saw the reason of originality of historical and cultural development in geographical factor, mainly, in hydrosphere, as water space is general uniting sign of classification of world civilizations: those of river, sea, and ocean. Key words: geographical factor, hydrosphere, civilization, geographical determinism, genesis of culture. Регинская Н. В. Александр Невский как символ национальной идентичности в современном искусстве Повышенное внимание, уделяемое Александру Невскому сегодня, связано как с незаурядной личностью Благоверного князя, так и с потребностью восстановления национальных символов новой России. Святому Александру Невскому принадлежит роль выдающегося русского героя. Закономерно обращение современного искусства к героике Благоверного князя Александра Невского, изображение которого своеобразно своей двойственностью: сакральноиконографичным содержанием и экспериментально-светской манерой исполнения. Ключевые слова: иконография, традиция, экспериментальное искусство, духовноиконологическое течение, иконная драматургия Reginsky N. V. Alexander Nevsky as a Symbol of National Identity in the Modern Art An increased attention is paid nowadays to Alexander Nevsky owing to the remarkable individuality of the Blessed Knyazh as well as to the need of renewal of New Russia's national symbols. Saint Alexander Nevsky has a role of an outstanding Russian hero. Modern Art logically addresses the heroic stories of the Blessed Knyazh Alexander Nevsky, whose image is peculiar due to its ambivalence: its sacral-iconographic content and experimentally secular manner of fulfillment. Key words: Iconography, Tradition, Experimental Art, Spiritually-Iconological Trend, Iconic Drama. Рысаков А. С. Основные тенденции в конфуцианстве эпохи Цин Статья посвящена аналитическому рассмотрению истории конфуцианского учения в XVII-XIX вв. Рассматриваются различные аспекты трансформации конфуцианства каноноведение, психотехника, доктрина, ритуальные практики. Восстанавливается политический контекст функционирования конфуцианских школ и направлений. Исследуются доктринальные позиции наиболее значимых конфуцианских ученых цинского времени. Ключевые слова: китайская философия, история конфуцианства, история Китая Нового времени. Rysakov A. S. Major Trends in the Qing Dynasty Confucianism The article is devoted to analytical consideration of the history of Confucian teachings in XVII-XIX centuries. Various aspects of the transformation of Confucianism: canon studies, psychotechnique, doctrine, ritual practice are considered. The political context of functioning of Confucian schools and directions is analyzed, as well as the doctrinal position of the most important Qing time Confucian scholars. Key words: Chinese philosophy, the history of Confucianism, Chinese History. 324 Рысакова П. И. Социокультурная специфика женского образования в традиционном китайском обществе Настоящая статья посвящена выявлению социокультурной специфики женского образования в традиционном китайском обществе. Основное внимание уделено анализу конфуцианских доктринальных предписаний, в соответствии с которыми выстраивались ценностно-нормативные представления о социальном статусе и роли женщины в китайском обществе. Рассматривается педагогический идеал традиционного женского образования. Ключевые слова: конфуцианство, женское образование, четыре женские добродетели, талант. Rysakova P. I. Socio-Cultural Specifics of Women Education in Traditional Chinese Society The article deals with the problem of specific features of female education in Chinese traditional society. It primarily focuses on analysis of the doctrine of Confucianism which regulated the normative expectations of women's social status and role in Chinese society. The aim of women's traditional education is considered. Key words: Confucianism, female education, four women's virtues, talent. Свиридова Л. О. Олицетворение ада в Чине погребению священническому В статье изложены результаты наблюдений над постканоническими восточнохристианскими гимнографическими памятниками на церковно-славянском языке. В центре рассмотрения отличительная черта гимнографической образности: олицетворение не только ада, но и рая, космологических уровней, природных объектов и стихий. В образной системе гимнографического текста выявляются космологический и антропоморфический семиотические коды. Ключевые слова: гимнография, книги церковного обихода кирилловской печати, Потребник, семиотические коды, космологические представления. Sviridova L. O. Embodiment of Hell in theOrder of Priestly Burial The results of observation of Eastern Christian post-canonical hymnographic memorials in the Old Church Slavonic language are given in the article. The central idea of the research is the main feature of the hymnographic imagery the embodiment not only of Hell, but of Heaven, cosmological levels, natural objects and elements. In the system of hymnographic texts cosmological and antropomorphic semiotic codes are presented. Key words: hymnography, church books of Cyril print, Potrebnik, semiotic codes, cosmological views. Селивановский В. В. Сциентистские элементы вероучения Движения Веры Сциентизм в теистической религии парадоксален. Этот феномен вероучения неопятидесятнического Движения Веры побуждает обратиться к анализу его генеалогических корней, теологии и эпистемологии. Крайний фидеизм и далёкое от научной рациональности отрицание чувственного опыта позволяет говорить не о сциентистской ориентации сознания, а о квазинаучном флёре, прикрывающем магический характер практики. Ключевые слова: сциентизм, Движение Веры, метафизическое движение, Новое Мышление, закон веры. Selivanovskiy V. V. Scientistic elements of the Word-Faith Movement's doctrine A claim for scientism in theistic religion is paradoxical. This doctrinal phenomenon of the neo-Pentecostal Word-Faith Movement encourages analysis of its genealogical beginnings, theology and epistemology. Extreme forms of fideism and rejection of the sentient experience, which is foreign to the scientific rationality, do not reveal a scientistic orientation of consciousness but rather a quasi-scientific fleur, employed to disguise the magical nature of the movement's practices. Key words: scientism, Word-Faith Movement, metaphysical movement, New Thought, law of faith. Скоморох Олег А., протоиерей. История тюремного служения христианской церкви в связи с пенитенциарными реформами XVIII-XIX вв. Статья касается вопросов, относящихся к истории тюремного служения христианской Церкви в период пенитенциарных реформ США, Великобритании и России XVIII-XIX веков, когда определялась позиция государств и общества, направленная на христианизацию и гуманизацию тюремного заключения вообще и нравственного исправления заключенных, в частности. Цель статьи ознакомить миссионеров Христианской Церкви, совершающих тюремное служение, с развитием и становлением тюремной миссии, как части государственных систем исполнения наказания. Ключевые слова: тюремное служение, миссия, пенитенциарные реформы, капелланство, Церковь и общество. Skomorokh Oleg A. History of Prison Service of Christian Church in Connection with Penitential Reforms during XVIII-XIX Cent. The article touches upon some questions concerning the history of prison ministry of the Christian Church during penitential reforms in the USA, the Great Britain and Russia in the course of XVIII-XIX centuries, when humanizing and Christianizing position towards the Penal Executive System in general and moral correcting of prisoners in details was taking its shape in those states and societies. The objective of the article is to acquaint the Christian Church's missionaries, carrying out prison ministry, with the progress and development of prison mission, as parts of state Penal Executive Systems. Key words: prison ministry, mission, penitential reforms, chaplaincy, Church and society. Фадеева Т. Ф. Повседневные элементы духовной средневековой культуры. Искусство квадрвиума: Музыка В статье предполагается предварительный обзор культурологических аспектов средневековой системы образования. Автор рассматривает некоторые аспекты формирования хоральной культуры как многоступенчатой духовно-музыкальной системы. Ключевые слова: Средние века, образование, музыка, церковная культура, искусство. Fadeeva T. F. The Everyday Elements of the Spiritual Medieval Culture. Art of Quadrivium: Music The article assumes a tentative review of the culturological aspects of the medieval educational system. The author distinguishes some aspects of forming of choral culture as many-staged spiritual-music system. Key words: Middle Ages, education, music, church culture, art. Федорова М. В. Семиотика свадебных украшений бурят В статье рассматриваются украшения бурят как предметный код свадебного ритуала, на широком этнографическом материале анализируется синкретичная структура их семиотических функций. Свадебные украшения несли в себе продуцирующую, апотропейную символику, были связаны с представлениями о жизненной силе, являлись маркерами обретения невестой нового социально-возрастного статуса. В качестве основных источников использованы вещевые коллекции Российского этнографического музея, Музея антропологии и этнографии им. Петра Великого РАН, научные публикации. Ключевые слова: украшения, свадебный наряд, семиотический, символ. Fedorova M. V. Semiotics of Buryats'wedding jewelry The subject of the report is the jewelry as an objective code of the wedding ritual. The author analyses the syncretic structure of their semiotic functions on a broad ethnographic material. The wedding jewelry have productive, protective symbolism, were associated with notions of vitality, and were the markers of a bride new-age social status. As the main sources, the author used the collections of objects of the Russian Museum of Ethnography, the Peter the Great's Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), and scientific publications. Key words: jewelry, wedding dress, semiotic, symbol. Филиппова Ю. В. Мифологические аспекты в понятии сознания В статье рассматриваются мифологические аспекты сознания, их влияние на возникновение новой формы познания философии, онтологические предпосылки структур времени и памяти, а также сновидение как компонент мофопоэтического сознания и постепенный переход к рефлексии. Ключевые слова: сознание, миф, рефлексия, время, память, реальность, сновидение. Philippova J. V. Mythological Aspects of the Notion of Consciousness The article deals with mythological aspects of consciousness, their influence on genesis of a new form of cognition philosophy, also ontological suppositions of temporal and memorable structures, and dreaming as an element of mythopoetical consciousness and gradual conversion to reflection. Key words: consciousness, myth, reflection, time, memory reality, dream. Чистякова Э. Э. Скандинавское влияние в русской художественной культуре XIX-XX веков Переломная эпоха XIX-XX веков изменила представление о взаимодействии русского и западноевропейского искусства. Для преодоления изоляции русской культуры было необходимо познакомить русских художников и общество с состоянием искусства за рубежом. Выставки скандинавских художников, организованные в конце XIX века, открыли национально-романтическое искусство северных соседей России и дали пример вступления на общеевропейский путь развития без утраты национальных особенностей. Скандинавское влияние оставило заметный след на русской архитектуре рубежа веков, особенно в северной столице. Знакомство с достижениями скандинавского искусства расширило творческие возможности и позволило русским художникам оказаться причастными к наиболее значительным событиям художественной жизни рубежа веков. Ключевые слова: скандинавское влияние, русские художники, северный модерн, С. П. Дягилев, А. Галлен-Каллела, А. Эдельфельт, Мир искусства. Chistjakova E. E. Scandinavian Influence in the Russian Artistic Culture of XIX-XX Centuries The turning age of the XIX-XX centuries changed the idea about Russian and West European Art interaction. To bridge the Russian culture isolation it was necessary to introduce the status of the foreign culture to Russian artists and the society. The exhibitions of Scandinavian painters arranged at the end of the XIX century showed National Romanticism of Nordic neighbours to Russia and gave an example of entering European way of development with no national peculiarities losses. Scandinavian Influence had a visible affect on Russian architecture at the turn of the century especially in the North Capital of Russia. Making the acquaintance with Scandinavian Art achievements enhanced creative opportunities and made Russian artists participate in more significant artistic life events of the turn of the century. Key words: Scandinavian influence, Russian artists, Nordic Art Nouveau, Sergey P. Diaghilev, Akseli Gallen-Kallela, Albert G. Edelfelt, The Art World. Шомахмадов С. Х. Космография Южной Азии в письменных памятниках вишнуитской и буддийской традиций В статье дан сравнительный анализ вишнуитской и буддийской космологических систем. Отмечается, что радиально-кольцевая морфология земной поверхности характерна как для буддийской, так и для вишнуитской традиции. Числовая семантика материков, представленная в космографии Южной Азии, демонстрирует, что ойкумена осмыслялась как совершенная, идеологически отражающая непрерывность двух традиций. Общим для обеих традиций является признание человеческой формы рождения как единственно благой, дающей возможность достижения окончательного освобождения (мокша, нирвана). Ключевые слова: космография, буддизм, индуизм, Индия, сакральные центры Shomakhmadov S. H. The South Asia's Cosmography in the Texts of Vaishnavist and Buddhist Traditions The comparative analysis of the Vaishnavist and Buddhist cosmological systems is given in this article. It is noticed that the radially-ring morphology of a terrestrial surface is characteristic both for Buddhist, and for Vaishnavist traditions. The numerical semantics of continents presented in the Southern Asia's cosmography shows that ecumena was comprehended as the perfect, ideologically reflecting continuity of two traditions. The general for both traditions is the acceptance of the human birth form as a unique good, giving the chance for achievements of definitive clearing (moksha, nirvana). Key words: cosmography, Buddhism, Hinduism, India, sacral centers.

IntroductionOver the last decade, we have witnessed a number of changes to our welfare state. With the 1996 bi‐partisan‐supported welfare reform legislation (Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act; PRWORA), the federal government devolved much of the responsibility for public assistance to the states, instituted time‐limited assistance, and aimed to curb non‐marital childbirths, encourage marriage, and push welfare recipients to become economically self‐sufficient. After PRWORA, a slew of scholars from multiple academic disciplines sought to understand the implementation and implications of the changes to the welfare system for poor families as well as those agencies, staff, and programs that serve them. In this article, Kissane and Krebs synthesize some major findings from this research on welfare reform and its effects. Courses using such a review might situate the exploration of welfare reform within a larger investigation of America's welfare state, poverty, and/or social policy.Author recommendsBrown, Michael K. 1999. Race, Money and the American Welfare State. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Through a detailed examination of social policy from the New Deal through the Reagan administration, Brown explores,'how both race and social class bear on the political development of the American welfare state' (p. xiv). As the title of the books suggests, Brown pays particular attention to taxes, fiscal capacity and spending in his account.DeParle, Jason. 2004. American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York: Penguin Press.DeParle, a New York Times journalist, moves effortlessly between exploring developments in American welfare policy and chronicling the lives of three poor women. He vividly depicts the complexity of the women's lives in the wake of the changes to the welfare system, while also providing fascinating details on the origins and implementation of welfare reform.Edin, Kathryn and Laura Lein. 1997. Making Ends Meet: How Single Mothers Survive Welfare and Low‐Wage Work. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.This book presents findings from Edin and Lein's comprehensive, multi‐city qualitative study on the monthly budgets of low‐wage workers and welfare‐reliant women, as well as their strategies for making ends meet. They find that both groups rely on their networks for in‐kind and cash assistance, aid from non‐profit organizations, and earnings from informal work to survive. Edin and Lein also investigate the relative costs and benefits (both tangible and intangible) of work versus welfare.Esping‐Andersen, Gøsta. 1990. The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.An essential book if one is interested in the development of welfare states across advanced Western societies. Esping‐Andersen delineates three typologies of welfare state regimes (conservative, liberal, and social) and explores the factors that establish the differences in welfare states.Gilens, Martin. 1999. Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.In this well‐researched book, Gilens explores public opinion on anti‐poverty policies and the media's role in shaping how the public thinks about welfare. His chapters on the media's representations of poverty and welfare are particularly enlightening.Gordon, Linda. 1994. Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.In this book, Gordon, a social historian, argues that reformers working in the women's movement during the Progressive Era had a significant effect on the development of the welfare state; however, they also helped to cement racial and gender stratification within it and ultimately limit its full development.Hays, Sharon. 2003. Flat Broke with Children: Women in the Age of Welfare Reform. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.In Flat Broke with Children, Hays, a sociologist, does a wonderful job exploring the cultural values behind welfare reform, detailing the contradictory nature of its requirements and procedures, and situating welfare recipients and their behavior within the larger American cultural context. Through her analysis of data collected from years of fieldwork in welfare offices in two states, Hays also investigates how poor women and welfare staff experience and think about welfare reform.Iceland, John. 2006. Poverty in America: A Handbook. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.This book is an excellent overview of poverty in America. Iceland clearly details views on poverty, how we measure poverty, the characteristics of the poverty population, and the causes of poverty.Katz, Michael B. 2001. The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.In this expansive work, Katz, a social historian, details recent developments across various areas of the American welfare state (although he focuses on anti‐poverty policies), while situating these developments within a larger historical context. In particular, he shows how public social policy in recent decades has shifted around three 'great objectives': (i) to end dependence; (ii) to devolve authority; and (iii) to apply market models to social policy.Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.In this classic, Piven and Cloward advance their theory that 'expansive relief policies are designed to mute civil disorder, and restrictive ones to reinforce work norms' (p. xv). Their book explores a large span of history – from early poor relief in France and England to developments under the Bush administration.Online materials Catholic Campaign for Human Development (CCHD) http://www.nccbuscc.org/cchd/povertyusa/ This website includes some facts about poverty, as well as ideas for educators on ways to generate discussion on poverty. The 'getting involved' section of the website is particularly useful, providing, among other things, a poverty quiz, interactive maps, information on CCHD funded programs, a 'poverty tour' that addresses issues with the federal poverty line, and ways to get involved. Global Rich List http://www.globalrichlist.com/ This website allows you to situate your annual income in the context of the world's population. It is a great little teaching tool to introduce concepts of relative poverty, income inequality, and global poverty to students. Green Book from House Ways and Means Committee
http://www.gpoaccess.gov/wmprints/green/index.html The Green Book is an excellent resource for descriptions and historical data on many U.S. social welfare programs, such as the Social Security, Supplemental Security Income (SSI), Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Foster Care, Medicaid, and Food Stamp programs. MDRC http://www.mdrc.org/ Known best, perhaps, for its evaluations of welfare policies and programs that incorporate random assignment, MDRC provides detailed information on programs and policies that affect the poor. Among other things, the website includes publications, working papers, policy briefs, and videos detailing research findings. The National Center for Children in Poverty (NCCP) http://www.nccp.org/ The NCCP at Columbia University provides statistical information and fact sheets on poverty and policy issues, often with a focus on the links between family economic security and child development. Individuals might find particularly useful the 'State Profiles' section of the website, which allows one to view demographic information (often in clear charts and graphs), issue areas, and policies for the state of one's choosing. U.S. Census Bureau http://www.census.gov/ The census website provides an extensive array of data on the U.S. population and economy. Besides navigating from the above link, data and reports on poverty can also be found directly at http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/poverty.html. The World Bank http://www.worldbank.org/ The World Bank's website provides resources valuable to exploring worldwide poverty and situating the U.S. globally. In particular, the PovertyNet area (http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/EXTPOVERTY/0,,menuPK:336998~pagePK:149018~piPK:149093~theSitePK:336992,00.html) of the website presents detailed information and data on poverty and related issues that researchers, educators, and practitioners may find useful.Additional online resourcesScores of additional organizations and centers (too many to list) conduct and disseminate research on issues related to the economy, welfare, public policy, and poverty. What follows is a list of some other key organizations and centers, alongside links to their websites:

Brookings Institute (http://www.brookings.edu)
Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (http://www.cbpp.org/)
Center for Law and Social Policy (http://www.clasp.org/)
Center for Research on Child Wellbeing (CRCW) (http://crcw.princeton.edu/)
Child Trends (http://www.childtrends.org/)
Heritage Foundation (http://www.heritage.org/)
Institute for Research on Poverty (http://www.irp.wisc.edu/)
Joint Center for Poverty Research (http://www.jcpr.org/)
National Poverty Center (http://www.npc.umich.edu/)
Urban Institute (http://www.urban.org/)

Sample syllabusPoverty, Welfare, and the Safety Net (excerpt from syllabus)Description of courseThe terms 'safety net' and 'welfare state' commonly refer to a range of public and non‐governmental programs and policies that seek to protect individuals and their families from distress and hardship and/or improve the quality of their lives. In this course, we will primarily explore facets of the American welfare state that seek to assuage poverty and its effects. Although we will largely approach this topic from a sociological perspective, this area of inquiry is quite interdisciplinary. Consequently, we will be reading works from other academic disciplines throughout the course.This is an advanced course, designed for students who already have substantial familiarity with the causes and consequences of poverty. In the first third of the course, we will investigate the early development of our nation's welfare state, from poorhouses and outdoor relief to mothers' pensions and the New Deal. We then move to exploring Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and anti‐poverty policies of the 1960s and 1970s. Next, we examine changes in federal welfare policy over the last couple of decades, focusing on the welfare reforms of the 1990s, the consequences of these reforms, and the experiences of poor women since these changes. We end the course by looking in more depth at the private safety net (particularly, secular and faith‐based organizations that serve the poor), public opinion, and future directions for welfare policy.Course outline and reading assignments Week 1. Introduction to poverty and the course Iceland, John. 2006. Chapters 3–5 (pp. 20–97). Poverty in America: A Handbook. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Rank, Mark. 2003. 'As American as Apple Pie: Poverty and Welfare.'Contexts 2(3): 41–46.Optional: Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Poverty and Inequality in the New American City' (pp. 33–56). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books. Week 2. What is welfare? Why have welfare states? Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'The Invention of Welfare' (pp. 1–8) and 'The American Welfare State' (only pp. 9–17). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Howard, Christopher. 1993. 'The Hidden Side of the American Welfare State.'Political Science Quarterly. 108(3): 403–436 (note: pages 420–433 are optional).T. H. Marshall. 1977. Selection from 'Citizenship and Social Class' in Class, Citizenship, and Social Development: Essays by T.H. Marshall. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.UN Declaration of Human Rights (http://www.un.org/Overview/rights.html) Week 3. Early developments Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. 'Relief, Labor, and Civil Disorder: An Overview' (pp. 3–42). Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.Katz, Michael B. 1996. 'The Origins and Failure of the Poorhouse' and 'Outdoor Relief' (pp. 3–59). In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America: Tenth Anniversary Edition. New York, NY: BasicBooks. Week 4. Mothers pensions, the New Deal, and ADC Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. Chapter 2–3 (pp. 45–119). Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.Linda Gordon. 1994. Selection from Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Brown, Michael K. 1999. Chapter 2 (pp. 63–96). Race, Money and the American Welfare State. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Quadagno, Jill S. 1994. 'Unfinished Democracy' (only pp. 17–25). The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty. New York, NY and Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.Optional: DeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapter 2 (pp. 20–37). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press. Week 5. AFDC, welfare rights, and anti‐poverty policies in the 1960s and 1970s Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. Chapters 4 and 6 (pp. 123–146; pp. 183–199). Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.Quadagno, Jill S. 1994. Selection from The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty. New York, NY and Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.Tilmon, Johnnie. 1972. 'Welfare is a Women's Issue.'Ms. Spring: 2 pages. http://www.msmagazine.com/spring2002/tillmon.aspDeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapters 3 and 5 (pp. 38–57; 85–100). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press. Weeks 6 and 7. Devolution, the 1980s and 90s, and 'ending welfare as we know it' Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'The Family Support Act' (pp. 71–76); 'Governors as Welfare Reformers' (pp. 77–103); and 'Fighting Poverty 1990s Style' (pp. 293–316). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Hays, Sharon. 2003. Chapter 1 (pp. 3–31). Flat Broke with Children. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.DeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapters 4; 6–9 (pp. 58–81; 101–174). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press.Optional: Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Urban Social Welfare in an Age of Austerity' (pp. 104–136). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books. Week 8. Assessing welfare reform Kissane, Rebecca Joyce and Richard Krebs. 2007. 'Assessing Welfare Reform, Over a Decade Later.'Sociology Compass 1(2): 789–813. doi:10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00029.x.Katz, Michael B. 2001. pp. 328–340 of 'The End of Welfare'The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books. Weeks 9–11. A closer look at life after welfare reform Hays, Sharon. 2003. Chapters 2–8 (pp. 33–240) Flat Broke with Children: Women in the Age of Welfare Reform. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.DeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapters 10–18 (pp. 175–322). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press. Week 12.  The Private Safety Net: Nonprofit, Community‐Based Service Provision Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'The Independent Sector, the Market and the State' (only pp. 137–155 and 162–170). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Kissane, Rebecca Joyce. 2003. 'What's Need Got to Do with It? Why Poor Women Do Not Use Nonprofit Social Services.'Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare. 30(2): 127–148.Kissane, Rebecca Joyce. 2006. 'Responsible but Uninformed? Nonprofit Executive and Program Directors' Knowledge of Welfare Reform.'Social Service Review. 80(2): 322–345.Reread 'Nonprofit organizations and welfare reform' (pp. 802–804) in Kissane, Rebecca Joyce and Richard Krebs. 2007. 'Assessing Welfare Reform, Over a Decade Later.'Sociology Compass 1(2): 789–813. doi:10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00029.x.Edin, Kathryn and Laura Lein. 1998. 'The Private Safety Net: The Role of Charitable Organizations in the Lives of the Poor.'Housing Policy Debate. 9(4): 541–573. Week 13. The Private Safety Net, continued: Faith‐based organizations (FBOs) Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Faith, Charity, and Inner Cities' (pp. 155–162). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Twombly, Eric. 2002. 'Religious Versus Secular Human Service Organizations: Implications for Public Policy.'Social Science Quarterly. 83(4): 847–961.Kissane, Rebecca Joyce. 2007. 'How Do Faith‐Based Organizations Compare to Secular Providers? Nonprofit Directors' and Poor Women's Assessments of FBOs.'Journal of Poverty. 11(4): 91–115.Sherman, A. L. 2003. 'Faith in Communities: A Solid Investment.'Society. 40(2): 19–26.DiIulio Jr., John J. 2007. Selection from Godly Republic: A Centrist Blueprint for America's Faith‐Based Future. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Scott W. Allard. 2007. 'Access and Stability: Comparing Faith‐based and Secular Nonprofit Service Providers.' A paper presented at the National Poverty Center at the University of Michigan 2007 conference, 'The Impact of Religion and Faith‐Based Organizations on the Lives of Low Income Families.'Optional: Smith, Steven Rathgeb and Michael R. Sosin. 2001. 'Varieties of Faith‐Related Agencies.'Public Administration Review. 61(6): 651–670. Week 14. Public Opinion, the Media, and Policy Gilens, Martin. 1999. Chapters 2–3 (pp. 31–79); Chapter 5 (only pp. 111–132); Chapter 6 (pp. 133–153) and Chapter 8 (only pp. 184–203). Why Americans Hate Welfare. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Reingold, David A. and Helen Liu. Forthcoming. 'Do Poverty Attitudes of Social Service Agency Directors Influence Organizational Behavior?'Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly.Optional: Misra, Joya, Stephanie Moller, and Marina Karides. 2003. 'Envisioning Dependency: Changing Media Depictions of Welfare in the 20th Century.'Social Problems. 50(4): 482–504. Week 15. Future directions and course wrap‐up Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Work, Democracy, and Citizenship' (pp. 341–359). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.DeParle, Jason. 2004. Epilogue (pp. 323–338). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press.Gilens, Martin. 1999. 'The Politics of the American Welfare State' (pp. 204–216). Why Americans Hate Welfare. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Rector, Robert. 2005. 'Welfare Reform and the Healthy Marriage Initiative.' Statement before the Sub‐committee on Human Resources of the Committee on Ways and Means U.S. House of Representatives. Available at http://www.heritage.org/Research/Welfare/tst021005a.cfmCoontz, Stephanie and Nancy Folbre. 2002. 'Marriage, Poverty, and Public Policy: A Discussion Paper from the Council on Contemporary Families.' The American Prospect. March 19, 2002. Available at http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles?article=marriage_poverty_and_public_policyFilms and videosA Day's Work, A Day's Pay (57 min)This documentary, based in New York City, follows three welfare recipients participating in the city's welfare‐to‐work program. The film not only documents the problems with the city jobs that the welfare recipients have to perform, but it also explores how the welfare recipients become social activists.Eating Welfare (57 min)Told through the youth of the community, this documentary investigates welfare reform's effect on Southeast Asian refugee families living in the Bronx. The film highlights problems particular to this population, as well as general issues facing the welfare recipients under workfare.Ending Welfare As We Know It (90 min)Take it From Me: Life After Welfare (75 min)These two documentaries follow welfare families as they deal with the consequences of welfare reform and the complexities of their lives.Poverty Outlaw (1 h)This documentary follows the development of the Kensington Welfare Rights Union (KWRU), 'a multiracial organization of, by and for poor and homeless people' located in Philadelphia (http://www.kwru.org/), as well as the hardships experienced by its members and other individuals living in poverty in America. A subsequent film, Outriders (1999; 1 h), follows KWRU on its New Freedom Bus Tour, in which the organization sought to document economic human rights violations across America.Tempting Faith: Is Charitable Choice Working? (57 min)This documentary explores the Charitable Choice provision of the 1996 welfare reform legislation through an examination of faith‐based programs in Indiana, North Carolina, and Massachusetts. The film includes views on both the pros and cons of faith‐based initiatives.Waging a Living (85 min)This documentary focuses on the lives of four low‐wage workers as they struggle to make ends meet.Welfare Reform: Social Impact (29 min)This program, released shortly after the passage of welfare reform, explores the history of welfare and issues surrounding welfare reform. It includes interviews with Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson, Wendell Primus, and Rebecca Blank.Seminar/Project ideas1. This activity uncovers students' misunderstandings regarding poverty and welfare.Early in the semester (usually the first day of class), students take a 'poverty and welfare quiz' in which they answer factual and attitudinal questions on poverty and welfare. Instructors can then use the survey answers as springboards for weekly discussions on topics covered in the course. As the semester progresses, the students usually discover that they held many misconceptions regarding poverty and welfare.2. This activity explores the hidden assumptions and meanings behind the words 'dependent' and 'independent.' Other words or phrases could also be explored in this manner, such as 'deserving' and 'undeserving' poor.Ask the students to list (in separate columns) images, individuals, and/or circumstances that come to mind when they hear the words 'dependent' and 'independent'. Then, as a class or in small groups, discuss and assess the students' lists. How are these lists culturally specific? Do visions of race, ethnicity, class, gender, age and household structure come into play? How? Why do you think certain images come to mind when you hear these words? How do our understandings of 'dependence' and 'independence' relate to our understandings of welfare and poverty? To anti‐poverty policies?3. Among other topics, this activity can be used to launch discussions of deserving versus undeserving poor, universal versus means‐tested transfers, barriers to self‐sufficiency and employment, and notions of 'governmental assistance.'Break the students into small groups and give each group a sheet of paper with about six profiles that cover a variety of individuals and family types. For example, one profile might depict a 30‐year‐old housewife with two children whose husband works. Another might be an unemployed, divorced woman with six children who is clinically depressed, etc. Create profiles in such a way that students will likely consider in their working groups the employment, marital status, age, gender, child‐bearing, physical and mental health, and race and ethnicity of their profiled individuals. Have each group discuss to whom they would give governmental assistance, in what order they would distribute the aid, and what they would give each profiled family. Reconvene the class and compare the groups' decisions. What did the groups' consider 'governmental assistance'? How did they decide how they would distribute the aid? Who was 'worthy' of help? Did they feel as if they needed additional information to make their decisions? What information did they want to have that the profiles did not provide? Why would that information be important to their deliberations?4. This written assignment allows students to investigate a program or policy not covered comprehensively in the course.Each student will choose a program or policy aimed to assuage poverty and/or its effects that we do not cover extensively in this course [e.g., Head Start, Unemployment Insurance, Supplemental Security Income (SSI), public housing programs, etc]. All topics must be approved prior to beginning work on the project. After choosing a topic, students will write a final paper that includes the following components:

An introduction. What is the program? How is it meant to assuage poverty or its consequences? Why should we care about your topic?
A brief review of the history of the policy or program. When was the program started? Why? By whom? What key changes have occurred to the program over the years?
A review of the social science research literature on the program. What data and research are available on your program? What does the empirical research tell us about the program's effectiveness, clientele, take‐up rates, strengths, weaknesses, etc?
Specific policy recommendation(s). How can your program be improved? (Note: your recommendation(s) should be based on the empirical evidence not value‐laden opinions)

Instructors may want to add a final presentation to the above assignment. Having students present as part of a panel may be particularly effective if students' topics cluster around several areas, for example 'educational policy', 'family policy', 'housing policy', etc.

Issue 30.6 of the Review for Religious, 1971. ; EDITOR R. F. Smith, S.J. ASSOCIATE EDITOR Everett A. Diederich, S.J. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS EDITOR Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Correspondence with the editor, the associate editors, and the assistant editor, as well as books for review, should be sent to I~VIEW FOR RELIGIOUS; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 6:31o3. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's Church; 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Pe.nnsylvania 191o6. + + REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Edited with ecclesiastical approval by faculty members of the School of Divinity of Saint Louis University, the editorial offices being located at 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 63103. Owned by the Missouri Province Edu-cational Institute. Published bimonthly and copyright ~) 1971 by REVIEW 'VOg RELIGIOUS. Published for Review for Religious at Nit. Ro\'al & Guilford Ave., Baltimore, .Xld. Printed in U.S.A. Set'ond class postage paid at Baltimore, .Maryland and ,at addithmal mailing offices. Single copies: $1.25. Subscription U.S.A. and Canada: $6.00 a year, $11.00 for two years: other countries: $7.00 a year, $13.00 for two years. Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money order paya-ble to REVIEW POg RELIOIOGS in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming to represent REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Change of address requests should include former address. Renewals and new subscriptions should be sent to REviEW FOR RELIGIOUS; P. O. Box l 110; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Manuscripts, editorial correspondence, and books for re-view should be sent to REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS; 619 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louts, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to the address of the Questions and Answers editor. NOVEMBER 1971 VOLUME 30 NUMBER 6 JOSEPH F. GALLEN,.S.J. Decree on Confessions of Religious. In a decree dated December 8, 1970, effective immedi-ately, and confirmed by the Pope on November 20, 1970, the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Instb tutes made the following.changes in the canon law on the sacrament of penance for religious, especially religious women, and on exclusion from a religious institute of one in temporary vows because of ill health. These provisions will remain in force until the new Code of Canon Law is effective. Number 4, e), of the Decree states that the pre-scriptions of the present canon law that are contrary to the new provisions, incompatible with them, or which because of them no longer apply, are suspended. Any provision of the Decree that~ affects novices will apply to those in a temporary commitment other than temporary vows. The numbering of the Decree has been retained in the following explanation. 1-2. The Decree exhorts religious to value highly the sacrament of penance as a means of strengthening the fundamental gift of metanoia or conversion to the king-dom of Christ, and to esteem in the same way the fre-quent use of this sacrament, which debpens ~true knowl-edge of self and humility, provides spiritual direction, and increases grace. These and other wonderful effects, according to n. 2, contribute not only to daily growth in virtue but are highly beneficial also to the common good. 3. All religious, men and women, clerical and lay, ex-empt and nonexempt, should strive to receive the sacra-ment of penance frequently, that is, twice a month. Supe-riors are to encourage this frequency and make it possible [or the members to go to confession at least every two weeks and even oftener, if they wish to do so. In the past, canon law did not oblige religious to go to confession at least once a week. The canonical obligation extended onl~ to superiors, who had to make it possible for their subjects to confess at least once a week. How-÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, s.J., writes from St. Joseph's Church at 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Penn-sylvania 19106. VOLUME 30, 1971 4" 4" J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 944 ever, the Code of Canon Law presupposed that an obliga-tion of weekly confession, existdd at least from custom, and very universally the constitutions obliged religious to confess at/east once a week. 4, a). "All women religious and novices, in Order that they may have proper liberty, may make their confession validly and licitly to any priest approved for hearing confessions in the locality. For this no special jurisdiction or designation is henceforth required." The first sentence of this number" gives all women reli-gious and novices, in orders, congregations, or societies of common life, the right always to go to confession validly and licitly to any priest of their choice, whether he is diocesan or religious, who is approved for confessions in the locality of the partic.ular confession. Furthermore, as this number of the Decree also states, the confessor does not have to be designated or appointed, for religious women.' Even in the past there were no canonical norms on the confessions of men or women postulants, who were regulated canonically by the same laws on confession as secular men and women. Religious women and novices are therefore .no longer obliged to go to ordinary or ex-traordinary confessors, eveh when such confessors exist for their houses. The special confessor of a particular reli-gious woman of canon 520, par. 2, no longer exists be-cause a religious woman may go, even habitually or al-ways, to any confessor of her choice. The same reason excludes the supplementary confessors (c. 521, par. 2), the occasional confessor (c. 522), and the confessor of seri-ously sick religious women (c. 523). Number 8, e), of the recent norms on the papal enclosure of nuns permits the following: "A priest [even if he possesses no jurisdiction for confessions] may likewise be admitted to assist those religious suffering from a chronic or greave illness." Mere spiritual direction, unlike absolution, does not require jurisdiction for confessions. Because of the sus.pended canons listed above in this paragraph, canon 2414, the last canon in the Code, is also suspended. This canon reads: If a superioress acts against the prescriptions of canons 521, par. 3, 522, and 523, she shall be admonished by, the local or-dinary; if again delinquent, she shall be punished by removal from office, and the Sacred Congregation of Religious is to be immediately informed of the matter. By reason of the second sentence of this number, spe-cial jurisdiction is no longer required for the valid or licit confessions of professed women religious or novices, whether in orders or congregations, nor for those in the analogons states of societies of women living in common without public vows (c; 675). All of these are now ab-solved in virtue of the same jurisdiction as secular women. Priests ordinarily possess jurisdiction for the con-fessions of the faithful ol~ both sex~esf@hey may therefore, in the locality for which they posses such jurisdiction, valid!y absolve the religious women listed" above any-wherd, in the confessional or outside of it. They may licitly do the latter in a case of sickness or for any other reason of like import (c. 910, par. 1). In the pa.st, to absolve validly and licitly the~ same religious women listed above, special jurisdiction was nec-essary. The jurisdiction was special becfiuse it "~as not contained in the jurisdiction granted for the faithful of both sexes~or for women. It had t3 be given expressly for religious women (c. 876, par. 1). The pres.ent suspension of the necessity of special jurisdiction also implies the suspension of the necessity of the designation of a special spiritual director (c. 520, par. 2) by the local ordinary or the regular superior. The i'eason for the necessity of this designation was that special jurisdiction for confession was granted to such a spiritual director. Lay religious institutes o[ men. According to n. 5 of the Decree, the applicable norms of n. 4 on women appertain~ also to lay institutes of men. Therefore, all religious and novices of such institutes may go to confession to any confessor, as explained above for women (n. 4, a). Be-cause of this right of choice, the special ordinary ~onfes-sor of professed °(c. 528), for whom the permission of the religious superior was° required, no longer exists," as is true also of the supplementary confessors of novices in the same institutes (c. 566, par. 2, n. 3),'and likewise of the occasional confessor of both professed and novices (c. 519). All of canon 566, par. 2, on confessors of novices in lay and clerical institutes of men is also suspended. Clerical institutes o[ men. Nothing is said directly in the Decree on the confessions of members of clerical or-ders' or congregations except that they too Should go to confession twice a month (n. 3). However, the applicable provisions on the confessions of women religious and nomces must also apply to clerical institutes. Otherwise, their members would be in an inferior condition to that of religious women and of the members of lay institutes of men, which has not been their status thus far in the laws of the Church. It is also the sufficiently evident intention of the Sacred Congregation to simplify the law on confes-sion [or religious and to grant greater liberty, and these are also desirable in the laws affecting clerical institutes. Therefore, all religious and novices in clerical institutes may make their confession to any confessor, as explained above [or women (n. 4, a). It would be incredible that clerical religious alone would be excluded from the pre-ceding concession. As above for lay institutes of men, the occasional confessor of both professe.d and novices (c. 519) ÷ ÷ ÷ Conlesslons VOLUME 30, 19TI 945 ~. l~. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 946 no longer exists nor the supplementary confessors for novices of canon 566, par. 2, n.3. 4, b). An ordinary confessor must be named for monas-teries of contemplative nuns, for houses of formation of women, and for large houses of women. An extraordinary confessor is to be named at least for the first two types of the preceding houses. The women religious and novices are not obliged to present themselves to either such ordi-nary or extraordinary confessors. The provision for the monasteries of contemplative nuns should in practice be extended to nuns who are doing immediate apostolic work, for example, conducting schools within their monasteries, and also to the houses or monasteries of contemplative congregations of sisters, for example, the Sisters Adorers of the Precious Blood, who have monasteries in the archdiocese of Portland, Oregon and in the dioceses of ~Brooklyn, Lafayette, Indi-ana, Manchester, Ogdensbu?g, Portland, Maine, and To-ledo Houses of formation of women include novitiates and juniorates, although the small number of novices and juniors and other circumstances can in some cases render the appointment of ordinary and extraordinary confessors impractical. There is no canonical definition of a large religious house. The determination of such houses should be made hy the local ordinary after a considera-tion of all the circumstances and even by consultation of its members. It could happen that the members of a very large house in a city can and prefer to go to any confes-sor. The presence or absence of members who cannot go outside the house for confession is obviously an impor-tant factor. Nor is consideration for the confessor to be forgotten, for example, an ordinary confessor who would come every two weeks and find nothing to do. In some cases a priest such as the one Or" ones who celebrate daily Mass in a larger house may be able to handle readily the few confessions that will occur. The fact that no religious woman or novice is obliged to present herself to any of these ordinay or extraordinary confessors follows from the general principle of the decree in n. 4, a), that all women religious and novices may make their confession validly and licitly to any priest approved for hearing confessions in the locality. This number of the Decree commands merely [he appointment of an extraordinary confessor, that is, the confessor who frequently, not neces-sarily at least for times during the year, is accessible that the members of the community may have the opportunity of confessing to another than the ordinary confessor. This was the definition of the same wording in canon 528 on the extraordinary confessor for professed religious in lay institutes of men. The Code explicity commanded the extraordinary confessor of professed religious women and novices (c. 521, par. 1)and of novices in institutes qf men' (c. 566, par. 2, n. 4) to be available atleast four times a year, but this provision is suspended by the Decree, In a liouse of ~formati0n, ord_i.nary .and extraordipar.y_, confeS, sors are to be app0intedl only for those in formation unless, with regard to an ordinary confessor, tbe other members of the house are sufficient to constitute a large house. This doctrine is evident from the fact that ordi-nary and ~xtraor,dinary confessors would not be ap-pointed [or these other members if they were in another house. Therefore, for example, in a novitiate house these confessors are appointed for the novices, not [or the mem-bers of the generalate or provincialate staff residing in tbe same house of formation. 4, c). "For other co.mmunities [in additition to the monasterieg of nuns, houses of formation, and large houses of n. 4, b) immediately above] an ordinary confes-sor may be named at the request of the community itself or after consultation with its members if, in the judgment of tlie ordinary, special circumstances justify such an ap-pointment." The "special circumstances" will be at least very com-monly those that prevent the religious women of a house fi'om going to confession twice a month unless an ordi-nary confessor is appointed. This can arise from the pres-ence in the house of religious who cannot go out for confession, from the location of the house that makes access to other confessors difficult, or that allows such access to only one confessor, for example, the sole priest in the one parish in a small town, and so forth. Lay and clerical institutes oJ men. With the exception of that on monasteries of nuns, the provisions of n. 4, b) and c) immediately above apply also to lay institutes of men by reason of n. 5, and to clerical institutes in virtue Of the arguments given under n. 4, a). It would again be incredible that ordinary contessors would continue to have to be appointed for all houses of clerical institutes (c. 518, par. 1) but only for the restricted number of houses of religious women and lay institutes of men ac-cording to n. 4, b) of the present Decree. Houses of for-mation in Clerical institutes include also houses of study (C. 587) and houses for the apostolic year and tertianship (see Sedes Sapientiae, nn. 48, 51). The judgment on the existence of a large house and on the special circumstan-ces tbat justify the appointment of ordinary confessors in houses that are not houses of formation or large apper-tains in clerical orders and congregations to the religious superior who has the right of appointing ordinary confes-sors according to the constitutions 0f the particular insti-tute. 4, d). "The local ordinary should choose confessors 4. 4. 4. ~. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 948 ~arefully. They should be priests of sufficient maturity and possess the other necessary qualities. The ordinary may determine the number, age and term of office of the confessors and may name them or renew their appoint-ment after consultation with the community concerned." This paragraph of the decree commands the local ordi-nary to choose the ordinary and ektraordinary confessors of women religious and novices of the tw9 preceding sections with care. The suitability of priests for these two duties appertains to the judgment of the local ordinary. For example, it is no longer required that these confessors be 'forty years of age (c. 524, par. 1). The local ordinary also determines the number of such confessors, and it is no longer demanded that per se only one ordinary and extraordinary confessor be appointed for each house (cc. 520, par. 1; 521, par. 1). The local ordinary may but is not obliged to determine the duration of the term of office of these confessors, for example, two year.s, and may reappoint them immediately and indefinitely after con-sultation with the community concerned. He may also, with the same consulation, immediately appoint an ordi-nary coiafessor as extraordinary of the same commun.ity (see c. 524, par. 2). Clerical and lay institutes o[ men. The ordinary and extraordinary confessors in these institutes from the na-ture of the matter are to be priests suitable for the office. The provisions, however, of n. 4~, d) of the Decree imme-diately above apply only to institutes of women both from their wording, which is based on the canons on confessors of religious women, and from the fact that the present canon law prescribes no qualities for the ordinary and extraordinary confessors in institutes of men, whether clerical or lay. It is evidently permitted to follow such a provision as the previous consultation of the com-munity concerned. The following are the canons specifically on confessors of religious that remain in force: Can. 518, par. 1. In . every clerical Institute there shall be deputed. [ordinary] confessors with power, if it be ques~ tion of an exempt Institute, to absolve also from the cases re-served in the Institute. Par. 2. Religious Superiors, having faculties to hear confes' sions, can, in conformity with the law, hear the confessions of their subjects who spontaneously and freely approach them for that purpose, but they may not without grave reason hear them habitually. Par. 3. Superiors must take care not to induce, personally, or through others, by force, by fear, or by importunate persua-sion, or by any other means, any of their subjects to confess his sins to them. Can. 524, par. 3. The confessors, whether ordinary or extra-ordinary, of religious women are not, in any manner, to inter- fere either in the internal or external government of the com-munity. Can. 525. For all houses of religious women immediately subject to the Apostolic See or to the local Ordinary, the latter selects both ordinary an.d extraordinary ,confessor;. ~o~" those subject to a Regular Superior, this Superior presents the con-fessors to the'Ordinary who will grant them the approval to hear the confessions of'the nuns; the Ordinary also shall supply, if necessary, for the negligence of the Regular Superior, Can. 527. According to the terms of canon 880, the local Ordinary can, for a serious~ cause, remove both the ordinary and extraordinary confessor of religious women, even when the monastery is subject to Regulars and the confessor himself a Regular, nor is the Ordinary bound to make known the reason for the removal to anyone except to the Holy See, if it should require the reason from him; he must, however, if the nuns are subject to Regulars, inform the Regular Superior of the removal. Can. 875, par. 2. In an exempt lay Institute, the Superior proposes the confessor, who, however, must receive jurisdiction from the Ordinary of the place in which the religious house is situated. The preceding are taken from the authorized but unof-ficial translation, Canonical Legislation concerning Reli-gious. Canon 891, which also remains in force, is ~not contained in this translation. It reads as follows: Can. 891. The master of novices and his socius, the superior of a seminary or of a college may not hear the sacramental con-fessions of his students residing in the same house with him, unless the students spontaneously request this in particular cases for a grave and urgent reason. The canons therefore specifically on confessors of reli-gious that remain are part of canon 518, par. 1, and all the rest of this canon; all of canons 524, par. 3, 525, 527, 875, par. 2, and 891. "II The final clause of canon 637 is to be understood in the sense that a religious in temporary vows who, because of physical or mental illness even if contracted after pro-fession, is judged by the competent superior with the consent of his council, on the basis of examinations by physicians or other specialists, to be incapable of living the religious life without personal harm or harm to the institute, may be refused admission to renewal of vows or to final profession. The decision in such cases is to be taken with charity and equ!ty." According to canon 637 a professed of temporary vows could be excluded from the renewal of temporary vows or from making perpetual profession because of ill health ofily if it was proved with certainty that the ili health had been contracted and fraudulently concealed or dissi-mulated before the first profession of temporary vows. The same principle is true of the dismissal of a professed of temporary vows (c. 647, par. 2, n. 2). These canons are not completely logical. The time of temporary vows is Confessions 949 4. 4. 4" J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 950 one of probation; the canons permit exclusion or dis-missal of such professed for other inculpable causes; and canon 637 otherwise requires only .just and reasona-ble causes for exclusion and canon 647, par. 2, n. 2, only serious reasons for dismissai. These canons also caused serious and, without recourse to the Holy See, even insol-uble problems. This was verified especially with regard to psychological disorders when the subject would not vol-untarily leave the institute. His retention could cause great difficulty to the institute, even intensify his own condition, and cases occurred in which superiors could not in conscience admit such subjects to further profes-sions, particularly to perpetual profession~ It is evident that the decision in these cases of physical or psychologi-cal health is to be made with proper regard and considera-tion for the subject, and, as the Decree states, with char-ity and equity (see REVIEW I~OF RELIGIOUS, 16 [1957], 218-9, 271; 25 [1966], 1104-5). In virtue of the present legislation in II, an exclusion from further temporary or perpetual profession because of physical or psychological illness, even if contracted after the first temporary profession, may be made by the competent superior with the consent of his or her council if they judge, on the basis of examinations by physicians or other specialists, that the subject is incapable of living the religious life without personal harm or harm to the institute. The subject should ordinarily at least be first encouraged to leave voluntarily and this as soon as such a condition is sufficiently ascertained. The new legislation is concerned only with an exclu-sion from further profession; it does not extend to the dismissal of a professed of temporary vows in the same case. This can cause a serious difficulty if the case comes to a head when a considerable part of a temporary profes-sion is unexpired, for example, in the early part of the second year of a three-year profession, and the subject will not leave voluntarily. This case, when it occurs, may be proposed to the Sacred Congregation for a solution. Practical summary o[" the Decree. The~ norm'~f fre-quency of confession is every two weeks. All religious may always confess to any confessor in the locality. Spe-cial jurisdiction is not required for religious women. The only confessors proper to religious are ordinary confessors in monasteries Of nuns and in the following houses of men and women: houses of f6rmation, large houses, and other houses in special circumstances, and extraordinary confessors in the same monasteries and houses of forma-tion. Such confessors of women do not have to be forty years of age. A professed of temporary vows may be ex-cluded from further professions because of physical or psychological illness. CHRISTOPHER KIESLING, O.P. Ministry in the Schools of the Church Religious should get out of Catholic schools. Such schools should not exist.The Church should not be in the business of education, but should devote its resources to the social problems of our day. Moreover, Church schools serve the affluent middle and upper classes more than the oppressed minorities. Religious, ther~efore, should go into other ministries in which they can serve the world, especially the underprivileged. Undoubtedly it is good that religious are venturing into nev~ ministries besides ~eaching or administration in schools of the Church. It is good for sisters and brothers because some have temperaments, inclinations, interests, and talents which equip them much better for other min-istries titan that of the church school. It is good for the Chnrch and the world because both have grave needs which can be met only by the service of highly motivated and generous people such as religious. But while some religious should be encouraged to enter into new forms of apostolate, it would be most unfortu-nate if others were not encouraged to enter Or Continue in the apostolate of the schools of the Church. This apos-tolate is extremely important and even assumes, a ni~wness today by virtue of the many changes taking place in both the Church and the w6rld. As is well known, these schools are threatened with extinction today. The demise of the schools of the Church, however, is a most grievous set-back to the emergence of mature Christian laymen in the life and apostolate of the Church and hence in the Church's mission to the world, especially to the world's social problems. Vatican II expres'~d the int.egral mission of the Church with special clarity. It was compelled to do tiffs in its efforts to describe p, ositively the place, digni_ty, and role of the laity in the Church. The Decree on the Apostolate o] the Laity, for instance, says: 4- 4- Christopher Kies-ling, O.P., is a fac-ulty member of Aquinas Institute School of Theology in Dubuque, Iowa 52001. VOLUME 30, 1971 951 + C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW I:OR REI.IGIOUS 952 Christ's redemptive work, while of itself directed toward the salvation of men, involves also the renewal of the whole tem-poral order. Hence the. mission of the Church is not on!y to bring to men tlie message and grace of Christ, but also to pene-trate and perfect the temporal sphere with the spirit of the Gospel (n, 5). Tlie missiofi of the Church, in other words, is not to rescue men from this world for salvation in another world, but to unite men to God in this world and through them permeate human activity, culture, and his-tory with fl~e spirit of Christ, thus cooperating with God in bringing all creation to its divinely intended goal: eternal life and resurrection of the body for men in a new heaven and a new earth. Every member of the Church participates in her mis-sion: For this the ChurCh was founded: that., she might bring all men to share in Christ,s saving redemption; and that through them the whole world might in actual fact be brought into relationship with him. All activity of the Mystical Body directed to the attainment of this goal is called the apostolate, and the Church carries it on in various ways through all her members. For by its very nature the Christian vocation is also a vocation to the apostolate (ibid., n. 2). The Church is the whole body of baptized believers, sent by Christ into the world to bring men his truth and grace and to work for the divinely willed perfection of creation. In order to accomplish this mission, baptized believers nfinister to one a~aother, building up the whole Body of Christ in truth and grace for service to the world for the glory~of tlte Father. Some ministries are purely charismatic, the fruit of the Spirit's quickening believers to particular services to fellow members of Christ's Body for their joint mission to the world. Some ministries are also institutional, that is, in addition to the call of the Spirit, they have a more or less per.manent place and a more or less defined [unction in the structure of the Chnrch as ordained by God in Christ or by the Christian community in the course of history; consequently, these ministries appear in the canon law of the Church. But whether institutional or not, all these ministries are in-cludetl in the Spirit-inspired serf-help which the members of Christ's Body give to one another for the vigorous life of His Body and for its continuing mission and ministry to the world. What is required of the members of Christ's Body if they are to fulfill their apostolic vocation? They need articulate faith, a keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures, and zeal coupled with skill for building a better world of truth, justice, love, and freedom for every man, woman, and child. By "articulate faith" is meant a faith with some under- standing of the assertions.of faith, .including recognition of the difficulties which these assertions present to human intelligence today, their historical conditioning, and their need for continual reinterpretation and restatement if they are going to remain vali'd'expression~ of'~tuthentic faith in the midst of constantly changing human con-sciousness of reality. More importantly, articulate faith is aware of itself as.an adventure into ineffable mystery and personal communion with the living God, for which faith's assertions are a means not an end: a gateway, not the end of the road. Articulate faith also includes the willingness, ability, and c6nfidence to talk about what one believes. Because faith is a great adventure toward the fulfillment of men's deepest longing, one is willing, even eager, to discuss matters of faith; and one does not shy away from such discussion for fear of being wrong, because one is aware that faith is response to a loving Person who is more interested in drawing men to per-sonal communion with Him than He is in theological niceties. Vatican II expects the members of the Church to have such articulate faith, in accord with their capacity for it. According to the Decree on the Apostolate of the Laity, "the apostolate of the Church and of all her members is designed primarily to manifest Christ's message by words and deeds and to communicate his grace to the world" (ibid., n. 6). Noteworth~ in this statement is that all mem-bers of the Church are to manifest Christ's message by words, as well as deeds, and to communicate His grace. The ministry of teaching and sanctifying is not restricted to the clergy's ministry of the word and the sacraments. The decree proceeds to note that one of the ways in which the laity exercise their apostolate of "making the Gospel known and men holy" (ibid.) is through the testi-mony of a good life. But it goes on to say that "an aposto-late of this kind does not consist only in the witness of one's way of life; a true apostle looks for opportunities to announce Christ by words addressed either to non-believ-ers with a view to leading them to faith, or to believers with a view to instructing and strengthening them, and motivating them toward a more fervent life" (ibid.). ¯ In other words, the laity, as well as the clergy and religious, are responsible for building up the Body of Christ in truth and love and [or implementing its teach-ing and sanctifying mission. To fulfill this responsibility, laity, as well as clergy and religious, need articulate faith. A second need which each member of Christ's Body has is for a keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures: The Lord wishes to spread his kingdom . In this kingdom, creation itself will be delivered out of its slavery to corruption 4- 4- 4- Schools VOLUME 30, 1971 4" 4" 4" C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 954 and into the freedom of the sons of God (cf. Rom. 8:21) . The faithful, therefore, must learn the deepest meaning and the value of all creation~ and how to relate it to the praise of God. They must assist one another to live holier lives even in their daily occupations. In this way the world is permeated by the spirit of Christ and more effectively achieves its purpose in justice, charity, and peace (Constitution on the Church, n. 36). In the light of revelation,, baptized believers must see and appreciate creatures in their original goodness and in their relationship to the Incarnation and the eschaton; They should perceive and treasure creatures as the poet does, with awe and reverence for the uniqueness and beauty of each. They should not view them simply with the detached, calculating eye of the technician. Yet tech-nology too is a creature of God, so that Christians should understand and evaluate rightly its place and products in the scheme of things. Especially must the Christian be aware and appreciative of man and the mysteries of his being: the human body, feeling and emotion, love and sex, work and play, community and celebration, art and science, the aspirations of the human spirit~and the long-ings of the human heart--all bathed in the light of God's gracious love. Thirdly, the members of Christ's Body need zeal cou-pled with skill for building a better world: By their competence in secular fields and by personal activity, elevated fr6m" within by the grace o[ Christ, let them labor vigorously so that by human labor, technical skill, and civic culture created goods may be perfected for the benefit of every last man. Let them work to see that created goods are more fittingly distributed among men and., in their own way lead to general progress in human and Christian liberty (ibid.). Baptized believers should also "by their combined efforts remedy any institutions and conditions of the world which are customarily inducements to sin, so that all such things may be conformed to the norms of justice and may favor the practice of virtue rather than hinder it" (ibid.). They need to "imbue culture and human activity with moral values" (ibid.). The question now arises: By what means are the mem-bers of Christ's Body going to develop articulate faith, appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures, arid zeal with skill for building a better world? Can weekly liturgies of the word (including homily) and the Eucha-rist accomplish this end? Even supposing the Scriptures are well read, the homilies well prepared and delivered, and the celebration well carried through, weekly liturgies alone hardly seem capable of generating the qualities which Christ's members ought to have to fulfill their apostolic vocation. CCD classes are not going to yield the needed qualities. They are limited in time. They p~vide little sustained interaction between mature Christians and growing ones over a wide spectrum of life. Their very organization fosters the idea of faith as a gegment of life, [,or Which one sets aside a piece of time each week. Finally, they are impeded in effectiveness by the forced and often chaotic conditions under wliich .they operate. Newman Centers too are very limited in what they can do to develop the necessary qualities in the members of Christ's Body beyond a small circle. Courses in "religiqus studies" are far from adequate means. They are by definition uncommitted, objective examination of religion and religions. They are highly intellectual, speculative, whatever existential and subjec-tive use an individual student may make of them. They are also limited in the amount of time given to them and, being a self-cOntained part of a curriculum, they convey the impression that religion also is a self-con-tained part of life, rather than~a dimension of all life. Adult education does not appear to be the solution. The competition for adults' time and attention is ex-tremely intense. Moreover, dae qualities required of a mature Christian should be well developed before he reaches the age at which l~e would enroll in adult educa-tion courses that are more than remedial. The answer is not Catholic newapapers, magazines, and books. People who love and profit from reading are relatively few in our activist culture, and are becoming even fewer in this post-linear age of happenings and tele-vision in the global village. The Church's recourse to happenings and television will not be much more fruitful than literature for achieving the necessary goal. Once people are gathered, happenifigs and television can be extremely effective instructors, but the problem is pre-cisely gathering the people. Unless people are already rather strongly motivated religiously, they are not going to prefer religious happenings and television programs to their secular coi~nterparts. As for parents as the source of the needed Christian maturity, parents are limited in what they Can do for their children. They cannot ,.lead their children to an articulate faith much beyond their own. They will find themselves limited especially when they come to helping their children develop that keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creation which Vatican iI urges for all members of Christ's .Body. Parents may be able to foster such apl~reciation for the simpler things of life, but they may be at a loss in matters of biology, the physical universe, history, poetry, drama, music. Parents' social consciousness and involvement may or may not be very highly developed, and will almost always be limited in 4- 4- 4- Schools VOLUME .'30, "1971 955 + 4. 4. C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 956 scope because of family responsibilities and finite human energies. Social services of the Church are not ordered, by defini-tion, to the development of mature Christians, but to relieving the pressing needs which men and women have in their personal and social lives, in order that their lives may meet basic standards of health, decency, dignity, and happiness. It is difficult to imagine any project of the Church which offers the opportunities that schools do for p.ro-viding the members of Christ's Body with the develop-ment of faith, .appreciation of creation, and apostolic zeal and know-how which they need and to which they have a right. Several points are to be noted about this affirma-tion. First, it does not mean that schools alone do the whole job. There is still need for good liturgies, adult educa-tion, and all the rest. Secondly, the schools referred to are not only elementary schools. High schools and colleges are more important. Thirdly, the assertion speaks of schools for providing the needed qualities of articulate faith, appreciation of creation, and apostolic zeal with skill. It does not speak simply of religion courses in schools operated by the Church, though such courses have their rightful place. It is not a matter of the Church going into the education business, so that it can, with ease, slip religion courses into the curriculum. It is, rather, a matter of providing a Christian milieu in which learning to live a full life can Occtlr. Finally, the argument is not based on the actual con-duct or achievements of the Church's schools in the past. Whatever judgment is rendered on the past, the situation has changed so much since Vatican II that the schools of the Church today constitute an entirely new set of oppor-tunities. In recent years new methods of teaching have evolved which make learning boi:h more exciting for students and more in contact with life in society. Lay teachers have become a familiar part of the faculties of the Church's schools. Priests' and religious' styles of life have changed, bringing them into closer contact with ordinary life and with the laity, particularly their students. The ghetto mentality has largely disappeared, so that Church schools are less prone to be instruments of defense and more liable to be openings to the world. The ecumenical spirit enables Protestant, Anglican, and Orthodox Christians, as well as Jews and men of other beliefs, to have some place in the education that goes on in the schools of the Church. Administrators, faculties, and students are more aware of the school's obligations to the civic community in which it exists, All these new [actors mean :that the value of the Church's schools today cannot be judged on the basis of their past conduct and achievements. The opportunities which the schools of the: Church offer do not consist only or even mainly in the possibili-ties for religion courses or religious pract~ices. They con-sist in the possibilities for the young to develop articulate faith, a keen appreciation of creatures, and zeal with com-petence for building a better world by close association in learning and doing with mature Christians who them-selves have such faith, appreciation, and zeal. There is a difference, I would maintain, between what a youth derives from a course in English literature taught with competence and enthusiasm by a Christian whose faith permeates his life, and what he derives from such a course taught by someone else. A course in English litera-ture well taught by a Christian tells a young person that Christianity embraces all of life, that it is willing and able to learn from human experience as well as from revela-tion, that it recognizes the Spirit of God working in the world and speaking to men through human events, per-sonal and social. Besides this non-verbal communication, there can be explicit comparisons between the views of life in English literature and the view of the gospel. These comparisons are opportunities to develop articu-late faith without indoctrination. But even without any explicit mention of Christian faith, this course in English literature is a Christian ministry. As Vaticap II affirmed, Christians should have a deep sense of the meaning and value of all creation. The Church, therefore, has a duty to provide for its members to learn about creation through the arts and sciences illumined by the gospel. It is a precious gift which a Christian teacher gives to a student in patiently helping him to appreciate-a poem, even though faith is not explicitly referred to. If this Christian teacher of English literature is also aware of the world's and ldcal community's problems; if he is involved outside the school in trying to build a better world, if he lets this be known to his students and even involves his students in his social concern outside the classroom, his students will be made aware of another dimension of the Christian vocation and will even gain some knowledge of what they can do concretely to build a better world. If the administrators and teachers in a school of the Church are articulate in their faith, if they treasure God's creatures, if they are socially concerned and involved, if they constitute the nucleus of a genuine, open Christian community into which they assimilate their students, that school offers unparalleled opportu.nities for developing in the members of Chris,t's Body the qualities nece~ssary for + ÷ + Schools VOLUME 30, ].971 957 + 4. + C. Kiesling, O,P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 958 their sharing the mission of the Church to mankind and the world. But, it may be objected, should not such a Christian teacher of English literature or physics or sociology or mathematics be in apublic school? Could he not perform a most valuable Christian ministry there Yes, he could; and such Christian teachers--lay, religious, cleric-- should be in public schools. They would be fulfilling the Church's apostolic mission to the world in a most excel-lent way. But could his pupils derive as much benefit from him in the public school as they could in a school of the Church---or of the Churches, as some would propose in this ecumenical age? In a public school, his pupils could only rarely, and then with the greatest circumspection, explicitly view the subject with the teacher in the light of the gospel. Never could they celebrate their Christian awareness of the subject in worship, liturgical or other, unless they met outside the school and school time. This condition raises the complex problem of finding a con-venient opportunity for such celebration; and it intro-duces a division into the public school community, which could Iead to all sorts of unpleasant complications: More-over, students in a public school would not experience their learning within a known Christian milieu and hence would not see it as part of Christian life and Chris-tian life as embracing it. But is this not the age of anonymous Christianity? Is it necessary for students to examine explicitly a subject in the light of the gospel, to celebrate it in worship, and to see it as part of Christian life and Christian life as em-bracing it? Recourse to the concept of anonymous Christianity is a way Christians have adopted to take the sting out of the widespread de-christianization and secularization that has occurred in modern times. But anonymous Christianity, though a good thing in comparison to being altogether outside the influence of God's grace,'is a humanly imper-fect thing. To be human is to have self-awareness. Man is not only conscious as animals are, but reflectively con-scious; he is aware of himself as animals are not. If man's self is actually graced by God, then his self-awareness should include that fact, otherwise he is not fully self-aware, not fulIy human. Hence it is important, not only for Christian education but for the human education of the Christian, that he see what he learns as part of Chris-tian life and Christian life as embracing it. When one reads carefi~lly the documents of Vatican II in regard to its ideal of what Christian laymen should be in the life and mission of the Church, one cannot help asking how they are ever going to achieve that ideal, and how clergy and religious are going to help them in fulfill- ment of their priestly and religious responsibilities to serve their fellow members in the building up of Christ's Body. What i~ called for is not comprehended under the labels of religious instruction or religious practices. Nor is it adequately described as handing on, preserving, or nourishing Christian faith, What is required is education in the fullest sense of the word, education of the whole man for the whole of life, bnt education with a'Christian quality to it. Of all the Church's projects, its schools offer the most opportunities for such education. With such education, Catholic laymen would exercise their role in the mission of the Church, not by contributing money to a Human Development Fund, of which the hierarchy is the banker, but by becoming involved in human development in the neighborhood, city, state, nation, and the world. This latter is the more authentic fulfillment of the Christian apostolate by which the members of Christ's Body partici-pate in its mission to the world. The schools of the Church will very likely be fewer in number in the future. But they remain unique opportun-ities for building up the Body of Christ for its mission. Abandonment of the struggle to maintain them and, still more important, to exploit their new possibilities under the conditions, which have arisen since Vatican II will grievously set back the emergence of the layman and the mission of the Church to the world. It will promote the tendency of the Church to be identified with the clergy and religious rather than the whole People of God, and to become a club for fellowship in subjective re_ligious experience rather than the leaven in the dough ~of his-tory. Religious' involvement in the schools of the Church remains both~an important and challenging ministry. Schools VOLUME $0, '].97~ 959 SISTER MARY JEANNE SALOIS, R.S.M. Opinions of the Laity on Changes in Religious Life Sister Jeanne is director of research services at the Sis-ters of Mercy Gen-eralate at 10000 Kentsdale Drive, Box 34446; Be-thesda, Maryland 20034. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 960 Literature concerning recent developments in the re-ligious life provide little information on the effects of these developments on the laity. Since the prima.ry pur-pose of adaptation and renewal as stated in the docu-ments of Vatican II is to become more effective in promoting the kingdom of God on earth---"That this kind of life and its contemporary role may achieve greater good for the Church, this sacred Synod issues the following decrees" 1--it should be helpful to know how a section of this kingdom feels about the adaptation they are observing. Such knowledge should contribute sub-stantially to an honest evaluation of the changes being made. This article summarizes the thinking of lay people on adaptation in religious life in seven parishes distributed geographically from the New England coast to mid-western United States. A random sampling of 60 families from each of the parishes listed in Table 1 participated in this study. Treatment o[ the Data: The investigator sent an in-strument entitled "Opinionnaire to Obtain the Lay-man's Assessment of Religious Women in the Church Today" to 420 randomly selected persons. Of these, 220 responded, constituting 53.4 percent returns. Distribu-tion of respondents is shown in Table 2. Eighty-three men and 137 women responded to this opinionnaire. Of these only One was black, the others being white. Age of respondents varied as indicated be-low: 1Walter M. Abbott, S.J., ed., The Documents o[ Vatican II, "Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life," n. 1. Age of Re~#ondent Number in Category Percent 20-29 16 7 30-39 59 27 40-49 77 35 50-59 42 19 60-69 19 9 70- 7 3 Approximately half of the respondeqts attended a Catholic grade and high school and most of them at-tended college. Most of the respondents indicated they were professional or sell-employed with very few saying they were semi or unskilled workers. TABLE :1 Parishes Participating in Study to Obtain Opinions of Laity on Changes being' Made in Religious Congregations Parish* City and State Our Lady of the Assumption St. Joseph Immaculate Heart of Mary Sacred Heart Immaculate Conception St. James Gate of Heaven Atlanta, Georgia Denver, Colorado Detroit, Michigan Hattiesburg, Mississippi Memphis, Tennessee New Bedford, Massachusetts Dallas, Pennsylvania * Parishes were selected at random from the total list of parishes being served I~y a religious congregation of women. TABLE 2 Distribution of Laymen Who Responded to Opinionnaire New Denver, Bedford, Hatties- Dallas, Colorado burg, Atlanta, Detroit, Memphig, Penn~yl, chusettsMassa" Mississippi Georgia Michigan Tennessee vama No. % No. % No. % No. % No. % ~o. % No.! % 17 58.3 26 43.3 41 68.3 28 46.6 37 62.7 36 Findings from Opinionnaire: Items and comments of respondents will be summarized under the three headings on the instrumefit: (1) The individual's personal contacts with sisters, (2) the religious life, and (3) sisters' aposto-lates. Personal Contacts with Religious Sisters Almost three-fourths (72%) of the respondents at-tributed most of the credit for helping them become religious persons to their parents. Twenty-six percent credited the sisters for having provided them with in-spiration, and 9 per cent mentioned the clergy. When asked how much influence for good religious sisters had exerted on them, participants responded as 4. 4- 4. Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 961 Sister 1eanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 962 follows: A mount of Influence Number Percent Very great influence 58 '26 I~reat influenc'e 54 24 Some influence 63 29 A little influence 29 13 No influence 13 6 Thus, 50 percent of respondents indicated that re-ligious sisters had influenced them greatly for good and 29 percent said sisters had influenced them some. Most of the respondents consider sisters friendly and easy to meet (192 or 88%). Nineteen respondents (13%) consider the sisters unaware of people around them, and four persons said they were unfriendly. When asked if they would go to a sister for help if they had some personal religious problem, 106 (48%) said they would go rarely, 71 (32%) said they would never go, and 38 (17%) said they would usually go to a sister for help. Most respondents feel that sisters show respect for them as persons (all do--61%; some do--36%). Ninety percent of respondents indicated that the sisters they have known spend most of their time in the educa-tion of children. Ninety percent are pleased with this effort, 6 percent are indifferent, and 3 percent are un-happy. Most respondents believe that sisters manifest an in-terest in the welfare of people in general (78%), and 18 percent don't know. Two percent said that sisters do not manifest an interest in the welfare of others. When asked to express their thinking on the age distribution of the sisters serving them, 81 respondents (37%) said age is not important, 74 (34%) s.aid the age distribution was about right, 25 (11%) said they did not have enough younger sisters, and 5 (2%) said they did not have enough older sisters. The Religious Life Two-thirds of the respondents believe there is no difference between the religious life and mariage in so far as thei~ comparable merits are concerned. Seventeen percent believe the religious vocation more pleasing to God, and 25 respondents (11%) said they didn't know. One hundred and twenty-five respondents (57%) said they would respond favorably if they had a daughter who wanted to become a religious, 77 (35%) would be neutral, and 15 (7%)would respond unfavorably. Most of the respondents (93%) said the sisters they have known seem to be happy. Respondents were widely distributed in their thinking on the economic level of religious living. One hundred and nine (50%) of the respondents believe that the sisters are living on the same or better economic level than they are. Sixty-nine (31%) believe they are living more comfortably than~ the sisters, and 41 ~(19%) said they don't know. When asked whether the sisters seem more progressive since Vatican 11, 161 (73%) said they were either out-standing or quite progressive. About 10 percent found them too progressive and approximately the same per-centage considered them not progressive at all. Almost three-fourths (70%) of the respondents pre-ferred to see religious women living in a convent espe-cially designed for them. Fourteen percent prefer to see ~them in a middle-class residence near their employment. Only two persons said they prefer to see sisters in a home in a poor neighborhood, and three persons said in an apartment. Thirty-eight respondents (17%) said they didn't care. Fewer than half (44%) of the persons responding in-dicated that they like to see religious dressed in a habit which includes a veil. About one-third (32%) like to see religious in conservative attire which does not include a veil, and 7 percent like to see them in contemporary clothing with accessories identical to lay women. Four-teen percent don't care what religious wear. Two-thirds of the respondents like to see sisters par-ticipating in all parish activities. Twenty-four percent-wish religious to participate in all parish activities ex-cept those which are purely social, such ,as dances. Seventeen respondent,s (8%) prefer that sisters attend only those activities related to the school, such as home-school meetings. Apostolic Services When asked how they would react if the sisters would decide to withdraw entirely from the school in order to do other works in the parish, 72 percent said they would respond unfavorably. Eighteen percent said they would be neutral, and 9 percent said they would respond fa-vorably to such a decision. Respondents .were asked if they thought the sisters should be 'more active in working with the poor. Re-sponses were evenly distributed with 68 (31%)in the affirmative, 70 (32%) in the negative, and 72 (33%)with no opinion on thismatter. Responses to items which attempted to find out which apostolaies seemed most necessary to the laity left no room for doubt. They strongly endorse the Catholic school concept and wish sisters would continue in this endeavor. In response to an item concerning the services they 4- 4- 4" 4" 4. Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 964 would prefer sisters provided for them if they were .in need of such services, 68 percent said they wished them to teach children. Other services given some priority by respondents were to administer to the sick in institutions (12%), administer to the sick in homes (5%), and teach adults (4%). Only one percent wish sisters to teach poor children only. Respondents were asked which apostolic works, if any, sisters should discontinue in which they are presently engaged. Each respondent could list three works. Results follow. Campus Ministry on Secular Campus 32 Diocesan services 92 Social work 19 College 16 High School I 1 Elementary school 10 Hospital 9 Religious Education 5 Respondents were asked to list in order of priority the works which they believed sisters should be engaged in at the present time and in the future. The following priorities were established by.averaging the ranks of the 220 respondents. 1. Teaching religion in Catholic school 2. Administrator in Catholic school 3. Teaching secular subjects in Catholic school 4. Teaching in Religious Education Program 5. Administrator of Religious Education Program in parish 6. Serving in Parish Ministry working with families 7. Staff position in health institution 8. Administrator in health institution 9. Social worker in inner city 10. Rehabilitation of drug addicts 11. Serving in Campus Minstry on secular campus 12. Administrator or staff position in public institution Comments of Laity on Adaptation and Rerlewal of Sisters In their comments on the adaptation they are observ-ing in religious communities, participants expressed di-verse opinions, presenting a kaleidoscopic view of re-ligious congregations. Many respondents praised the sisters for some of the changes they are making and for their continued dedication. Some, accustomed as they are to uniformity within religious communities, are using similarity of dress and dutifulness to t~aditional occupations as the criteria for evaluating renewal in religious life. Some are using normal standards of ac-ceptable behavior and are surprised and scandalized at the extremes to which some sisters are going in their new freedom. To the laity, these sisters seem immature and insincere, wanting the best of two worlds. Thus, much of the renewal effort is suspect to some of the laity, both that being made by large groups of sisters attempting to renew sincerely in keeping with the changing needs of the world and by the small group of extremist whose actions the layman is questioning. The comments below are typical of those made by many respondents. I don't think the'sisters are'adapting to the needs of the Church. Some sisters are radical; some are conservative: Some are in habits; some are not. Some are worldly; some are not. They seem to be divided among themselves. Some seem to act as immature young women wanting the best of both worlds. They ~vant the respect due to religious and the fun and entertainment of single women. They are mainly interested in satisfying their own desires. Opinions concerning the habit differed with many respondents reluctantly accepting the demise of" the traditional habit in favor of some lesser form of identifica-tion. Many emphasized the, importance of a religious identity and regret the loss of respect which the habit has always commanded. On careful analysis, responses seem to set forth the .primacy of "habit" over "person" in the thinking of some lay persons. I feel the sisters should have uniform attire~ even if it is a simple colored dresg with a large cross. They are married to God and should be proud of their vocation. They would also command more respect and be more useful, as people would be aware of their vocations and ask for help seeing the gar-ment, not the per.son. It was surprising to see how the laity identify religious with the traditioffal professions to the extent of con-sidering new occupations completely incompatible with the vocation itself. Sisters should either be in the religio~as vocation, or if they want to do soc.ial work they should not do it under the guise of a religious. Religious have pushed into social care areas where .they are not qualified. They have given scandal, betrayed their com-munity life and their origina! vocation. Sisters should work where they can influence and strengthen the faith and morals of young Catholics. Let others care for their social and physical needs. The laity continues to look for the dedicated, hard-working sister wh6 spends her time going from her work to her prayers in the convent where her physical, and social needs are met. They are surprised when they see sisters becoming more like other women in their use of leisure and in the external manifestation of their fem-ininity. They feel that the purpose o[ religious women was + + + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 965 ÷ ÷ Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 966 and is to stay in the classroom and teach their children, and that to betray this purpose is to betray their calling as religious. Sisters should do what they have done for many years--see to the education of our future citizens. Most of God's work is just that--hard work--and this is probably the main thing I have always admired about the nuns I have known. They were committed and worked hard with little thanks or praise, and I'm sure they were often discour-aged and unsure of their accomplishments. Some of the laity are interpreting the trend to leave the traditional apostolates as a sign of individualism which prompts one to wish to "do her own thing." I find it disturbing that some sisters, when given the op-portunity to work in the world today, become concerned with their own needs or interests under the guise of making money for their order. Since Vatican II, I feel that many nuns are confused and at odds with their own previous commitment. Teaching sisters now seem to feel social work is their bag, nursing nuns feel that teaching would be more appropriate, etc. Confusion stems, I believe, from a lack of the whole spirit we used to know as dedication to God's work. It is being replaced today in all of society by a personal need to do your own thing. A change very pleasing to the laity where it has taken place is the updating observed in methods of teaching and curriculum. They praise the sisters who are more understanding of child nature than they used to be and who are ready to meet the explosion of knowledge which today's children are experiencing. They complain if these changes are not taking place. Unfortunately, older nuns are not adjusting methods, cur-riculum, and themselves personally to many facts, namely,. that today's children know much more in space and science study than is in textbooks and they often know more than the the teacher herself. The teacher's attitude often becomes bel-ligerent rather than pleased that children are this way. Some personal evaluation seems necessary. The older nuns seem to adapt to the needs of the Church. Younger nuns could learn from them. It is no longer a voca-tion to them, it is ajob. Some middle class lay people feel that religious are now prejudiced against them. They argue .that their needs for the services of religious are as great as those of any other segment of society. We who are just ordinary people--working, living, and .dying--also need the help and example of the religious sister in today's world. We feel that what's the use when our lives and struggles are treated with disdain. We don't want to be applauded, but we feel that by living an honest and decent life and ever-striving to do the works of Christ, that we ought to be considered at least as human as the girls who have il-legitimate babies who you would think had won the grand prize for all the attention they are given. In short, love us too, even though we have never broken a law. I believe ~many sisters aye giving up "their 6wn" to work in the inner cities and for social causes. A poor soul is not .Primarily found in a poor person--the person may be rich, middle 'class or ~poor. We should try to help all equally so all can be saved. Another change taking ~place among religious women which is greatly appreciated by the laity is the attitude of considering all persons as equals. They are happy that sisters have come down from their pedestal and no longer seem to expect deference from the laity. The sisters, I believe, are progressing to include all persons with whom they come in contact as equals. I used to. feel the sisters considered themselves.very special and should be looked up to by all. I think they are more aware of people's needs than previ-ously. They are more sensitive and less untouchable. Some have lost self-respect by playing down to the laity too much. Much of the advice given to religious by respondents argued for the maintenance, of balance in the matter of adaptation and warned against extremes. Don't go overboard! Keep attire and sense of misSio~a in line with Catholic beliefs. If the sisters participate in secular affairs, I feel they should remember they are sisters and uphold the traditions and reputation Catholic sisters have always had. General impressions reported by respondents include the following: I get the feeling they are not of the Church but of the world. Instead of giving up things of the world they are acquiring things of the world. Nuns, in general, appear ito be departing from a way of life which identified them as religious, and as a result of ,this proc-ess, society appears tO have less respect for religious orders. I think sisters are doing a fine job. This is a time for all people to join t.ogether and to remember that God is the father of all, not just the white man, Many so-called Christians have forgotten this. General Statements on Opinions of Laity From the many ideas expressed by the laity responding to this opinionnaire, a few generalizations can be stated: There is little evidence at this time that the changing needs of society, for example, the rapid increase of Catholic students on the secular university campus, have penetrated the thinking of: lay people to any great extent. Criteria used by most of the laity for judging sisters remain the. same today as before Vatican II in spite of the shift toward greater personal freedom and more leisure in society as a whole~ However, a few of .the respondents 4- 4- + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30~ 1971 967 Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 968 do seem to comprehend rather accurately the reasons for change in religious congregations. A few religious who, in the eyes of the laity, have seemingly lost sight of the meaning of religious vocation are impeding acceptance of the necessary changes large numbers Of religious women are making. There are certain paradoxes in the thinking of the laity concerning religious sisters at present. The laity are happy that sisters consider them as equals, no longer expecting deference; yet they lament the elimination of' external signs, such as the habit, which commands special respect. The laity give major credit to their parents for being the grea.test influence for holiness in their lives; yet they insist that the sisters are essential to growth of holiness in their children. The laity are happy that sisters have stepped down from their pedestal to walk among them; yet they wish to continue admiring them at a distance when they need help in the solution of their personal religious problems. In summary, respect for religious among the laity in this sample has decreased as a result of the changes made by religious congregations since Vatican II. This loss of respect can be attributed to a failure on the part of laymen to understand the reasons basic to change and their failure to recognize new needs in society for the services of religious women. It is also the result of unwise individual choices which some religious are making in their personal lives. The laity need the assistance of sisters if they are to understand the motives for their new behaviors. Perhaps the greatest need of the laity, as well as of religious, is familiarity with social doctrines of the Church and the emphasis given to these doctrines in the documents of Vatican II. Reflections of the Writer Religious congregations are attempting to implement the new emphases of Vatican II. The laity, familiar with the old structure, fail to understand the inevitable re-suits "of implementing such documents as "Declaration on Religious Freedom" from Vatican II, and Mater et Magistra, the encyclical letter of Pope John XXIII. An example of this implementation is the attention religious congregations are now giving to the dignity of the human person. In Mater et Magistra (215) we read, Whatever the progress in technology and economic life, there can be neither justice nor peace in .the world, so long as men fail to realize how great is their dignity; for they have been created by God and are His children. According to the social teachings of the Church, society is at~the, service of the human person to respect his dignity and allow him to attain his end and his full human development: "Society is made for man and not man for society.''2 Plus XII s~aid: "Man is a personal being, endowed.with intelligent& and free will;" ~a~ being who has the final choice of what he will or will not do," s Enhnciating this principle of the dignity of the human person, the ""Document on Religious Freedom" from Vatican II states: God calls men to serve Him in spirit and in truth. Hence they are bound ih consdence but they standunder n0: Com-pulsion. God has rbgard for :the dignity of the human person who.m He himseff created; man is to be guided by his own judgment and he is to enjoy freedom. . In contemplating these teachings concerning the basic freedoms o[ man and applying them to herself, a religious may conclude that she does not relinguish her innate freedom to govern herself when she enters a religious congregation. She believes that she is responsible to God alone for her actions and that she is responsible for keeping these actions in line with the life she has com-mitted herself to live. If this reasoning is correct, obe-dience in religious life needs to find its meaning apart from the responsibility of one person to govern the life of another. If religious growth takes place through responsible choices made freely, each person must be free to choose in matters pertaining to her personal life. In their efforts to implement tile new emphasis on the dignity of the person and_ her freedom of choice, religious congregations are eliminating rules which formerly gov-erned the personal life o[ each member. Remove pro-hibitive rules designed to channel actions according to a certain pattern which all members are exp6cted to observe and they are going to act as do all other members of the human race uniquely and differently. Some per-sons are going to make unwise choices as is true of persons in other walks of life. Freed from rules which prevent extremes, religious women are going to demon-strate their good taste or lack of it in their external appearance, their behavior, their use of leisure, and in their professional activities. But the end of this process is good the coming to being of a religious who is interiorly motivated to govern herself in a manner suited to her commitment as a woman who has dedicated her life to Christ and the service of His kingdom on earth. The new religious will come to r~alize as never before th~it she has been made = Plus XI,'Divini Redemptoris. a Pius xIi, "Allocution to the Sixth International Congress on Criminal Law," October 15, 1954, + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 969 Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 970 in God's likeness to imitate His perfection, His goodness, and His love and mercy for men. She will realize that sh~ must 'lift herself up to God freely if she wishes to l~articipate with Christ in life eternal, in the divine life of God and of the Blessed Trinity. This is the destiny of all men, the religious included, and all must freely choose to follow this path, for with Christ there is no coercion, no forcing, no want of freedom. Surely every adult' outside of a religious community reaches the period in her life when she is no longer told what to wear and where to go. The fully committed re-ligious woman who has dedicated her life to Christ and to the service of his kingdom on earth should "be equally capable of" exercising her God-given freedom and of assuming the responsibility for her actions and her destiny. Lay people need to understand that they will be observing some evidence of poor taste as religious use the freedom they now have. Poor judgment is not a monopoly of the laity; it can also be expected of religious. Unless the formation period in the life of young re-ligious provides an understanding of how the gospel message is translated into daily living as a religious, sisters cannot be expected to make decisions in keeping with their form of life. In their uncertainty regarding the preparation which best prepares individual religious to exercise greater freedom, some congregations are ab-dicating their responsibility fbr the formation of young religious. To supose that new members who have not developed an understanding of the religious life will make personal decisions in keeping with it is a rash assumption. If religious congregations are to make wise choices. during this period of renewal and adaptation, they must take time to study the past and realize Gully the import of char~ge on the present and future. Unless changes are in line with the purposes for which the congregation was formed in the first place, the congregation will give way to a new entity or disintegrate completely. In-dividual members of apostolic religious congregations in the past realized their service of Christ in His Church through service of the congregation whose corporate end was this divine service. Today, many religious see them-selves as groups of dedicated individual members with a diversity of tasks. If religious retain the apostolic dimension of their original commitment, the transfer from corporate to individual commitment may be a change of means rather than ends. However, if the apostolic dimension of one's service is lost, the primary purpose of apostolic religious congregations in the Church no longer exists. When no unifying purpose is present, organizational structure becomes meaningless. It has been the purpose of this study to provide some insight on the reaction of the laity to observed change in religious congregations in the year 1971, Hopefully, the opinions expressed in this report will be.helpful to religious congregations as they chart their c0urse'for the future. + 4- 4- Laity Opinion VOLUME ~0, 1971 97! SISTER MARY JOHN MANANZAN, O.S.B. Must I Love You for God's Sake? ÷ ÷ .I. Sister John is a graduate student of the Gregorian Uni-versity and resides at Via dei Bevilac-qua, 60; Rome, Italy (00165). REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 972 Read the title without a pause and with the correct intonation lest you miss the point of this article, it is not an exasperated exclamation like "Must I put up with you, for heaven's sake?" The article concerns itself rather with the question whether we should love others "for the sake of God." This phrase has been so misinterpreted in the past and still also in the present that the word "char-ity" has fallen into disrepute or at least it has acqui~?ed a cold, antiseptic atmosphere. People say "I don't want your charity"--"I will not be an object of charity." In the stu-dent house where I lived while I was studying in Ger-many, the girls were very wary of "nuns" doing things for charity. Once an Idonesian girl living in another house got sick. A German friend of mine announced her inten-tion of driving over. I spontanously exclaimed: "I'11 go with you." She looked at me and cautiously asked: "Are you doing it for charity?" The reason for such wariness is that doing things for charity or for God's sake is taken to mean something like: "Actually you are a nasty fellow and for yourself I wouldn't lift a finger. But I am doing this because I see Christ in you." I don't tbink for a moment that Christ is at all pleased with such pious prattle. And the person concerned rightly feels himself an "object" of charity--a means to some altruistic, humanitarian or still worse to a spiritual ideal. C. S. Lewis in his delightful book Four Loves gives a punchy example of an "unselfish . self-sac-rificing" mother who "just lived for her family." In a remarkable self-deception she literally worked herself to the bone for them but actually what she managed to do was to suffocate each member of her family, because she did not actually see them as persons and did not really consider their real needs; She looked through them to work for her image of being an ideal mother. She used them as means to fulfill her need to be needed. In a similar manner "loving others for God's sake" has some-how taken on the meaning of disregarding the individual person. On this point one can learn a great deal from Kant who has been accused of having never written a word on love. But he actually offers a very solid foundation for what we call "love of neighbor" in his famous (infa-mous?) categorical imperative. This principle has also suffered a very one-sided treatment. The frequently cited formulation is the one that approximates the Golden Rule wearing a grim duty-conscious facial expression. A less quoted formulation however reads: "Act in such a way as to treat humanity whether in yourself or in others never only as a means but always also as an end/' Kant's moral theory is based on the absolute valuation of the person. A person is for him an autonomous subject. He alone possesses the dignity to be happy (Wtirdigkeit, glficklich zu sein). For this reason, a person may never be regarded only as a means but should be willed as a good-in- himself. This absolute valuation of a person manifests itself first and foremost in doing one's duty towards him. Again on this point Kant is frequently misinterpreted. No less than the great German poet Schiller is guilty of this shallow interpretation of Kant when he writes: Gladly I serve my friends but alas I do it with pleasure Hence I am plagued with doubt that I am not a virtuous person. This is answered by a similarly poor interpretation of Kant and a worse poetry: Sure your only recourse is to despise them entirely And then with aversion do what your duty enjoins you. Kant did not mean at all that interest and affection would detract from the moral worth of an action. His term "duty" is a limiting term. It simply isolates the factor which accounts in the last analysis for the moral worth of an action. But once this is ascertained, one can embellish one's action with all the affection one is capa-ble of. I think it is important that Kant makes this em-phasis. There are really people who lavish their affection here and there and everywhere but neglect their elemen-tary duty towards these same persons. It is this forgetfhl-ness of Kant which is responsible for the benevolent tyr-anny in many lands suffering from social injustice, where the rich landlords or employers give to their exploited laborers "in charity" what they owe them in justice. The elementary duty of "love of neighbor" is thus to take the person as an'end in himself and never a means for anyone or anything. Truly? Not even for God? No, not even. God needs no means. He is His own End. He ÷ ÷ Love VOLUME 30, 1971 973 doesn't rely on any means to reach it. What then does loving others "for God's sake" mean? If it means anything at all, it means: one must take the other in his totality. Man is essentially a relation. A per-son is most a person in his relation to God. One can give him absolute value because he has already been radically affirmed by an absolute Person, He is worthy to be loved because he has already been radically loved. One can therefore love him for his own sake if one regards him in the totality of his being rooted in God. But the totality of man also means his being an individual distinct person. Therefore "love of neighbor" means taking this concrete person beside me for what he is and loving him with all his quirks. I think it is one of the characters of Peanuts who said: "I love humanity; It is people that I cannot stand." To love another is to see him. It is to love him "interestedly." "Disinterested love" is no love. It is too pretentious. It is being in love with one's perfectly selfless way of loving. This is the reason why I think foreign aid to developing countries miserably fails in arousing the gratitude of the people it helps. It is literally disinter-ested. There is no interest in the people as persons. No wonder they feel insulted and are resentful. They do not feel loved--they feel that they are objects of love. The same is true in individual relationships. One wants to be loved,' becau'se one is lovable. A boy who tells a girl "I love you, because of your pug nose" is not necessarily being superficial. Maybe he grasps the point of love better than if he were to enumerate the noblest .motives in the world. I think the art of loving is to find something very concrete .in someone (be it a pug nose, a crooked smile, a naughty left eyebrow--whatever it is. There is one in every person aching to be discovered!), to discover this recapitulation of his personality and in this burning focal point of his being, to love him intensely. 4- + Sister John REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 974 TENNANT C. WRIGHT, s.J. A Note on Poverty This is simply a report on a mode of poverty lived at one Jesuit house in Mexico City. The report is drawn from a conversation with several members of the commu-nity there, including the Father Minister who was influ-ential in setting up the program and helps with its ad-ministration. The program seems particularly enlightening at this moment when there is such discussion of poverty and how it fits with a religious' psychological need to feel economically productive and responsible. The Mexican community is made up of Jesuits who receive a salary at one of the Universities (non-Jesuit) in Mexico City. The salary i.s paid by the University directly to the individual Jesuit~ It is turned over by the Jesuit to the community. The community treasury, derived from the salaries, is then divided into three parts: First, there is a common fund for the community, out of which comes such general expenseg as house upkeep, and the room and board of the Jesuits living there. Second, there is a monthly personal amount returned to each Jesuit, an equal amount to each, no matter what his salary from the University. Out of the monthly "allowance" the Jesuit is expected to take care of his or-dinary personal items, such as clothes, recreation, the or-dinary personal necessities of his study and work, his ordinary travel. Third, there is a fund retained by the community for emergencies. As I understand it, the emergencies are gen-erally of two types, each handled differently. There is that personal emergency which arises from the unexpected, for example, an accident, a particularly large medical bill. Such personal emergency expenses are met by the community in a direct payment (not a loan) out of this emergency fund. But this third fund also covers those personal but more expensive items needed by some but not all. For instance, if one of the Jesuits in the course of his work needs some particularly expensive equipment or books or a car, then the community lends to this Jesuit the money to buy the T. C. Wright is a faculty member of the University of Santa Clara; Santa Clara, California 95053. VOLUME .30, 1971 975 special item. The loan is made without interest, but it is gradually paid back to the community out of the individo ual's monthly allowance. This question of loans to the individual for special expenses is crucial. The Mexican community is clear that this is not a case of dominion, of true ownership. Rather it is a more sophisticated way of responsible use. The special item is only purchased after consultation with the superior. The ultimate decision remains with the supe-rior. Although the item is used with the responsible dis-cretion of the individual, when and if his need for it is no longer present it is sold and the money returned to the community fund. Although this three-fold scheme of community use of [unds seems simple and clear in presentation, Father Minister and other members of the Mexican Jesuit com-munity emphasized that the implementation of this mode of poverty has more difficulties and is more complex than its simple outline indicates. 4- 4- 4- T. C. Wright REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 976 W. L. L~CROIX,.S.J. The New Property" and the of PovertY In the past ten years there has taken place a consider-able change in the attitudes of many vowed to the reli-gious life with respect to their "having" material goods. At times, this change in attitude has been reflected by attempts to patch the tearsin earlier lived interpretations of the vow of poverty by talk of a "vow of common life," or something of the sort. By these patchwork efforts, peo-ple have tried to bring within a reflective understanding of the vow such new lived interpretations of poverty that permit individuals to have exclusive control over many more material items (from transistor radios to individual vacations) than were ever previously found acceptable. In this brief essay, I would like to suggest that these efforts are of secondary consequence. I submit that there is a much more pressing problem for the practice of vowed poverty in contemporary America. This more pressing problem emerges from the recent, qualitative leap taken in the lived interpreta)ion of property. If the vow of poverty at all concerns some deliberate taking up of a life style that is designated by its extraordi-nary attitude toward property (this does seem to be the "matter" of the vow), then it is of major importance to talk about that which a political economist might call today the "new property." This concept is both simple and subtle, so let me briefly try to present what lines of thought are involved, and then appraige the implications of "new property" for what I will call the positive "thrust" of the vow of poverty. The "'New Property" Property may be described as a socially acknowledged relation that a person has to what is considered, in the broadest sense, an item of value. Now what is considered of value (except for subsistence in food, clothing, shelter) is to a great extent determined by the concrete attitudes W. L. LaCroix, S.J., is a faculty member of Rock-burst College; 5225 Troost Avenue; Kansas City, Mis-souri 64110. VOLUME 3~0, 1971 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 978 within a cultural milieu. And what are the manifold ways in which, ordinarily understood, one may acquire rela-tion to items of value are familiar to us all. And so we have our ordinary image of what we talk about when we use the term "property." But this imagining is so easy only because so few have done serious reflection on some significant socio-economic developments of the last fifty years. Many people today. continue to be undisturbedly at ease with talk about property exclusively under the rubric of the individual's possession, use, and control of "permanent" and fixed (real property) or of manipulable or consumable items of value (personal property). In fact, however, with the growth of a corporate society in America, some are able to argue convincingly that this familiar rubric of prop-erty has become at least partially obsolete, and that the part where it is obsolete is the more important part. One major indication of the need for a new rubric is that, in, our society heavily toned by business relation-ships, political economists and businessmen now are will-ing to say that, for most of the large business corporations, there are capital investors, there are top and middle man-agers, there are employees, customers, unions, the govern-ment, and the society at large that are related to the corporate organization, but there are no owners. That is, there are none except the impersonal (albeit legal) entity of the corporation itself. Certainly one reason here is that the business corporation is no longer an item compassa-ble by any individual who might attempt personally to organize and control it, that is, to "possess" it, to have it as private property. This growth to bigr~ess is one that has moved not only vertically in the size of an individual corporation, but hlso horizontally to interlace organizations of diverse kinds into one corporate society. Qualitative alterations have taken place in how and by whom social relation-ships are determined within the individual private orga-nization, in the relations between the individual private organizat~ions, and between these organizations, govern-mental bodies, and the social community itself. Corpora-tional businesses today act less with attention to the com-petitive market and more with attention to a mutual self-interest of the leading businesses, or even at times with a mixture of this and "public interest." Government does not hesitate to curtail initiative from a "private" firm for the sake of "public interest," or, conversely, to subsi-dize private sector business for the "public interest," or to contract out to business and to educational institutions some "public interest" undertaking. Educational institu-tions concern themselves with good relations with the business community and government for financial assist- ance; and with accreditation agencies for professional prestige. In a society composed of such interlaced organ~izations, the sharp distinctions between the public and the private sectors of activities have faded (I will suggest a test for this further on), and all members of society have been drawn into new and manifold relations to all the organi-zations. This means that those items of value, or wealth, which the individual can have as "private property" have become secondary in social significance. From Locke to World War I in Anglo-American thought these items have been the key to civic freedom, self-identity, and individual capacity to initiate effects in society. Now the socio-economic fi'eedom, identity, and initiative--in one word, the social power---of the private property holder are minimal. As a society we have entered an era where the initiative comes from organizations which act for or-ganizational or for "public" interest. And the "public" interest today means .less and less each individual's inter-ests and more and more only organized interests~ As part of a growing consensus on the relations of persons to new items of value today, A. A. Berle, Jr., has spoken of the divorce from older property of the socio-ec-onomic power to make determinations in society. He terms this the distinction between "individual possessory holdings" and "power systems." What is at stake here :is not merely the separation of ownership from socio-eco-nomic control, but the "increasing elimination of pro-prietary ownership itself and its replacement by, substan-tially, a power system." Charles A. Reich has spoken of the new form of wealth which one obtains in a corporational social structure through the relationships one has to various organiza-tions. These relationships gain for one a place in the interlaced socio-economic system of organizations. The new marriage of wealth and power is a union within the blood line of the power structure itself, for the wealth is itself new power. One has this new wealth of socio-eco-nomic place, or power status, in so far as one has actively functional relations to the power systems. As active within the power systems, one individually has the socio-economic power without the need of property in the tra-ditional sense of individual possessory holdings, One only needs to obtain a place, a status in the power systems. To clarify how this change brings in new dimensions in the question of poverty, let me develop briefly how one acquires this power, what the power is, why it is special today, and whether it is legitimate. ~ (How acquired) One enters a place of power not by ownership, but by the possession of whatever credentials the people presently with an active function in an organi- 4- "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 979 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 980 zation designate as required. They in turn designate what matters are required in response to the organization's demand in view of~ its present strength and future fate in the interlaced system. These admission credentials are supposed to, and often do, signify the possession of some expertise, some "know how" in terms of the functions and goals of the organization. One's relations to active power status in an organiza-tion is always conditional. It is forever a trial marriage and lasts only as long as the person's power decisions make things function well for the organizational system. In turn, one is subject to those interchanges of power which constitute the organization to which he belongs directly, and to those interchanges of power by which his organization is interlaced within the American corporate system. One is tied to his organization's fate, which itself is precarious, by one's personal credentials, which are constantly under test. For brevity~s sake, let us call one's conditional relations to this new wealth of power status the "new property" (even though I have modified Reich's use of the phrase). Some kind of status in a community or in a private orga-nization, of course, is nothing new. But the status now at point is no longer simply a social by-product of possessory holdings, ancestry; or profession. The new status is a place of socio-economic power within active organiza-tional power. (What is power) As Berle has noted, we are still philo-sophically immature in reflections on power. For our pur-poses here, let us be satisfied with a simple concept: power allows the wielder to initiate decisions on the transmission, use, and determinations of socio-economic assets for the lives of persons. One who holds power has a "scope of significant choice" (Carl Kaysen) open to his decisions within a corporational social structure that widely and significantly affect the determinations of how one himself and others experience and express human values. Today we have large social and economic organi-zations which depend upon and which generate power to their members. These organizations are managed by non-owners whose decisions and instructions, by the mecha-nism of the organization, are made causative at distant points of application, both inside and outside the indi-vidual organization. Normally one distinguishes "power to do things" and "power over persons," but this distinction often is only in the relative immediacy of the results of power's exercise. And the exercise of "power over" brings a reduction for those affected in the range of personal alternatives in socio-economic activities, and an increase in dependence on the power's exercise. (Why special) As society's organizations become more complex, they become more interlaced and thereby more counterbalanced in their scope of initiative action. This primordial counterbalance, however, is less in terms o~ conflict and more in terms of agreement. As a result, as organizations grow to need each other, they become less counterbalanced in the consequent effects o~ their actions in the public arena. This is an important point. It any-one subject to a function of organizational power is still ultimately free to disassociate himself from .the power, with some but with no drastic repercussions in his total li~e style, then the "power over" that person may be said to be private. Sucb a freedom of the one subjected to private "power over" presupposes other, significantly dis-tinct sources of "power to do" things which produce real options for the one subject to the power system at hand. But if the disassociation, if possible at all, from one power would at best only bring about the substitution o[ tbe one by another qualitatively the same source of 'power over," then the "power over" may be said to be public. From this test of the distinction of the public and tbe private sector o[ society, one sees that the real c~runch of the "new property" power is that, more and more, its consequent effects can no longer be balanced out by deci-sions made by others with power. It is so far forth public. Power status is thus one's place in the organizationally active determination of the quality of people's lives. As holders of "new property," individuals exercise the resultant social power to determine some relations that others will have to the organization or to its products, and thereby to the corporateI society. With an ethical vocabulary based on the old p, roperty rubrics, many sta-tus power people still speak ofI these determinations they bring about in tbe lives of ot[~ers only in terms of privi-leges or options, and not in terms of rights and basic human values. They thereby presume that to deny a rela-tion to the orgamzat~on or to deny a cr~uc~sm of its products is merely to deny a lprivilege or to deny tbe immediate value of certain options. There is no wonder that umvers~t~es, for example, st~ll ~ns~st that students are there not by right but by privilege. When orgamzauons were private, such talk was movie acceptable ethically. But today, when org~inizations both decide upon and, in their interlaced stance, supply thos~ credentials which deter-mine a person in the roles he b~ts in tbe corporate society, the subject's relation to them i~ now public and nearly or completely in the area~of rigltts. We are less and less a society o~ persons who receive entrance into "private" organizations by privilege or lwho use the products of organizations by option. Simp,ly stated, the "new prop-÷ ÷ ÷ "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1973. 981 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 982 erty" gives not only "power to do," but, more signifi-cantly for human and Christian values, direct "power over" persons. " (How legitimate) Such "power over" persons requires justification. One must question such power that can "make things happen" in respect to basic values in a society and ask if it is legitimate. The question is raised today for non-owned economic organizations and is espe-cially vital for all organizations which by the interlacing of society have had their power effects take on the "pub-lic" quality noted above. Power is a fact, but the persons concerned can ask for the rights to its possession and to its use. By "legitimate" I signify that there are good answers in terms of human values to the questions "How come such and such has power" and "For what purpose does such and such have power." Such questions ask for standards by which to judge the possession and use of power which are extra-neous to the power itself. In a society of fre6 persons, power can legitimately be obtained and legitimately be used only under the aegis of some expression of "public consensus." Berle has sug-gested two phases in any legitimization. (1) People get control, within an organization's power mechanism by some inner organizational ritual established by the orga-nization and accepted at least passively by the public consensus. (2) Such people use socio-economic power le-gitimately if the organizati6n has a [unction to perform within the values of the full society which is acknowl-edged by consensus, and if their use of the power is appropriate to that function. (Of course, few such func-tions are well-defined, but public consensus has positive though vague ideals here of what is acceptable.) Let us stipulate that, ambiguous as it is, power over persons can be legitimate. And let us for convenience designate anybne with legitimate power over persons in our corporate society as one who has "authority," but let us call such authority in the socio-economic structure "authority (P)." By this authority (P) ~ person rightfully can affect others in societal relationships by making things happen [or them, and thus can determine them in respect to some of the values in their lives. Given that individuals are persons, non-counterbal-anced power to affect their lives will be legitimate ulti-mately only if it positively contributes to their develop-ment as individual and as social persons. In our corporately interlaced society, this legitimacy will imply that those who have power will be accountable to all per-sons whose lives the exercise of the power affects. In summary, then, the argument is that today "new property" is identified with the exercise of "power over" in the socio-economic field, d one's "power over" activ-ities, one's authority (P),g ~"ves one's social identity and one's social initiative.°Keep in]mind that, in a true sense, one need not "own" anything [in order to have this "new property." " [ I do not wish to argue here that the concept of "new property" is accurate. This h~s been done forcefully by the political economists. All I need is this brief and un-doubtedly inadequate overview in order to ask for Some reflection on the relation of ~his advent of "new prop-erty" to the vow of poverty in ~eligious life. / The Vow ol Poverty In every activity within the[ corporate society, ,persons make and express their selves as they transact with other persons. Thus each one in deeds gives answers to those questions which are either exp!icitly or at least implicitly in every personal encounter: "~Who are you?" and "What do you mean for me?" ,, The social power that is theI new property' makes one respond in terms of status and function: "I am one who has tlus place m the social sttqucture and "I determine these values for you." Let me at once contrast withlthese responses what I call the positive thrust of the vow of poverty and suggest that tt ~s that wluch would permit one to respond: I am the human being Ch~'ist has made !me, are you such a human being, too?" On~ thereby expresses the message and the challenge of the Good News by one's very life style itself. Usually in activities we express a functional connection between some parts of ourselves and some parts of the supporting socio-economic system. We are teachers, pro-fessors, administrators at such and such an educational institution; we are experts and on such and such commit-tees; we have such ahd such training, such and such de-grees, such and such publications to our credit; thereby we are in such and such relationships to this organization within the complex of interlaced organizations. That is "who we are." By this part-function'ality we conceptually merge a re-sponse to "Who are you" with the response to "What do you do?" or even more broadly "How do you fit into the socio-economic system?" Thus when .asked "Who are you?" or when we ask of others "Who is that?" we really change the meaning of the question in,our minds and then employ functional categories "to handle" other per-sons in our thoughts and to have identification as we are "handled" in the thoughts of others. (We must be taught to do this: a little girl at the border, when asked if.she was an American, replied, "No, my daddy is an Ameri-can. I'm a girl.") 4- 4- + "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 983 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 984 Generally then, and perhaps more especially in a "new property" milieu, one's functional roles in the corporate society determine one's self identity. And this identity is more and more dependent upon the fate of one's immedi-ate organization within the corporate society, and upon. one's acceptance by functional peers and one's perform-ance among functional inferiors. Thus the primary con-cern of the person with "new property" must be organiza-tional. This is antithetical to the thrust of vowed poverty. A second, equally significant factor from "new prop-erty," the socio-economic power endemic to organiza-tional place also jabs at the thrust of vowed poverty. One with "new property" determines the lives of others Jor them because, as functional within and dependent upon socio-economic power, one exercises "power over" per-sons. Those who consider the vow of poverty as significant for Christian religious life can no longer ignore the con-tradiction that occurs when one points only to one's "min-imal individual possessory holdings" and Overlooks one's "new property" holdings. Since many religious in the United States are in education, let us use an example from this organizational area to put the problem strik-ingly. Let us ask: Can one who has a vow of poverty act consistently if he becomes the president of a uniyersity? Even if he lives a most frugal and Spartan private life, one stripped of all but the immediately necessary mate-rial items, can he in deeds live the thrust of the vow of poverty, since 'he has willy-nilly status wealth in the pub-lic socio-economic system and acts constantly with "power over" persons? Can he express the message and challenge ¯ of the Good News in any continuous form coming from his life style itself if he so connects himself with the interlaced set of organizations whose basis is a power to determine for other persons items basic to their values in life? The same questions can be put to the tenured profes, sor, the high .school principal, and so on. Perhaps a test for an opposition to vowed poverty would be: Do the respect and consideration one has from peers and inferi-ors in societal transactions come primarily from one's "new property" functions or not? Some have argued that poverty does not mean the neg-ative "not using material items of value," but rather the positive "sharing of the effects and experiences resultant from any possession and use with the concrete religious community." These values are one's talents, the experi-ences of one's apostolate, as well as the gifts one receives, one's former individual possessory holdings, and so forth. Thus they might argue that one can also use the "new property" consistently without effect on poverty in reli-gious life. I suspect that such an argument misses the qualitative newness of the "new property.~" It also un~terplays the positive thrust in the rentmciation of the old property, suggested in this section's opening. I will stipulate that some of the inward thrust of pov-erty may be in terms of mutual sharing with the commu-nity. But the vow must be ultimately for the life of the Good News in the mission of the whole Christian com-munity. It cannot have for its final term the limited reli-gious community: And ~he outward thrust (and part of the inward thrust itself) of poverty is precisely so that one can respond to contact with others as a (Christian) human person and challenge the others also to be (Chris-tian) human persons. Poverty has been an attempt to remove those identification handles which passively ob-struct the transmission of the Good News which chal-lenges others to be in, deeds what Christ has made them. Perhaps more importantly in our time and place, poverty seeks to remove that public power which actively ob-structs others from determining for themselves their free response to the challenge of the Good News. This mission of the Good News one legitimately .ob-tains and legitimately exercises by the action of the Trin-ity in human history. Let us for convenience designate anyone with the legitimate mission to challenge others with the Good News as one who has Christian authority, but let us call this challenging authority "authority (C)." By this authority (C), a person in encounter~ can legiti-mately challenge others to be consistent with themselves as individual and social persons, but the challenger has no power to determine the others in respect to their values as human persons, because the thrust of one's Christian mission is to leave the others confronted with the Gospel challenge but free to determine themselves, As there is authority (P) which is legitimate power to challenge others by determining to some extent human values for them, so here there is authority (C) ~hich is the mission to transmit a legitimate challenge but with-out any power to determine for the one c.hallenged. Those who live a vow of poverty would seem to want to specialize in ~some continuity of deeds and life style in this Christian authority (C). Of course, it is not impossible for one tO have status property and to exercise the consequent determining power and still,, in addition, to transmit by authority (C) the challenge of the Good News. Christians who do not vow poverty do it every day. But they do not attempt to specialize in a continuity of deeds .which emphasize au-thority (C). 4- "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 985 ÷ ÷ W, L, LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 986 Some would argue that those with the vow of. poverty also can utilize the "new property" and its logically con-seqt~ ent authority (P) as a means in their life style. They argue that religious do not rest in this "new property" but can have it and remain true to the thrust of the vow because, for example, they use the "new property" to make professional contacts vital to the universalization of the Good News. Let us reflect here not on the strengths of such a defense, and there are some, bnt on its weaknesses. A. Some would say that religious need the status, which is the wealth of the "new property," in order to contact the important people in a society organized around power status on their own level. From the "new prop-erty" gained by administrative, academic, or other cre-dentials, religious can contact the organizational profes-sions of the clay and influence them. But do religious as status members speak to others as trans-status human beings or as co,possessors of power status? Do religious who contact as holders of "new property" contact the whole person and challenge the other with authority (C)? Must religious not necessarily, if they are fellow "new property" holders, speak to others pronouncedly as fun-damental co-members who are equally bound to the power and th'e fate of the structure in dominance in today's corporate society? Remember, unlike the old property, one never "owns" the "new property;" One is always conditionally and precariously subject to the orga-nizations which generate the active power place. One keeps the p.lace only by somehow contibnting actively to a successful exercise of socio-economic "power to do" and "power over." B. Why was not a parallel argument valid for religious to have the "old" property? If it was not valid, what value did Christians place on the vow of poverty in the past that made it so? Was it simply the release from worry over those things which other people must daily worry about? Certainly not. Christians held [or some rea-son that religious vowed to poverty could give a special continuity to the use of authority (C) lrom the very form their life style gave to all their activities. Religious could give this special continuity to the use of authority (C) if they were not the equals of others as holders of individ-ual possessory property, if they encountered the others not in a role of co-wielders of social power from that property, but radically as persons unconnected with a social function category. Can this thrust be realized if religious with a vow of poverty are equal co-holders of social economic public power from the "new property" of today? It is not easy to answer this with a simple "no." Many seem successful in their mission with the Good News to challenge others t(; be "the persons Christ has made them even though these present challengers, vowed religious, or lay Christians, are co-holders with the chall~n~ged of the "new property." X~'hether such success is limited to this period of transi-tion, wherein few are fully .aware of the i.mplicationS of "new property," is a good question. But whether even such success continues to make a religious vow of poverty meaningful is a better one~ ÷ ÷ ÷ "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 987 ROBERT OCHS, S.J. Experiments for Closing the Experience Gap in Prayer ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs is a faculty member of Bellarmine School of Theology; 5't30 South University Avenue; Chicago, Il-linois fi5615. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 988 "Speaking exactly as one friend speaks to another"- these are the words with which Ignatius Loyola character-izes what he calls "colloquies," conversations with the Father, Christ, or Mary which conclude so many of the exercises which make up his Spiritual Exercises. This prayer of conversation, explicitly evoking a personal part-ner, is not the whole of prayer. To try to make it such, to focus on the divine Thou in all our prayer, is a strain which can cut us off from other avenues of divine contact. Trying to force all prayer irito a conversational mold can even short-circuit what it intends to further, by making us hurry past the "impersonal" world of divine power and energy, fire and spirit, not to mention Silence and nothingness. Yet to turn our back on it would be to lose a vital dimension of religious experience. Prayer as conversation, dialogue, or encounter with God has recently become much harder for increasing numbers of Christians, as they have rediscovered God both as transcendent mystery and as immanent Spirit. But, I submit, neither our new awareness of God's tran-scendence or of his immanence is the real cause of our inability to meet God in a face to face encounter. For some reason we are not bold enough, or realistic and imaginative enough, in our use of dialogal prayer. Prayer of colloquy is not nearly "colloquial" enough. Speaking with God "exactly as one friend to another," as Ignatius flatly states it, has yet to be really explored, partly out of a misplaced fear of anthropomorphism, partly because our personal relationships themselves have become so bland that we have forgotten exactly how intimate friends do speak to one another. (I sometimes feel Dr, George Bach's paperback, The Intimate Enemy: How to Fight Fair in Love and Marriage, would be a better aid to prayer nowadays than many books directly on prayer,) Underlying our lack of imagination is a peculiar mind set of ours which renders any boldness in encountering God all but impossible. Until we alter this mind set about where and how God is encountered, about the mediurn of any encounter with God, any modeling of our encounter with God on the model of human encounters will look merely like improved make-believe. The Spiritual Exercises speak a great deal about this medium, what Ignatius calls creatures or .simply "all things." Early in the text~ the so-called "Principle and Foundation" insists on "indifference" to things, using them "in as far as" they help find God. And toward the end, the "Contemplation to Attain Love" reminds us that love manifests itself in deeds and consists in a mutual sharing of goods. Between these two exercises, which span the whole Ignatian retreat, the effort is to make things a vehicle of mutual communication instead .of an obstacle, to make them a locus of encounter and matter for shar-ing. As an introductory school of prayer the Exercises teach us to find God in all things, so that things become the means of exchange for dialogue. The whole effort to encounter God involves us therefore in a vast transforma-tion of our view of things. All this sounds terribly obvious. And yet the shift in point of view we are called on to effect in ourselves is enormous, and if we could do it we could pray. The effort involves, for a Christian who supposedly "already believes in God" but does not yet really live in faith, the overcoming of an attitude about God and things which is perhaps the great obsta_cle to encounter with God in our lives, an attitude I Choose to call Deism. Deism sounds at first a harmless enough term, and that is partly why I have chosen it. Giving a harmless name to what one feels is The Great Obstacle has the advantage that it opens us to look for the obstacle to prayer within ourselves and our own pale Christianity. For much that goes by the name of Christianity is no more than Deism, and Deism is as far removed from Christian faith as ag-nosticism or atheism. At any rate, Deism stands along with agnosticism and atheism on the opposite side of the line dividing belief from unbelief. And it is perhaps more dangerous than those two, because it apes Christianity and obscures it own lack of faith. After all, is it not at least theistic, admitting the existence of God? But it ad-mits a God with whom one does not deal, an inaccessibld God with whom one does not argue or wrestle. From the viewpoint of faith the Deist is worse off than the atheist who seeks an accessible God but cannot find him. It is not true that believing in a Deistic God is better than + ÷ ÷o VOLUME 30, 1971 989 ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 990 believing in none at all, because to believe in a God who does not enter into intimate relationships with men im-plies giving him certain personal attributes opposed to such relationships, making him aloof, arbitrary, uncon-cerned. While faith says He is our Father. Deism is far from harmless. It is religion without reli-gious experience, religion without encounter and without prayer. It declares God inaccessible. It views the world of things precisely as providing no access to God. It would be profitable to read Ignatius' "Contemplation to Attain Love" as an overcoming of Deism, seeing God dwelling in creatures, "conducting Himself as one who labors" for us in all creatures on the face of the earth. The "Contempla-tion" is the effort to see deeds as potential manifestations of 10ve and all goods as material for mutual sharing. I somewhat regret having to use the term Deism, be-cause it sounds too exclusively associated with the ages of' enlightenment and rationalism. What I mean by it is less a theological position than a state of mind, one which is still very much with us. Deism is a whole sensibility impeding our prayer. One could almost define it as the opposite of finding God in all things, as finding things and supposedly finding God, but not putting these two together except in an awkward juxtaposition. It is what modern thinkers are trying to overcome when they talk of transcendence in immanence and of encountering God in the world. We are Deists when we find God in religion and' not in secular things, and when we admit that reli-gion is more important but more boring than life. We are Deists in our inability to talk about God without using pale language divorced from life, language made more and not less abstract when it becomes pious. We are Deists when we live out our own human growth Odyssey without relation to our spiritual Odyssey. These are old accusations. We are no doubt overfami-liar with these aspects of our Deism. Accordingly, in the following pages I propose taking a look at certain things in which we are not used to finding God. We do not look for God in these things because we think He is already there. We are already aware of the problem of finding God in matter, in the secular, in the ugly. But the things I want to look into with the reader are, briefly, the will of God, our thoughts (especially our religious thoughts), and our images of God and ourselves as we engage God in dialogue. If we looked more for God in these things, .we would be much more able to pray. The best way to take this look is not by direct description, but by watch-ing our spontaneous reactions provoked by certain thought experiments. This way we can uncover the var-ious Deistic mind sets we are caught up in. We should not be surprised by this procedure. The Exercises them- selves proceed often in this same fashion, asking us, for example to imagine three classes of men or to imagine ourselves at tile hour of deatli, or to enter in fantasy into a gospel scene and then ',reflect On myself." The itinerary through the Exercises proceeds as much by uncovering and then healing attitudes of unbelief as by appropriat-ing attitudes of belief. God Present in the Things .That Are His will The second is that love consists in a mutual sharing of goods, for example the lover give and shares with the be-loved what he possesses, or something of that which he has or is able to give: and vice versa, the beloved shares With the lover. Hence, if one has knowledge, he shares it with the one who does not possess it; and' 'so also if one has honors, or riches. Thus, one always gives to the other.--Spiritual Ex-ercises, n. 231. Let us start hy a look at our will-of-God-talk. There is, in fact, a curious anomaly in much recent will-of, God-talk. This anomaly can be expressed in different ways. For example, we seem to be theists in our discei:ning process, and secularists in our carrying out process (and therefore Pelagian Deists all round: Discern as if every-thing depended upon God; act as if everything depended on you). Our talk of discerning God's will sounds more convincing than our talk of God's will once discerned. We do talk rather convincingly (that is, convincedly; with words that at least sound as if we were convinced of the reality we were talking about) about finding God'S will, but our handling of God's will once we have supposedly found it seems to give the lie to such talk. It is not iust that we fail in performance, that we are slow to fulfill what we think we must do, as Christians have always felt themselves to be. It is that the talk that accompanies our efforts to fulfill the wi.l,1 of God sounds as if we were~less than convinced that there was any such thing as a will of God manifested in discernment. In short, our talk gives the impression that we aim at doing more than merely discerning "What the situation calls for," because we in-sist on giving it a theological dimension. And yet once we have discerned "the will of God," we carry on as if this theological dimension were sheer ideology. Various Symptoms point to this, especially Our vacilla-tion and our regrets (and recriminations). Our vacillation during the process of discernment, weighing and search-ing our motives, 'indicates that we take seriously what we are doing. But vacillation after the moment of deciSion indicates rather the opposite. Again, it is not so much vacillation in performance I am talking about, but a kind of vacillation in the belief which governs the perform-ance. (If you are going to believe in a will-of-God uni-verse, an agnostic observer might say, at least take the ÷ ÷ ÷ Prayer VOLUME 30, 1971 991 ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 992 advantages as well as the onus of your world view, and taste a bit of the joy and enthusiasm that ought to accom-pany such a belief.) For example, a line of action em-barked upon as a result of discernment will be aban-doned with a lightness incompatible with the discern-ment talk which launched it. The project is not adjusted in the light of new circumstances, discerned anew, as we say, but is changed without recourse to any discernment process at all. A project may be entered upon with some sense of vocation, and then abandoned with neither a sense of infidelity to any call, nor a sense of a new version of the call. If it does not work out, it is simply dropped as a misguided enterprise shot through with human fallibil-ity. After this, curiously enough, the whole discernment process may be started again, with'hopes inexplicably undimmed of finding this time the will-of-God project that will not turn sour. This phenomenon makes one wonder if any genuine discernment was ever done at all, especially when one considers that true discernment does not just provide the knowledge of what to do, but the grace to carry it out, the grace not to forget for long that one is about the Lord's business. Nadal remarks that what struck the early companions about Ignatius was his single-mindedness once he had adopted a course of action through discernment. Ignatius especially deplored the failure of spiritual nerve or what he called courage in difficult enterprises. Another index is regret. We have pursued a course under the aegis of God's will, expended our energies on it, and it does not work out, or works only tolerably well. Hindsight reveals all the deficiencies of our original choice--it looks dated, it is not what we would have chosen if we knew then what we know now. We regret, we recriminate, we think rather quickly .that we have been duped, wasted our efforts, labored under a very human delusion. Even though when we made the deci-sion we claimed to be aware that we had no choice but to choose, further postponement of decision being a worse choice than the one we made, yet we have no sense of accomplishment, no sense of having done God's will or even qf having done our best trying. For another index, let us observe our reactions to the account, in Chapter I of Acts, of the drawing of lots to fill up the vacancy left in the Twelve by Judas' betrayal. Matthias and Barsabba

Tese de doutoramento em Ciências e Tecnologias da Informação, apresentada ao Departamento de Engenharia Informática da Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia da Universidade de Coimbra ; Os mercados financeiros são sistemas socioeconómicos complexos, dinâmicos e estratégicos nos quais um grande número de heterogéneos participantes interagem por meio da compra e venda de diferentes tipos de ativos. Os mercados financeiros tais como os mercados de ações (e.g., S&P500) possuem múltiplas funções. Por exemplo, os mercados financeiros propiciam meios para que os participantes e as companhias façam um melhor processo de alocação de capital. Para além disso, o comportamento dos mercados financeiros são geralmente considerados como importantes medidas/sinais para a compreensão do estado atual e futuro das companhias e, em última análise, de todo o sistema económico e financeiro. Entretanto, a importância dos mercados financeiros poderá ser melhor compreendida quando os mercados não cumprem suas funções primordias, mais especificamente e de forma dramática quando ocorre um crash nos mercados financeiros. Em Setembro de 2008, por exemplo, uma série de eventos ameaçou a estabilidade do sistema financeiro mundial. Gigantescas empresas dos mercados financeiros inesperadamente falharam e tiveram de ser resgatadas pelos seus respectivos governos, enquanto que outras simplesmente entraram com pedido de falência. O sistema financeiro mundial esteve próximo do colapso. Embora o desastre tenha, de certa forma, sido evitado, o Crash de 2008 teve consequências imediatas, profundas, e duradouras para a economia mundial. A verdadeira compreensão dos mercados financeiros é de fato difícil. Diferentes hipóteses têm sido propostas para explicar o comportamento dos participantes dos mercados financeiros de forma individual bem como o comportamento dos mercados de forma global. Por um lado, teorias económicas tradicionais como, por exemplo, a Hipótese do Mercado Eficiente, tendem a considerar que os participantes dos mercados financeiros são racionais e que os mercados são eficientes. Entretanto, pesquisas na área de economia comportamental têm fornecido extensa e vasta evidência que demonstra que os participantes dos mercados financeiros possuem desvios comportamentais do chamado comportamento racional. Para além das evidências da economia comportamental, disciplinas tais como a neurociência cognitiva e a neuroeconomia têm clarificado a função das emoções (e.g., felicidade, tristeza, surpresa) no processo de raciocínio e tomada de decisão, aprendizado, bem como a importância das emoções no âmbito da memória humana, particularmente para os processos de codificação e recuperação de memórias. Por outro lado, teorias recentes como a Hipótese do Mercado Adaptativo tentam reconciliar a ideia de mercados eficientes com a economia comportamental, ao reconhecer a importância das emoções, a existência de desvios comportamentais, e a ocorrência de fenómenos e anomalias como as bolhas. O Crash de 2008 conjuntamente com novas evidências fornecidas por diferentes áreas têm salientado a necessidade de novas e interdisciplinares abordagens para o estudo de sistemas e problemas económicos e financeiros. Uma destas abordagens é o uso de Agent-based Financial Markets. Esta abordagem permite aos investigadores se distanciarem das tradicionais crenças a fim de testar novas hipóteses, conceitos, ideias, etc, tornando possível o projeto e realização de experimentos mais realistas e mais plausíveis em termos comportamentais. Esta tese está em linha com este contexto. Neste trabalho exploratório, nosso objetivo é investigar quais contribuições a aplicação de uma abordagem de modelação cognitiva pode trazer para a compreensão dos mercados financeiros, especificamente para o comportamento dos participantes dos mercados financeiros (individualmente) e dos mercados financeiros (globalmente). O ponto de partida é a criação de agentes artificiais com mecanismos similares aos ou inspirados nos usados pelos seres humanos de modo que seja possível conceber agentes artificiais cognitivos, i.e., agentes artificiais com diferentes sistemas de memórias e processos, com a capacidade de reconhecer, simular, e expressar emoções, diferentes processos de tomada de decisão, com a habilidade de receber e processar diferentes tipos de informação, e com a habilidade de aprender. Para este fim, nós primeiro concebemos um modelo cognitivo genérico individual dos participantes dos mercados financeiros (agentes humanos) intitulado TribeCA (Trading and investing with behavioral-emotional Cognitive Agents). O modelo cognitivo proposto é baseado na Belief-Desire Theory of Emotions (BDTE), no modelo cognitive-psychoevolutionary de surpresa proposto por Myer e colegas, e no modelo de surpresa artificial proposto por Macedo e Cardoso. De seguida nós fornecemos uma implementação do modelo proposto a qual foi posteriormente integrada a duas ferramentas utilizadas no contexto dos agent-based financial markets. A plataforma resultante permite o projeto e realização de uma variedade de experimentos económicos e financeiros com agentes artificiais cognitivos. Nós realizamos neste trabalho três experimentos com agentes e multi-agentes a fim de endereçar alguns aspectos fundamentais dos mercados financeiros tais como eficiência e racionalidade. Adicionalmente, nós realizamos dois estudos de casos a fim de comparar a perspectiva tradicional (económica e financeira) com a perspectiva da ciência cognitiva na modelação e computação da surpresa na economia e finança. Esta tese fornece contribuições para o avanço no projeto e realização de abordagens interdisciplinares para o estudo de sistemas ou problemas económicos e financeiros. Nosso modelo cognitivo genérico e sua implementação podem ser utilizados a fim de que sejam explorados outros aspectos dos mercados financeiros, para além dos que foram endereçados nest trabalho, e em outros modelos baseados em agentes. Nós consideramos que este trabalho abre um novo conjunto de possibilidades para investigações quer na academia quer na indústria. Ao final, nós poderemos obter uma melhor compreensão e entendimento sobre o comportamento dos participantes dos mercados financeiros (individualmente) bem como dos mercados financeiros (globalmente). Estas investigações poderão resultar, por exemplo, no desenvolvimento de novos (potencialmente melhores e altamente lucrativos) serviços financeiros para suportar o processo de tomada de decisão dos participantes dos mercados financeiros baseados nas suas emoções, comportamentos, etc.The financial markets are complex, dynamic, and strategic socio-economic systems in which a great number of heterogeneous market participants interact by essentially buying and selling assets of di ff erent types. The financial markets such as stock markets (e.g., S&P500) serve many functions. For instance, the financial markets help market participants and companies in improving the capital allocation process. Additionally, the behavior of the financial markets is assumed to be an important gauge for helping the understanding of the current and future state of companies and, ultimately, of the whole economic and financial system. However, the importance of the financial markets might be better noticed when they do not fulfill their primary functions, specifically and most dramatically when the financial markets crash. On September 2008, for example, a series of events threated the stability of the world's financial system. Some gigantic financial services companies had unexpectedly failed and had to be rescued by governments while others simply filled for bankruptcy. The world's financial system came close to a meltdown. Although disaster had somehow been averted due to a series of actions, the Crash of 2008 had immediate, profound, vast and long-lasting consequences for the world economy. The true understanding of the financial markets are indeed quite di ffi cult. Several hy- potheses have been proposed to try to explain the behavior of the market participants individually as well as the behavior of markets as a whole. On the one hand, tradi- tional economic theories such as the E ffi cient Market Hypothesis tend to assume that market participants are rational as well as that markets are e ffi cient. However, beha- vioral economics research has been providing extensive and vast evidence that market participants have what is known as behavioral biases, i.e., deviations from the so-called rational behavior. In addition to the behavioral economics evidence, disciplines such as cognitive neuroscience and neuroeconomics have been clarifying the role of emotions (e.g., happiness, unhappiness, surprise) for the human reasoning, memory system and processes, and decision-making process. For instance, emotions play a very important role in the memory processes of encoding and retrieving as well as are the basis of a sort of learning system. On the other hand, recent theories such as the Adaptive Market Hypothesis tries to reconciliate market e ffi ciency with behavioral economics by acknowledging the importance of emotions, the existence of behavioral biases, and the occurrence of interesting phenomena and anomalies such as bubbles. The Crash of 2008 together with new evidence provided by di ff erent research areas have been stressing the need for novel and interdisciplinary approaches for the study of economic and financial systems and problems. One of these approaches is the use of Agent-based Financial Markets. Agent-based Financial Markets allows researchers to depart from classical assumptions in order to test di ff erent hypotheses, concepts, ideas, etc, making it possible the design and realization of more realistic and behavioral plausible experiments. This thesis is in line with this context. In this exploratory work we aim to investigate which contributions the application of a cognitive modeling approach might bring to the understanding of the financial markets, specifically to the behavior of both market participants (individually) and the financial markets (globally). The starting point is to empower artificial agents with mechanisms similar to or inspired in those used by humans so that we have artificial cognitive agents, i.e., artificial agents with di ff erent memory systems and processes, the capacity of recognizing, simulating and expressing emotions, decision-making processes, the ability to receive and process di ff erent kinds of information, and the ability to learn. To this end, we first conceive a generic novel cognitive model of individual market participants (human agents) named TribeCA (Trading and investing with behavioral- emotional Cognitive Agents). TribeCA is based on the Belief-Desire Theory of Emo- tions (BDTE), on the cognitive-psychoevolutionary model of surprise proposed by Meyer and colleagues, and on the artificial surprise model proposed by Macedo and Cardoso. Then we provide an implementation of the proposed model which is later integrated into two tools used in the context of agent-based financial markets. The re- sulting platform allows the design and realization of a variety of economic and financial experiments with artificial cognitive agents. We carried out three agent and multi- agent based experiments to address some fundamental aspects regarding the financial markets such as e ffi ciency and rationality. Additionally, we carried out two case studies on comparing the traditional (economics and finance) perspective with the cognitive science perspective on modeling and computing surprise in economics and finance. This thesis provides contributions to the advance in the design and realization of in- terdisciplinary approaches to the study of economic and financial systems or problems. Our generic conceptual cognitive model and implementation might be used both to explore other aspects of the financial markets in addition to those addressed in this work and to other agent-based models. We consider this work opens up a set of novel possibilities for investigations in the academia and in the industry. In the end, we may have a better understanding of the behavior of market participants individually as well as of the financial markets globally. It has the potential to result in, for instance, the development of novel (potentially better and highly lucrative) financial services to support the market participants' decision-making process based on his/her emotions, behavior, etc. ; FEDER - project TribeCA (Trading and investing with behavioralemotional Cognitive Agents)

[ES]El estudio de los procesos migratorios internacionales constituye una de las principales preocupaciones de la sociología contemporánea. Dicha manifestación ha dado lugar a una especialidad como la sociología de las migraciones y ha colaborado, junto a otras disciplinas científicas, en la formación de un campo de indagación específico conocido como estudios migratorios. Esta tesis, inscripta en el terreno de la reflexión sociológica con vocación de diálogo interdisciplinar, se interesa particularmente por la dimensión sociopolítica de la migración. Su propósito principal es comprender desde una perspectiva crítica la relación entre el Estado nacional y la inmigración en la Argentina contemporánea en el marco de las transformaciones acontecidas en el pensamiento estatal sobre las migraciones internacionales. De algún modo, constituye una respuesta a la invitación teórica que hiciera Sayad (1999) al postular que pensar la inmigración implica pensar el Estado y que es el Estado el que se piensa a sí mismo pensando la inmigración. Se trata de un estudio acerca de la visión de Estado que se construye en relación a la inmigración y los inmigrantes de acuerdo a determinadas coyunturas históricas y en contextos sociales específicos, como la escuela pública, marcados especialmente por la presencia del Estado nacional, aunque con una autonomía relativa que habilita variadas apropiaciones y resignificaciones. Dicha relación es analizada en espacios tanto macro como microsociales a través de las representaciones, prácticas y políticas que producen aquellas instituciones del Estado argentino que mantienen un vínculo histórico con aquellos sujetos nombrados e identificados como inmigrantes: por un lado, el organismo estatal especializado que históricamente se ha encargado de la regulación y el control de los movimientos migratorios internacionales, la Dirección Nacional de Migraciones, y por otro, la institución estatal que desde sus inicios tuviera como mandato la formación del ciudadano y la nacionalización de los inmigrantes, la escuela pública. Esquemáticamente, a través del análisis de estas dos instituciones, se pretende comprender el modo en que el Estado, como espacio de disputa, utiliza (según la metáfora de Bourdieu) su mano derecha e izquierda en relación a la llamada inmigración limítrofe a la luz de aquella presencia inmigrante construida como ilegal e ilegítima en la Argentina contemporánea: la inmigración boliviana. Para llevar adelante esta propuesta de investigación, la tesis plantea en términos metodológicos un estudio cualitativo que combina diversas estrategias y técnicas de recolección e interpretación de la información como la indagación documental, la observación participante y la entrevista en profundidad para analizar los procesos, instrumentos, representaciones y prácticas a través de los cuales el Estado, sus agentes e instituciones construyen su relación con la inmigración y producen la figura social del inmigrante. La tesis reúne una introducción, siete capítulos y unas conclusiones. El primer capítulo realiza una breve aproximación al estudio de la dimensión política de la migración internacional en el campo de las ciencias sociales y en particular de la sociología y de los denominados estudios migratorios, expone la perspectiva teórica-metodológica desde la cual comprendo e interrogo a lo largo de la tesis la relación entre el Estado, la escuela y la migración y, por último, presenta los diferentes momentos del trabajo de campo realizado. El segundo capítulo analiza la visión del Estado boliviano sobre las migraciones internacionales, en especial la emigración, durante el siglo veinte hasta la primera década del siglo veintiuno, marcada por la llegada del Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) a la presidencia. Interesa su visión en tanto Estado de origen de la población inmigrante constitutiva de las políticas desarrolladas por el Estado argentino, en particular desde mediados del siglo veinte. El tercer capítulo historiza la producción estatal de la inmigración como problema en la Argentina contemporánea, en particular la figura del inmigrante limítrofe como ilegal, mediante un análisis de la legislación y las políticas desarrolladas por el Estado argentino a lo largo del siglo veinte. Dado que la nueva política migratoria se desarrolló en buena medida frente a la experiencia política de la década anterior, el capítulo le dedica especial atención a los años noventa. El cuarto capítulo examina la visión de Estado que se configuró alrededor de la inmigración en el contexto de las reformas impulsadas en materia de política migratoria alrededor de la aprobación de una nueva ley de migraciones, indagando especialmente la perspectiva del organismo estatal que históricamente ha monopolizado el control de la inmigración en la Argentina, la Dirección Nacional de Migraciones. El quinto capítulo analiza la visión que desarrolla el Estado argentino en relación a la inmigración ilegal en el marco de los desplazamientos de la nueva política migratoria acontecidos en un período histórico determinado por un novedoso proceso de regionalización e internacionalización de ciertas ideas y prácticas sobre la regulación de las migraciones internacionales, cuyo análisis ayuda a explicar la adopción de determinadas medidas políticas nacionales destinadas a los inmigrantes. Le dedica especial atención al programa nacional de regularización migratoria, conocido como ¿Patria Grande¿, que se destacó como la medida política más trascendental del período. El sexto capítulo problematiza la presencia inmigrante y/o extranjera en un espacio social específico definido nacionalmente como la escuela, en tanto institución histórica del Estado encargada de la formación del ciudadano y la nacionalización del extranjero, a partir de la aparición de hijos de inmigrantes bolivianos en una escuela periurbana de la ciudad de Córdoba. El séptimo capítulo, después de revisar las respuestas políticas del Estado argentino a la inmigración en el terreno de la educación y el papel de la escuela en el proceso histórico de construcción de la identidad nacional y nacionalización de los extranjeros, analiza las formas actuales que adquieren en el espacio escolar las estrategias de inclusión y reconocimiento que propone la escuela al ser interpelada por la presencia de dichos hijos de inmigrantes bolivianos. Finalmente, retomando algunas de las ideas centrales planteadas y realizando una lectura transversal de los capítulos, se exponen las conclusiones de la tesis. ; [EN]The study of international migration processes is one of the main concerns of contemporary sociology . This demonstration has led to a major as sociology of migration and has collaborated with other scientific disciplines , in the formation of a specific field of inquiry known as migration studies . This thesis , registered in the field of sociological reflection -minded interdisciplinary dialogue , is particularly interested in the socio-political dimension of migration . Its main purpose is to understand from a critical perspective the relationship between the national government and immigration in contemporary Argentina under the transformations taking place in the state thinking on international migration . Somehow, a response to the invitation made theoretical Sayad (1999 ) to postulate that thinking involves thinking immigration and the state is the state that is thought thinking itself immigration. This is a study of the state vision that is constructed in relation to immigration and immigrants under certain historical circumstances and in specific social contexts , such as public school, especially marked by the presence of the national state , but with relative autonomy that enables many appropriations and reinterpretations . This relationship is analyzed in spaces both macro and micro social through representations , practices and policies that produce those institutions of the Argentine State to maintain a historical link with those named individuals identified as immigrants : first , the State agency specializing historically has been responsible for the regulation and control of international migratory movements, National Migrations , and secondly, the state institution that since its inception has mandated the formation of the citizen and the nationalization of immigrants, public school. Schematically, through the analysis of these two institutions , is to understand how the State , as an area of dispute, using (as Bourdieu 's metaphor ) the right and left hand in relation to the so-called boundary migration in the light of immigrant presence that built as illegal and illegitimate in contemporary Argentina : Bolivian immigration . To carry out this research proposal, the thesis presents methodologically qualitative study combines various strategies and techniques for gathering and interpreting information such as document inquiry, participant observation and in-depth interviews to analyze the processes , tools , representations and practices through which the State , its agents and institutions build their relationship with immigration and produce social figure of the immigrant. The thesis brings an introduction, seven chapters and a conclusion . The first chapter makes a brief reference to the study of the political dimension of international migration in the field of social sciences , particularly sociology and so-called migration studies , presents the theoretical and methodological perspective from which to understand and interrogate throughout the thesis the relationship between the state , the school and migration and finally , presents the different stages of the field work done. The second chapter discusses the vision of the Bolivian state on international migration , especially migration, during the twentieth century to the first decade of the twenty-first century , marked by the arrival of the Movement Toward Socialism ( MAS) to the presidency. Interested in your vision while State of constitutive immigrant population in the policies developed by the Argentine government , particularly since the mid-twentieth century. The third chapter historicizes state production of immigration as a problem in contemporary Argentina , including the figure of the border as an illegal immigrant , through an analysis of legislation and policies developed by the Argentine government during the twentieth century. Since the new immigration policy was developed largely from political experience of the past decade , the chapter devotes special attention to the nineties. The fourth chapter examines the state vision that took shape around immigration in the context of the reforms undertaken in the field of migration policy around the adoption of a new law on migration , especially the prospect of investigating state agency that has historically monopolized immigration control in Argentina , the National Migration . The fifth chapter discusses the vision developed by the Argentine government in relation to illegal immigration in the context of the movement of the new immigration policy occurred in a historical period determined by a novel process of regionalization and internationalization of certain ideas and practices on regulation of international migration , the analysis helps to explain the adoption of certain national policy measures aimed at immigrants. He devotes special attention to national migratory regularization program , known as ? Patria Grande , which stood out as the most momentous period policy measure . The sixth chapter problematizes the immigrant and / or foreign presence in a specific social space defined nationally as school, both historical state institution responsible for the training of citizens and the nationalization of foreign , from the appearance of children of Bolivian immigrants in a peri-urban school in the city of Córdoba. The seventh chapter , after reviewing the policy responses of the Argentine state of immigration in the field of education and the role of the school in the historical process of national identity construction and naturalization of aliens, analyzes current forms assumed in the school space inclusion strategies and recognition that the school proposes to be challenged by the presence of these children of Bolivian immigrants . Finally, returning to some of the central ideas raised and performing a cross- reading chapters , the conclusions of the thesis are presented.

*Bayartsengel Damdinjav, Chuck Davis, Steven Jones, Zach Long, Claudia Risner, Sydney Sheppard, Christina Slentz Climate change is the global challenge of the twenty-first century, a threat that carries dire environmental, social, security, and economic implications for every region of the world. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the primary driver of climate change is the increase in greenhouse gas emissions attributed to human activities. Although climate change must be met with a comprehensive global response in order to effectively address the effects of harmful greenhouse gases (GHG), these efforts depend on the actions taking place within nations. The United States, the greatest per-capita emitter of GHG, and China, that produces the largest amount of GHG overall, bear a good deal of responsibility for the problem. The United States, in particular, with its rejection of the Kyoto Protocol and its inability to craft a viable climate change agenda, has failed to offer the leadership needed to secure meaningful reductions in GHG. This essay seeks to establish perspective by profiling the political, social, and economic circumstances within six nations (three advanced industrial countries and three newly modernizing countries) and the European Union (EU) in order to better understand the dynamics involved in achieving a global solution to climate change.Case Studies1.- European UnionThe European Union has led the push for climate change regulationsto curb emissions 30% by 2030 and 80%-95% by 2050. To reach that goal, it has invested significant funds targetting 20% of the EU budget from 2014-2020 towards climate related measures. The EU believes that climate change policies will not only preserve the planet for generations to come but will also create greater long-term health and economic benefits. This position can be attributed to the lack of politicization of climate change in the EU allowing politicians to advocate forward thinking policies without the constant fear of political or electoral retribution. Furthermore, the close proximity of EU member states and their relatively small size creates an "all in this together" mentality allowing them to harness their resources to compete with larger world powers.2.- United KingdomWidely acknowledged as one of the foremost countries addressing climate change, the United Kingdom moved definitively to establish a science-based framework for approaching this global phenomenon even prior to the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992. This de-politicizing effort is revealed in the staunch support of conservatives like Margaret Thatcher, whose instrumental leadership set this critical tone and aided in the formation of the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1990, and Tony Blair, who seized his 2005 G-8 presidential term as an opportunity to promote the reduction of GHG through mitigation technologies, sustainable energy, and adaptation strategies. The UK has fostered domestic integration of climate and energy policies to reduce ill effects at home as well as international cooperation in the form of a post-Kyoto strategy and the ongoing European Union's Emission Trading Scheme (ETS), designed to blend climate change collaborative goals of equity distribution and cost effectiveness.3.- CanadaCanada's efforts to address climate change can be best described as leaping forward, stepping back and, finally, standing in place. An original early proponent for mitigation since 1975, under the Chrétien administration in the 1990s, the country committed to relatively aggressive reductions - - a 30% decrease over projected 2010 emissions - - as part of the Kyoto Protocol. However, a clear implementation plan proved elusive until 2005, at which time "Project Green" successfully established meaningful initiatives. Although temporarily rolled back the following year under the more business-friendly Harper administration, a brief surge in climate change public awareness subsequently forced the return of some mitigation initiatives. Currently, climate change policy stagnation is largely explained by prioritizing economic growth over environmental concernsparticularly in the wake of the 2008 Credit Crisis.It is further complicated by Canada's neighbor to the south - - the administration of President Barack Obama who supports addressing GHG emissions and a clean energy future.4.- AustraliaAustralia's international position on climate change reflects its domestic policy agenda. For the first 10-years of the Kyoto Protocol, 1997-2007, Australia was a climate change laggard based on both its refusal to ratify the agreement and its largely symbolic GHG reduction policies. In 2007, Australia ratified the Protocol and implemented stringent abatement policies but is now reversing course. What caused the shifts Down Under? Two domestic factors, electoral interests and political leadership, are most influential. Compared to economic growth, voters' prioritization of environmental issues rose until 2007 and then declined. The political leadership within the Coalition government (1996-2007, reelected in 2013) favors business and the fossil fuel industry, and is skeptical of climate change. This stands in contrast to the Labor Party (2007-2013) that favors GHG emissions reductions. So, although Australia has committed internationally to a 5% reduction of 2000 level emissions by 2020, it still lacks a consistent domestic policy to achieve this goal. Russia Russia experienced massive industrial decline in the immediate aftermath of the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991. Despite the fact that there has been a significant reduction of GHG emissions, Russia still ranks third on the list of the largest greenhouse gas emitters in the world. Problems caused by climate change in recent decades include public health risks, increased recurrence, intensity and duration of droughts in some regions, extreme precipitation patterns, floods, and over-moisturized soil and permafrost degradation in the northern regions. However, the climate change issue does not constitute a priority for Russian authorities. Several internal factors, such as a well-rooted skepticism within the Russian scientific community towards anthropogenic global warming, low environmental awareness among Russian citizens, and the priority given to the country's economic restoration, suggests that Russian climate policy is to a great extent being driven by the pursuit of benefits in areas other than that of environmental policy.ChinaOne of the best ways to summarize China's approach to climate change is via a domestic politics model. Decisionmakers involved in China's climate change policy belong to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and there is little or no foreign influence over them. Among these decision makers, the most influential have managed to frame the issue as one of sovereignty and economic development. These hardliners see climate change as an issue that threatens China's sovereignty and its right to develop economically. As such, it has taken a stance of not joining any multilateral agreement until the U.S. does so. Thus, China's right to develop economically is assured. Domestically, China has made progress developing solar and wind technology for domestic use and for foreign markets. However, it continues to use fossil fuels, especially coal,to ensure that it develops along the lines deemed acceptable to the CCP.IndiaIndia's position on climate change is guided by two priorities - - namely, sustainable development and the elimination of poverty. With a growing economy that demands more energy for growth, there are hundreds of millions of people without access to electricity in India. Energy use and consequently greenhouse gas emissions will grow substantially in the coming decades. As a modernizing country, India is not bound to any GHG emission reduction goals under the Kyoto Protocol. However, it has established a National Action Plan on Climate Change and implemented a combination of mitigation and adaptation policies to reduce the country's contributions to climate change. These policies include energy conservation, promotion of renewable energy, abatement of air pollution among others. While India's development will require growth in energy use, the country must work to reduce the energy intensity of its production processes.Comparative AnalysisOn the basis of political, economic and social factors, a comparative analysis of the case studies reveals three key groupings: supporters of international climate change policy that involves implementing significant carbon mitigation reduction requirements; fickle hesitators who, if cooperative, face major reduction requirements; and unburdened supporters who face little-to-no mitigation requirements. The EU and the UK, as a climate change leader, fall into the first category, politically defined as highly democratic and economically and regionally integrated. The EU and the UK have softened views on sovereignty, have historically utilized the market for political/social ends, and normatively seek international cooperation as a means of reducing risk.For Canada and Australia,reduced support for international action on climate change is largely based on modern era socio-political attitudes and a perceived threat to their economic viability. Stemming from strong political views on state sovereignty, they are historically less likely to cooperate on international initiatives and, unlike the economically integrated EU and UK, are not willing to constrain markets in the name of political or social ends. These nations traditionally prefer individualistic as opposed to collective responses to major issues and consequently see cooperative action as risky.The newly modernizing countries of China, India and Russia exhibit different degrees of democracy and are not economically integrated nor fully industrialized. While highly centralized political authority is helpful in making international level commitments, enforcement capacity is hindered domestically. Willingness to cooperate is generally conditional upon gaining financial assistance and technical support needed for development. For China and Russia, the first priority is maintaining state authority and social well-being for the sake of stability. Environmental policy is put forward only when these priorities are not threatened. For India, the focus centers on lifting its population out of poverty that takes precedence over international climate change cooperation.ConclusionOverall, countries willing to cooperate internationally and make sacrifices to mitigate the causes of climate change perceive a lower economic and political threat for doing so than countries that refuse. In fact, the supporters of international climate change policy are more likely to view global warming as an all-encompassing economic, political, and social threat rather than as a discrete environmental threat. Having said this, they also see potential opportunities in assuming the role of early adaptors to climate change.Countries reluctant to support international cooperation face domestic political barriers that the comparative analysis above indicates is due primarily to economic perceptions and viability. Some countries that have rejected a commitment to international cooperation have, in fact, implemented national or sub-state abatement policies. At the same time, others ignore the threat entirely.In short, differences in behavior toward climate change indicates that not all countries perceive the threat the same. The task for climate change leaders, therefore, is to maintain their resolve to educate global populations such that perceptions of economic risk become less significant than perceptions of climate change risk. At the same time, they must offer best practices of reducing compliance costs and sharing knowledgeto build a clean energy agenda in order to ensure a sustainable global solution to climate change. *Students in the Graduate Program in International StudiesOld Dominion University, USAUnder the Direction of Professor Glen Sussman

The article contains the analysis conducted by the author on topicality of upbringing moral culture in future engineering leaders. Special attention is paid to national scientists' views on the role of morality and that of its upbringing at a technical university. It is noted in the article that an important characteristic of a future engineering leader's professional culture is the mutual connection and mutual determination between a person's value orientation with their moral-and-ethical paradigm and professional ethics typical for their circle of communication. It is noted that the mentioned norms and principles facilitate a person's authority and priorities consolidation not only as those of a leader, but also as a site of humaneness of interpersonal relations. The authoress stresses that moral upbringing of future engineering leaders at technical universities plays a significant role in their training because it is connected with development of an individual's personality traits and forming a person's attitude to others (the team, its leader), and first of all to his/her potential colleagues and subordinates.It is highlighted in the article that within the sphere of moral education of future engineering leaders, the main priorities are the following: consciousness formation, accumulation of moral experience in moral behavior skills; moral education as knowledge in the matters of moral, ethics, policy; upbringing of the feeling of personal responsibility for one's actions, behavior, and possible outcomes of one's professional activity; development and fixation of moral self-improvement mechanisms and of behavior's self-regulation.There is highlighted the connection of V. Sukhomlynskiy's ideas with leadership potential development in students and lecturers at a technical higher education establishment.The authoress highlights the following traits of a lecturer-leader: their aspiration and need in communicating with students, displaying friendliness, high communicative traits; being a decent person, having clear moral-and-ethical views and principles and following them adamantly; being able to understand those whom they train and educate; being a creative and independent person; conducting an active research and consulting activity; being tolerant and restrained, firm and persistent, being able to control themselves, their emotions and psychic state in general; being able to forecast possible pedagogic situations, to evaluate outcomes of their deeds and actions in a systematic way, of their influencing students – these teachers' traits facilitate spirituality formation in students, future engineering leaders.There have been viewed such main methods and technologies of leadership potential development in students and lecturers at Leadership Center at the Department of pedagogy and social systems management after Academician I. A. Zaziun at NTU "KhPI" as delivering information and problem-solving lectures, discussion seminars, press-conference seminars, organizing thematic science conferences, training sessions, delivering extracurricular consultations for students.It is proved in the article that in modern conditions not enough attention is paid to personality formation in engineering leaders-to-be at technical universities, while this should be an obligatory condition of their professional growth; in the process of students' vocational training, it is necessary to introduce V. Sukhomlynskiy's ideas; particularly expedient is the application of active teaching methods with a distinct moral educating directedness, intensifying individual work with students, enhancing their activity in political, community, and cultural life.The authoress thinks it necessary to restore training courses in psychology studies for all students of a technical university alongside the introduction to the training process the methods and technologies developed by lecturers of the Leadership Center and the Center of Modern Pedagogic, Psychological, and Management Technologies at the Department of pedagogy and social systems management after Academician I .A. Zaziun at NTU "KhPI" on the basis of V. Sukhomlynskiy's pedagogy. ; В статье проведен анализ актуальности воспитания нравственной культуры у будущих инженеров-лидеров. Особое внимание уделено взглядам отечественных ученых роли нравственности и ее воспитанию в условиях технического университета. В статье отмечено, что важной характеристикой профессиональной культуры будущего инженера-лидера является взаимосвязь и взаимообусловленность с личностной ценностной ориентацией и морально-этической парадигмой человека, с профессиональной этикой, характерной для круга его общения. Отмечено, что указанные нормы и принципы способствуют утверждению авторитета и приоритета личности не только как лидера, но и как ячейки гуманности межличностных отношений. Автор подчеркивает, что нравственное воспитание будущих инженеров-лидеров в технических вузах играет определяющую роль в их подготовке, так как оно связано с развитием личностных качеств человека и формированием его отношения к другим людям (команды лидера), в первую очередь к своим потенциальным коллегам и подчиненным. В статье подчеркивается, что в сфере нравственного воспитания будущих инженеров-лидеров основными задачами являются: формирование сознания, накопление опыта навыков нравственного поведения; моральное образование как осведомленность в вопросах морали, этики, политики, воспитание чувства личной ответственности за свои поступки, свое поведение и возможные результаты своей профессиональной деятельности; развитие и закрепление действенных механизмов нравственного самовоспитания и саморегуляции поведения.Освещена связь педагогических идей В.Сухомлинского с развитием лидерского потенциала у студентов и преподавателей высшего технического учебного заведения.В статье подчеркнуто личностные качества преподавателя-лидера такие, как: его стремление к общению со студентами, проявление общительности, высокие коммуникабельные качества; быть глубоко порядочным человеком, иметь четкие морально-этические взгляды и убеждения, и твердо придерживаться их, уметь понимать тех, кого он учит и воспитывает; быть человеком творческим и самостоятельным, вести активную исследовательскую и консультационную деятельность; быть терпимым и сдержанным, твердым и настойчивым, уметь управлять собой, своими эмоциями и психическим состоянием вообще; уметь прогнозировать возможные педагогические ситуации, системно оценивать последствия своих действий и поступков, своего влияния на студентов, что способствует формированию духовности у студентов - будущих инженеров-лидеров. Рассмотрены основные методы и технологии развития лидерского потенциала у студентов и преподавателей в Центре лидерства кафедры педагогики и психологии управления социальными системами им. академика И. А. Зязюна НТУ «ХПИ» такие, как проведение информационных и проблемных лекций, семинаров-диспутов, семинаров-пресс-конференций, организацию тематических научных конференций, проведение тренингов, внеаудиторного проведения индивидуальных консультаций со студентами.В статье доказано, что в современных условиях недостаточное внимание уделяется формированию личности будущих инженеров-лидеров в технических университетах, тогда как она должна быть обязательным условием их профессионального роста; в процессе профессиональной подготовки студентов необходимо внедрять педагогические идеи В. Сухомлинского, а именно, целесообразным является применение активных методов обучения с четкой воспитательной направленностью, усилением индивидуальной работы со студентами, активизацией их деятельности в политической, общественной и культурной жизни. Автор считает необходимым восстановление учебных курсов изучения психологии для всех студентов технического университета, а также внедрение в учебный процесс современных методов и технологий, разработанных преподавателями Центра Лидерства и Центра современных педагогических, психологических и управленческих технологий кафедры педагогики и психологии управления социальными системами им. академика И. А. Зязюна НТУ «ХПИ» на основе педагогики В. Сухомлинского. ; В статті проведений аналіз актуальності виховання моральної культури у майбутніх інженерів-лідерів. Особлива увага приділена поглядам вітчизняних науковців щодо ролі моральності та її вихованню в умовах технічного університету. В статті відзначено, що важливою характеристикою професійної культури майбутнього інженера-лідера є взаємозв'язок та взаємообумовленість з особистою ціннісною орієнтацією та морально-етичною парадигмою людини, з професійною етикою, характерною для кола його спілкування. Відзначено, що вказані норми та принципи сприяють утвердженню авторитету та пріоритету особистості не тільки як лідера, але і як осередку гуманності міжособистісних відношень. Авторка підкреслює, що моральне виховання майбутніх інженерів-лідерів в технічних вузах відіграє визначальну роль у їх підготовці, тому що воно пов'язане з розвитком особистісних якостей людини та формуванням її відношення до інших людей (команди лідера), в першу чергу до своїх потенційних колег і підлеглих.В статті підкреслено, що у сфері морального виховання майбутніх інженерів-лідерів основними завданнями є: формування свідомості, нагромадження досвіду навичок морального поводження; моральна освіта як обізнаність в питаннях моралі, етики, політики; виховання почуття особистої відповідальності за свої вчинки, своє поводження та можливі результати своєї професійної діяльності; розвиток і закріплення дієвих механізмів морального самовиховання та саморегуляції поводження.Висвітлений зв'язок педагогічних ідей В.Сухомлинського з розвитком лідерського потенціалу у студентів та викладачів вищого технічного навчального закладу.В статті підкреслено особистісні якості викладача-лідера такі, як: його прагнення мати потребу у спілкуванні зі студентами, виявляти товариськість, високі комунікабельні якості; бути глибоко порядною людиною, мати чіткі морально-етичні погляди і переконання і твердо дотримуватись їх; уміти розуміти тих, кого він навчає і виховує; бути людиною творчою і самостійною, вести активну дослідницьку і консультативну діяльність; бути терпимим і стриманим, твердим і наполегливим, уміти управляти собою, своїми емоціями і психічним станом взагалі; уміти прогнозувати можливі педагогічні ситуації, системно оцінювати наслідки своїх дій і вчинків, свого впливу на студентів, що сприяють формуванню духовності у студентів – майбутніх інженерів-лідерів.Розглянуто основні методи та технології розвитку лідерського потенціалу у студентів та викладачів в Центрі лідерства кафедри педагогіки і психології управління соціальними системами ім. академіка І. А. Зязюна НТУ «ХПІ» такі, як проведення інформаційних і проблемних лекцій, семінарів-диспутів, семінарів-прес-конференцій, організацію тематичних наукових конференцій,проведення тренінгів, позааудиторне проведення індивідуальних консультацій студентів.В статті доведено, що в сучасних умовах недостатня увага приділяється формуванню особистості майбутніх інженерів-лідерів в технічних університетах, тоді як вона має бути обов'язковою умовою їх професійного зростання; в процесі професійної підготовки студентів необхідно впроваджувати педагогічні ідеї В. Сухомлинського, а саме, доцільним є застосування активних методів навчання з чіткою виховною спрямованістю, посиленням індивідуальної роботи зі студентами, активізацією їх діяльності в політичному, громадському та культурному житті .Авторка вважає необхідним відновлення навчальних курсів вивчення психології для всіх студентів технічного університету, а також впровадження в навчальний процес сучасних методів та технологій, розроблених викладачами Центру Лідерства та Центру сучасних педагогічних, психологічних та управлінських технологій кафедри педагогіки і психології управління соціальними системами ім. академіка І. А. Зязюна НТУ «ХПІ» на основі педагогіки В. Сухомлинського.