Suchergebnisse

The paper shows the peculiarities of the museum cooperation of one of the largest museum institutions of the interwar Galicia (Halychyna) – the Museum of Shevchenko Scientific Society (Naukove Tovarystvo im. Shevchenka – NTSH) in Lviv with Galicia museums of local lore. Attention is paid to the attempts of the Ukrainian museum institutions to create a unifying body that would coordinate various issues of life and activity of museums. One of the leading academic institutions of Ukraine «on both banks of the Zbruch» – the Shevchenko Scientific Society in Lviv (NTSH) and its branches, in particular the Museum of NTSH, was in a rather difficult economic and political situation as part of the restored Poland, which, despite the general promises of wide autonomy of the region, consistently embodied the educational and cultural polonization of Galicia. During the «pacification» many Ukrainian public figures suffered, the sale of books published in the publishing house of the Society seriously reduced, and a number of buildings belonging to the NTSH were damaged. In order to prolong its functioning and work properly, the NTSH in Lviv in general and the Museum of NTSH in particular, turned their efforts to consolidation and assistance to the Ukrainian Galicia museums of local lore and intensified museum relations with the leading cultural and museum institutions of Western Europe and the USA. The Museum of NTSH in Lviv and its director Yaroslav Pasternak organized scientific and economic-financial assistance to the Museum of the «Boykivshchyna» Society in Sambir, the Museum «Hutsulshchyna» in Kolomyia, the Museum «Verkhovyna» in Stryi. Such close cooperation allowed to compete more confidently with the corresponding Polish museum institutions in cherishing and promoting of the Ukrainian historical and cultural heritage against the background of official Warsaw colonial policy in the region. The corresponding Ukrainian museum institutions abroad, especially in Vienna and Prague, became a separate direction of the museum's collaboration of the NTSH in Lviv. In particular, the NTSH in Lviv joined the fund-raising for the construction of the Ukrainian House in Prague, part of which also should have been the Museum of the Liberation Struggle in Prague. Taking into account the state border separating Western Ukrainian lands from the rest of the national Ukrainian territory, the contacts of the NTSH in Lviv with the museum institutions of Soviet Ukraine were very important. However, after the collapse of «Ukrainization» and Stalin's repressions of the 1930s, the museum's cooperation with the Soviet Union and Soviet Ukraine was ceased. Significant was the international museum collaboration of the NTSH in Lviv with leading museum institutions in Western Europe and the USA, which testified to the high scientific level of the Society in the certain fields of research. The National Museum of American History in Washington, the Britain's National Museum of Science and Industry in London, the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University, and others wanted to see the ethnographic researches of Lviv NTSH museum scholars in their libraries. ; Розкрито особливості музейної співпраці однієї з найбільших музейних установ міжвоєнної Галичини – Музею НТШ у Львові з краєзнавчими музеями Галичини. Увагу приділено спробам українських музейних інституцій краю створити об'єднавчий орган, який би координував різноманітні питання життя та діяльності музеїв. Досліджено міжнародну співпрацю Музею НТШ у Львові з українськими закордонними музейними установами та провідними музеями Західної Європи та США.

This dissertation explores the causes and consequences of contemporary policing practices, focusing particular attention on the high volume, aggressive, and racially discriminatory policing strategies that police departments throughout the United States began to adopt in the 1970s and 1980s. In a series of empirical analyses, it makes three principle claims. First, this dissertation argues that the adoption of these punitive policing practices can be attributed in no small part to municipal strategies of gentrification and revitalization. In doing so, it advances research on the post-industrial policing hypothesis, which argues that as cities pursue growth strategies designed to appeal to members of the so-called "creative classes'' or businesses in the post-industrial sector, they will increasingly adopt punitive policing practices to harass, displace, or control groups (including racial and ethnic minorities) that are deemed incompatible with these strategies. Mobilizing data on order maintenance policing (OMP) in New York City and the Stop, Question, and Frisk (SQF) police stops that OMP generated, this dissertation finds that gentrification in New York City is associated with significantly higher rates of SQF police stops, mostly in neighborhoods that lie adjacent to or near gentrifying tracts. In a second analysis, this dissertation argues that these aggressive policing strategies have the potential to impact political behavior, and explores how OMP practices in New York City affected voter turnout and candidate choice in that city. In a series of national and local elections, it finds that while concentrated policing can negatively affect political participation in the form of voter turnout, heavily policed communities can and do mobilize to counteract these harmful and discriminatory policing policies. Specifically, it finds that while SQF policing was associated with lower rates of turnout in the 2010 and 2006 national elections, it was also associated with higher rates of turnout in the 2008 national election and the 2013 mayoral election and Democratic primary. While the positive association between turnout and policing in the 2008 national election was likely do to the unique mobilizing affect that Barack Obama's campaign had on marginalized communities, this dissertation argues that the higher rates of turnout in the 2013 general and Democratic primary are attributable to the mobilization of communities in New York City to end SQF policing. In support of this claim, this chapter presents additional evidence that higher rates of SQF policing was associated with more support for the Democratic primary candidate (John Liu) who promised to end SQF policing and significantly less support for the candidate (William Thompson) who promised to keep it. In its third and final analysis, this dissertation explores the extent to which aggressive and discriminatory policing affects political behavior in other national contexts, specifically the United Kingdom. Characterizing contemporary policing practices in Britain which: 1) were adopted specifically following their successful implementation in American cities such as New York City and 2) which exhibit similar levels of racial and ethnic disparity, this chapter argues that like gentrification, post-industrial policing and its political consequences are global in scope. Mobilizing data from police stops of citizens in Greater London, Manchester, and the West-Midlands this analysis similarly finds that as the intensity of police-citizen contact increases, political participation decreases. Unlike in New York City, however, this analysis does not uncover instances or contexts where higher levels of policing were associated with higher rates of turnout, which it tentatively attributes to differences in political opportunity structure in the two contexts.

Primera edición impresa en coedición con el Fideicomiso Felipe Teixidor y Monserrat Alfau de Teixidor: 2017. Primera edición digital en PDF: 2017. Primera edición digital en PDF con ISBN: 2018 ; La versión en PDF se generó a partir de los archivos editables de Indesign CC2018 correspondientes a la primera edición digital. ; Tabla de contenido: Agradecimientos; Introducción; K'ihnich Janaab' Pakal: La irradiación divina; Corpus documental; B'ajlaj Chan K'awil: la gloria del vencedor de tikal; Corpus documental; Mapa y figuras; Itzamnaah Kokaaj B'ahlam II: señor de innumerables cautivos; Corpus documental; Yaxuun B'ahlam IV: el poder absoluto; Corpus documental; Conclusiones; Bibliografía; Glosario de términos y antropónimos ; "Los yacimientos arqueológicos de la cultura maya precolombina que se encuentran diseminados en todo el sureste mexicano, Guatemala, Belice y Honduras, forman uno de los legados arquitectónicos más numerosos e impresionantes que existen de una civilización indígena americana. Entre sus ruinas han sido recuperadas miles de inscripciones que nombran a los señores que, hace más de trece siglos, gobernaron el dinámico y complejo paisaje maya. Esta obra contiene una traducción íntegra de setenta fuentes escritas en caracteres jeroglíficos comisionadas por los gobernantes K'ihnich Janaab' Pakal, de Palenque, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil, de Dos Pilas, e Itzamnaah Kokaaj B'ahlam II y Yaxuun B'ahlam IV, ambos de Yaxchilán. Estos señores gobernaron sus respectivas entidades políticas en el periodo Clásico tardío (600-909), y durante sus mandatos remodelaron y ampliaron la zona central de sus capitales, emprendieron grandes obras arquitectónicas y destacaron en el campo de batalla. Mientras ellos estuvieron a la cabeza de sus entidades políticas, el poder de Palenque, Dos Pilas y Yaxchilán brilló con su más vivo esplendor; sus nombres jeroglíficos, ostensiblemente tallados, aparecen de manera prominente en numerosos tableros, dinteles, escaleras jeroglíficas y estelas. El discurso que revelan sus inscripciones muestra, con un ímpetu poco conocido en la antigüedad maya, tanto una voluntad política de renovación dinástica como una conducta religiosa tradicional y creadora a un tiempo". ; Spread throughout the Southeast of Mexico, Guatemala, Belize and Honduras, the archaeological remains of the Pre-Columbine Maya culture constitute one of the most extensive and impressive architectural legacies of a Native American civilization; in whose remains, there have been found thousands of inscriptions containing the names of the men who governed the dynamic and complex Maya landscape over thirteen centuries ago. The work here presented contains a full translation of seventy written sources, in hieroglyphic characters, inscriptions which were commissioned by: K'ihnich Janaab' Pakal of Palenque, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil of Dos Pilas, and Itzamnaah Kokaaj B'ahlam II and Yaxuun B'ahlam IV, both of Yaxchilán. These men, who were known to be outstanding warriors, ruled over their respective political entities during the Late Classic period (600-900). During which time, they remodelled and expanded the central area of their capitals and undertook great architectural projects. In the course of their rule, Palenque, Dos Pilas and Yaxchilán reached their period of greatest splendour, and so their names appear prominently in numerous panels, lintels, stairways and stelae. These inscriptions show, with an emphasis rarely seen in Maya antiquity, a political inclination towards dynastic renewal, and a religious conduct that was both innovative and traditional.

El presente trabajo recupera algunos debates respecto a las modalidades de acceso al suelo urbano y a la vivienda por parte de sectores medios y bajos en las ciudades latinoamericanas (Abramo, 2003), situando dicho debate a la luz del proceso protagonizado por una organización social en la ciudad de San Salvador de Jujuy: la Organización Barrial Tupac Amaru (OBTA). Se trata de una organización que construyó barrios de viviendas sociales en diferentes localidades de la provincia y, especialmente, en la ciudad capital de San Salvador de Jujuy, transformándose en un actor económico, político y social de considerable peso, que se articuló de manera particular con el Estado y sus políticas habitacionales. En primer lugar, se reconstruirá brevemente el contexto socioeconómico del período denominado de la posconvertibilidad en Argentina y se caracterizará el rol del Estado, especialmente en lo atinente a las políticas habitacionales durante dicho período, teniendo presente en ambos ejes las particularidades del contexto subnacional de Jujuy. En segundo lugar, se presentará a la organización bajo estudio, prestándole atención a las disputas que protagonizaron a la hora de poner bajo un signo de interrogación el modelo de ciudad imperante en Jujuy, a través del proceso de producción de hábitat popular. Por último, se presentarán los resultados que, bajo la clave de lectura elegida, permiten repensar las modalidades populares de producción de las ciudades, organizadas de manera mixta entre el Estado y las organizaciones sociales y políticas, en contextos de redefinición del rol estatal. ; This work recovers some appreciations regarding the modalities of access to urban land and housing by middle and lower sectors in Latin American cities (Abramo, 2003), placing this debate in the light of the process carried out by a social organization in the city of San Salvador de Jujuy: the Organizaicón Barrial Tupac Amaru (OBTA). This is an organization that built neighborhoods of social housing in different localities of the province and, especially, in the provincial capital of San Salvador de Jujuy, transforming itself into an economic, political, and social actor of considerable weight, which was articulated in a particular way with the State and its housing policies, creating a mixed modality between the logic of necessity and the logic of the State to achieve access to urban land by the popular sectors of Jujuy. First, the socio-economic context of the so-called post-convertibility period in Argentina will be briefly reconstructed and the role of the State will be characterized, especially in relation to housing policies, keeping in mind the peculiarities of the Jujuy subnational context. Secondly, we present the organization under study, characterizing its context of emergence and main characteristics in its developed, paying attention to the disputes that took place at the time of putting under a question mark the prevailing city model in Jujuy, through the process of popular habitat production. Finally, we present the results that, under de perspective chose, allows us to conclude that the way of construction of popular habitat that was carried out in this case supposed a mixed combination of the logic of necessity and the logic of the state, under redefinition of statal role. ; Fil: Torres, Fernanda. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.

The article considers the foreign policy of Argentina in the post-bipolar period,identifies the main directions of cooperation with the United States, Russia, China, the EU and Latin American countries. Distinguish the main areas of cooperation: political, economic and defense, emphasize the role of Argentina in these processes. First free presidential elections were held in Argentina in 1989. K. Menem came to power, which initiated the creation of MERCOSUR and pursued a policy of rapprochement with the United States. An effective domestic policy led out Argentina to a new level of development of the country, which positively affected its international level. Nestor Kirchner advocated rapprochement with the countries of the European Union, security policy remained an important component in shaping the country's foreign policy strategy; in particular, the important role of the UN was assigned in solving international problems, international terrorism issues, supporting disarmamentpolicy and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Christina Kirchner was the initiator of the implementation of the policy of multiculturalism. During her governing, there was a rapprochement with China, Russia and Brazil. Argentina was keen to join the BRICS group. Analysis of foreign policy M. Macri gives a complete picture of the situation of Argentina at the present stage, its role in international relations. The new political course of M. Macri is based on the renewal of democratic values within the country, the status of Argentina's leaderin Latin America, and the maintenance of friendly relations with the United States. Despite the deterioration of Ukrainian-Argentine relations over the past 5 years, outlines the main trends in relations between Ukraine and Argentina at the present day. ; В статье проанализирована внешняя политика Аргентины в постбиполярный период, определены основные направления сотрудничества со США, Россией, Китаем, ЕС и странами Латинской Америки. Выделены основные направления сотрудничества: политические, экономические и оборонные, освещена роль Аргентины в этих процессах. В 1989 году в Аргентине прошли первые свободные выборы президента, к власти пришел К. Менем, который стал инициатором создания МЕРКОСУР и проводил политику сближения со США. Эффективная внутренняя политика вывела Аргентину на новый уровень развития страны, что позитивно повлияло на ее международный уровень. Нестор Киршнер выступал за сближение со странами Европейского Союза, политика безопасности оставалась важной составляющей в формировании внешнеполитической стратегии страны, в частности отводилась важная роль ООН в решении международных проблем, вопросов международного терроризма, поддержки политики разоружения и нераспространения ядерного оружия. Кристина Киршнер была инициатором внедрения политики мультикультурализма. В период ее правления произошло сближение с Китаем, Россией, Бразилией. Аргентина стремилась присоединиться к группе стран БРИКС. Также рассмотрены изменения внешнеполитического курса Аргентины после избрания нового президента М. Макри. Анализ внешней политики М. Макри дает полное представление о положении Аргентины на современном этапе, ее роли в международных отношениях. Новый политический курс М. Макри основан на возобновлении демократических ценностей внутри страны, статуса лидера Аргентины в странах Латинской Америки, поддержания дружеских отношений с США. Несмотря на ухудшение украино-аргентинских отношений за последние 5 лет, в работе очерчены основные тенденции отношений Украины и Аргентины на современном этапе. ; В статті проаналізовано зовнішню політику Аргентини в постбіполярний період, визначено основні напрямки співробітництва зі США, Росією, Китаєм, ЄС та країнами Латинської Америки. Окреслено основні напрямки співробітництва: політичні, економічні та безпекові, освітлено роль Аргентини в цих процесах. Також розглянуто зміни зовнішньополітичного курсу Аргентини після обрання нового президента М. Макрі. Окреслені основні тенденції відносин України та Аргентини на сучасному етапі.

In the article, based on the activity of periodicals created by the Ukrainian diaspora during the twentieth century, the political discussions that arose in the emigration community are analyzed. In particular, it goes about the division of the OUN into the directions of the OUN (b), the OUN (m) and the OUN (UHVR) and its influence on disputes among representatives of those environments whose political views were politically divided. The facts from the history of diaspora journals and newspapers are described, which characterize separate discussions related to the release of samizdat, contacts with Ukrainians of the USSR and the competition among representatives of the emigration media. Archival materials have been used to help clarify and articulate the main provisions of the article. A series of publications of such editions as "Suchasnist" magazine (Germany), "Ukrainske slovo" (France), "Smoloskyp" publishing house, "Obloga" newsletter (USA) are analyzed.On the basis of publications in the press and archives materials, the discussion that arose in connection with the emigration edition of the memoirs of Danylo Shumuk is conversed in detail. Also, the article outlines the competition between the American center of Ukrainians "Smoloskyp" and the German "Prolog" – "Suchasnist", in particular, in the issue of the primacy of publications of samizdat, which Ukrainians in diaspora received from the USSR. This discussion led to the appearance of a number of negative reviews on Ukrainian editions, in particular, on the emigration edition of Lina Kostenko's poetry and the bilingual album "The Invincible Spirit".The article focuses on the fact that, despite internal discussions and competition between each other, Ukrainians abroad in the second half of the twentieth century did one thing in common: they exposed the crimes of Soviet power and were opponents of the official Bolshevik ideology at the international level, produced periodicals and publications banned in the USSR, and published true information about the totalitarian Soviet regime. ; У статті, яка базується на дослідженні діяльності періодичних видань, створених українською діаспорою протягом ХХ століття, аналізуються політичні дискусії, що виникли в еміграційній спільноті. Зокрема, мова йде про поділ ОУН на напрямки ОУН (б), ОУН (м) та ОУН (УГВР) та його вплив на суперечки між представниками тих середовищ, чиї політичні погляди були політично розділені. Описані факти з історії діаспорних журналів та газет, які характеризують окремі дискусії, пов'язані з виходом самвидаву, контактами з українцями СРСР та змаганням між представниками еміграційних ЗМІ. Архівні матеріали використовувались для уточнення та формулювання основних положень статті. Про­аналізовано серію публікацій таких видань, як журнал «Сучасність» (Німеччина), «Українське слово» (Франція), видавництво «Смолоскип», інформаційний бюлетень «Облога» (США).На підставі публікацій в пресі та архівах дискусія, яка виникла у зв'язку з еміграційним виданням мемуарів Данила Шумука, детально обговорюється. Також у статті висвітлюється змагання між американським центром українців «Смолоскип» та німецьким «Прологом» — «Сучасністю», зокрема, у питанні про первинність публікацій самвидаву, які українці отримали з-за кордону з СРСР. Ця дискусія призвела до виникнення ряду негативних відгуків в українських виданнях, зокрема, про еміграційне видання поезії Ліни Костенко та двомовному альбомі «Непереможний Дух».У статті йдеться про те, що, незважаючи на внутрішні дискусії та конкуренцію між собою, українці за кордоном у другій половині ХХ століття мали одну спільну рису: вони розкривали злочини радянської влади і були опонентами офіційної більшовицької ідеології на міжнародному рівні, випускали періодичні видання та публікації, заборонені в СРСР, і опублікували справжню інформацію про тоталітарний радянський режим.

Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), which was added to the INA by the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA), allows the federal government to enter into voluntary partnerships with state and local law enforcement agencies to enforce immigration law. Upon entering these agreements, law enforcement officers are trained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and receive delegated authority to enquire about an individual's immigration status and, if found to be removable, to detain the individual while ICE makes a determination of whether to initiate deportation proceedings. In some instances, this inquiry about immigration status takes place as part of the intake process when a criminal defendant is arrested and placed into a criminal jail. In other instances, task force officers are trained to inquire in the field about immigration status and enforce immigration law against people who have not committed any criminal offense. The key difference between the two models is that task force agents can arrest for immigration violations undocumented individuals who have not committed any criminal offense, whereas in the jail model individuals must be arrested on some other criminal charge before immigration status can be determined. The 287(g) program has raised several concerns regarding its implementation and results. First, the program could lead to racial and ethnic profiling. In particular, given that the majority of undocumented immigrants hail from Latin American countries, it is highly plausible that Hispanics, regardless of immigrant status, might be disproportionally affected by this program. That is, in a jurisdiction that participates in the jail model, an officer might arrest a Hispanic individual for a very minor offence in order to process them through the jail and determine their immigration status, when perhaps without the program they may have only issued a citation. Another concern with the program is that it may lead to tensions between state and local law enforcement and the local community. If the program creates an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust by community members toward state and local law enforcement agents, even law abiding individuals may choose to avoid interaction with law enforcement agents. This can make victims and witnesses hesitant to come forward, for fear that their undocumented status will be uncovered. Such a situation inhibits law enforcement's ability to do its job and can, ironically, make communities less safe. This study explores the effects of implementation of the 287(g) program in Frederick County, Maryland on the arrests of Hispanics. Using data from individual arrest records from the Frederick County Sheriff's Office, which has a 287(g) agreement with ICE, and the Frederick Police Department, which does not, I analyze the changes in arrests between the two agencies before and after the 287(g) program was implemented in 2008. I find that overall, the arrests of Hispanics fell, suggesting that the Hispanic community avoided interaction with law enforcement when the program began. However, I also find that the program led to a significantly higher number of arrests of Hispanics by the Sheriff's Office than would have occurred in its absence, indicating that attention was focused toward the Hispanic community as a result of the program. These results suggest that, if the program is to continue, additional safeguards are needed to prevent abuses and civil rights violations.

O Transtorno do Déficit de Atenção por Hiperatividade - TDHA é manifestado pela presença da tríade sintomatológica: elevados níveis de agitação motora, impulsividade e desatenção persistentes por um período mínimo consecutivo de seis meses, que tende a persistir durante toda a vida, com prejuízo substancial de áreas importantes do funcionamento. Segundo a Organização Mundial da Saúde OMS e a Associação Americana de Psiquiatria - APA cerca de 4% dos adultos e de 5% a 8 % de crianças e adolescentes de todo o mundo sofrem de TDAH. Estudos de neuroimagiologia, genéticos e etiológicos não estabeleceram ainda uma gênese clara e determinante, não existindo consenso em um "defeito" psicológico nuclear, locus anatômico, padrão neuropsicológico, ou base neuroquímica ou genética, reconhecendo-se assim o TDAH como uma perturbação clinicamente heterogênea. Inexiste um marcador biológico para TDAH; apenas é possível fazer diagnóstico clínico/ comportamental, sob análise do cotidiano. Atualmente, começam a surgir maiores cuidados dos profissionais com os fatores de risco na história da criança. Fortes evidências de equívocos nos diagnósticos, dado ao alarmante índice do uso do psicotrópico Ritalina por jovens com TDAH no Brasil, segundo maior país consumidor do mundo, depois dos EUA, que estimularam a montagem de uma entrevista semiestruturada para 3 das 5 psicólogas atuantes na cidade de Luziânia/GO. Conclui-se que se deve tentar determinar as razões psicossociais originárias do problema de comportamento e que "receitar uma pílula para o TDAH é muito mais rápido", mas talvez não seja efetivo para o desenvolvimento do sujeito.Palavras-chave: Transtorno/Dificuldades de Aprendizagem. Déficit de Atenção. Ritalina. Medicalização das Dificuldades. Hiperatividade. AbstractThe Attention Deficit Disorder by hyperactivity disorder - ADHA is manifested by the presence of the symptomatology triad: high levels of motor excitement, impulsivity and inattention sustained for a period of at least six months in a row, which tends to persist throughout life, with substantial injury to important areas of functioning. According to World Health Organization WHO and the American Psychiatric Association - APA approximately 4% of adults and 5% to 8% of children and adolescents from all over the world suffer from ADHD. Neuroimagiology, genetic and etiologic studies have not established yet a clear and decisive genesis, and there is no consensus on a nuclear psychological "flaw", anatomical locus neuropsychological pattern, or neurochemical or genetic basis, recognizing ADHD as a clinically heterogeneous disorder . There is not a biological marker for ADHD; it is only possible to make clinical/behavioral diagnosis under everyday life analysis. Currently, greater care from professionals have emerged with the risk factors in the child's history. Strong evidences of diagnosis mistakes, given the alarming rate of use of psychotropic drug Ritalin by young people with ADHD in Brazil, the second hightest consumer country in the world, after the United States, which stimulated the fitting of a semi-structured interview for 3 of the 5 psychologists working in the town of Luziânia/GO. It is concluded that reasons for psychosocial originating the behavior problem should be determined and that "prescribing a pill for ADHD is much faster, but it may not be effective for the development of the subject Keywords: Disorder/Learning Difficulties Attention Deficit. Ritalin. Difficulties Medicalization. Hyperactivity.

[full article is in English]EnglishAt the beginning of the 1980s a new Global Space for the expansion of transnational capital emerged in the US–Mexico Border States. The militarization and securitization of that border were justified by government policies aimed at stopping irregular immigration, drug traffic, and terrorism. In 1991 the US Congress approved the creation of a new Defense Industrial and Technology Base (DITB), which would benefit the Gun Belt linked to the Military-Industrial Complex; and in 1992 the Department of Defense (DoD) proposed to establish a Defense Reserve Industrial Base Program (DRIB), the location for which would be within the existing production-sharing centers along the US–Mexico Border. Both, the DITB and the DRIB, would take advantage of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and transnational arms corporations established or expanded their facilities in the Global Space that has been created along the Mexico–US Border. This article examines this process.SpanishA principios de los años ochenta surgió un nuevo Espacio Global para la expansión del capital transnacional en los estados fronterizos de Estados Unidos y México. La militarización y la securitización de esta frontera ha sido justifi cada por estrategias para detener la inmigración irregular, el narcotráfi co y el terrorismo. En 1991 el Congreso de los Estados Unidos aprobó la creación de una nueva Base de Tecnología y Defensa Industrial (DITB) que benefi ciaría al llamado Cinturón de Armas ligado al Complejo Militar-Industrial; y en 1992 el Departamento de Defensa (DoD) propuso la creación del Programa de Base Industrial de la Reserva de Defensa (DRIB), cuya ubicación estaría dentro de los centros de producción compartida a lo largo de la frontera México–Estados Unidos. Tanto el DITB como el DRIB aprovecharían el Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN), y las corporaciones transnacionales de armamentos establecerían o expanderían sus instalaciones en el Espacio Global creado a lo largo de la frontera México-Estados Unidos. Este artículo examina este proceso.FrenchAu début des annéesquatre-vingt, un nouvel Espace Global pour l'expansion du capital transnational surgit à la frontière entre les États-Unis et le Mexique. Depuis, la militarisation et la sécuritisation de cett e frontière a été justifi ée par des stratégies pour contenir la migration clandestine, le traffi c de drogue et le terrorisme. Cependant, ces processus protègent et supportent également cet espace global, qui est lié au "ceinturon armé" qui a surgit durant l'administration Reagan. Depuis cett e époque, des propositions ont été présentées au Congrès des États- Unis pour établir une nouvelle Base de Technologie et de Défense Industrielle (DITB selon ses sigles en anglais), qui serait bénéfi que pour la ceinturon armé ainsi qu'un Programme de Base Industrielle de la Réserve de Défense (DRIB en anglais) dont la localisation a été proposée tout au long de la frontière entre le Mexique et les États-Unis. Cet article étudie comment le DITB et le DRIB ont évolué dans le contexte de l'Accord de Libre Échange Nord-Américain (ALÉNA) et ont permis à des corporations transnationales d'armes d'établir ou de renforcer des installations dans l'Espace Global qui a été créé tout au long de la frontière entre le Mexique et les États-Unis. Cett e article examine ce processus.

This study deals with the translation of cultural references and proper-name allusions from English to Finnish in the DVD-subtitles of Gilmore Girls. Its most important aim is to examine what types of methods have been used to translate the culture-bound items found in the so-called Gilmore-isms or, what type of relationship does the target text have with the source text and whether the translations are more foreignising or domesticating. In addition to this, the study examines the type of influence the needs of the receiver and the audiovisual format and the relationship between the source and the target culture have on translation and in which ways translation is associated with cultural and social power structures in society. The research questions are approached with the help of Translation Studies. A methodological basis has been sought especially from the research on allusions by Leppihalme and the methods of foreignisation and domestication by Venuti. In addition to this, the analysis draws from Reception Theory and the Study of Audiovisual Translation. 9 episodes from the 4th season of Gilmore Girls were analysed. There were 62 Gilmore-isms and 80 cultural references to music, films, television programmes, fictional characters, politicians and famous people found in the study material. Based on this study and earlier research, it can be claimed that culture-bound items are usually translated with foreignising methods when translating from English to Finnish in television series. This is believed to have to do with the socio-economic power of Anglophone countries, especially the United States, over marginal ones. Finnish viewers are also used to English expressions and the culture of Anglophone countries and, therefore, the use of U.S. American cultural references does not form a problem for the receiver. The audiovisual format has not affected the chosen translation methods as much as had been anticipated, thus space has not been a particularly significant factor for the translators which can also be seen in the translation methods chosen. ; Tässä tutkielmassa käsitellään kulttuuriviittausten sekä erisnimi-alluusioiden kääntämistä englannista suomeksi Gilmoren tyttöjen DVD-tekstityksissä. Sen perimmäisenä tarkoituksena on selvittää, millaisin metodein niin kutsutuista Gilmore-ismeista löydetyt kulttuurisidonnaiset viittaukset on käännetty, eli millainen suhde lähdetekstillä on kohdetekstiin ja ovatko käännökset kotouttavia vai vieraannuttavia. Lisäksi tutkielmassa selvitetään vastaanottajan tarpeiden ja audiovisuaalisen formaatin sekä lähde- ja kohdekulttuurin välisen suhteen vaikutusta käännöksiin ja millä tavoin kääntäminen liittyy yhteiskunnassa vallitseviin kulttuurisiin ja sosiaalisiin valtarakenteisiin. Tutkimuskysymyksiä lähestytään kääntämistutkimuksen keinoin. Metodista teoriapohjaa on haettu erityisesti Leppihalmeen alluusioiden tutkimuksesta, sekä Venutin kotouttamisen ja vieraannuttamisen strategioista. Tämän lisäksi analyysiosio ammentaa tietoa vastaanottotutkimuksesta, sekä audiovisuaalisen kääntämisen tutkimuksesta. Tutkimuksessa analysoitiin 9 Gilmoren tyttöjen jaksoa 4. tuotantokaudelta. Musiikkiin, elokuviin, televisio-ohjelmiin, fiktiivisiin hahmoihin, poliitikoihin sekä kuuluisuuksiin liittyviä Gilmore-ismeja löydettiin tutkimusmateriaalista 62 kappaletta ja niistä kulttuurisidonnaisia viittauksia 80 kappaletta. Tämän sekä aiempien tutkimusten perusteella voidaan väittää, että kulttuurisidonnaiset viittaukset käännetään useimmiten vieraannuttavasti silloin, kun käännetään englannista suomeksi televisiosarjoissa. Tämän uskotaan liittyvän englanninkielisten maiden, erityisesti Yhdysvaltojen omaamaan sosio-ekonomiseen valta-asemaan. Suomalaiset katsojat ovat myös tottuneet englanninkielisiin ilmaisuihin ja englanninkielisten maiden kulttuuriin, joten yhdysvaltalaisten kulttuuriviittausten käyttö sellaisenaan ei muodostu ongelmaksi katsojalle. Audiovisuaalinen formaatti ei ole vaikuttanut valittuihin käännösmetodeihin niin paljon kuin odotettiin, eli tila ei ole muodostunut merkittäväksi tekijäksi kääntäjille, mikä näkyy myös valituissa käännösmetodeissa.

Foreign non-governmental organizations have come to Quảng Nam province during the American War to help victims of the war. However, after the Liberation Day (1975), they ceased their operations due to the US embargo against Việt Nam. They resumed their operations in Vietnam when the Doi Moi (Renovation in 1986) was implemented. From 1991 until now these organizations have grown in terms of quantity and numbers of aid projects. They have not only performed humanitarian activities but also played an active role in maintaining sustainable development of the province. The author of this research has over 20 years of experience in meeting and working with hundreds of foreign non-governmental organizations from a number of countries. The research methods conducted for this topic include documenting, analyzing reports; evaluating aid results; organizing seminars, conferences, dialogues between partners; handing out questionnaires to beneficiaries, local authorities and representatives of foreign NGO; conducting field surveys in many areas. The results of the research show that these organizations have their operations in almost the areas such as healthcare, education, environmental protection, demining, helping Agent Orange/dioxin victims, supporting disabled people, vocational training, community based tourism development, recovery from natural disaster consequences and climate change responses. They made positive contributions to the project localities in sustainable development and meeting the practical needs of the local people. However, in some cases, their activities also cause negative impacts and difficulties in management. Addionally, the research also points out the bureaucracy, negativity, and cumbersome procedures of paper-like administration existing in Việt Nam. ; Les organisations non gouvernementales étrangères(ONG) étaient présentes pendant la guerre contre les États-Unis dans la province de Quảng Nam pour aider des victimes de la guerre. Cependant, après la libération du Việt Nam en 1975, elles ont stoppé toutes les activités en raison de la politique de l'embargo américain. Elles ont commencé à se retourner au Việt Nam à partir de la mise en œuvre de l'innovation de "Đổi mới-renouveau" en 1986. De 1991 à ce jour, les ONG se développent fortement en nombre d'organisations et en projets d'aides. Ces ONG réalisent non seulement les opérations d'aides humanitaires mais aussi elles jouent un rôle actif dans le développement durable de la province. Etant l'auteur de cette étude, avec plus de 20 ans d'expérience et de contacts de travail avec des centaines d'ONG de différents pays. Cette étude est menée avec une méthodologie de recherche: documentation, analyse des rapports; évaluation des résultats des financements des ONG; organisation de séminaires, conférences et dialogues entre les partenaires; élaboration et distribution des formulaires d'enquête auprès des bénéficiaires, des autorités locales et des représentants des ONG; travail d'enquête sur des localités dans de nombreux domaines. Les résultats de l'étude ont montré que ces organisations fonctionnent dans la plupart des domaines tels que la santé, l'éducation, la protection de l'environnement, le déminage, les aides aux victimes affectées par l'Agent Orange/Dioxine, le soutien pour les handicapés, la formation professionnelle, le développement du tourisme communautaire, les aides urgentes en cas des catastrophes naturelles, adaptation aux changements climatiques. Les ONG jouent un rôle positif au développement durable au niveau local et répondre aux besoins réels des habitants. Cependant, dans certains cas, elles mènent des activités négatives ceux qui causent des difficultés dans la gestion d'état. D'autre part, cette étude souhaite montrer la bureaucratie, la lourdeur des procédures administratives au Việt Nam.

Introducción: La Organización Panamericana de la Salud (OPS) desde el año 1993 y la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) en 1996, aceptaron que la violencia es un problema de salud pública, situación que se corrobora en el Informe de Violencia y Salud, en el cual América Latina presentó una tasa de homicidios de 18 por cada 100.000 personas, y es considerada como una de las regiones más violentas del mundo. Objetivo: Detectar patrones delictivos con técnicas de minería de datos en el Observatorio del Delito del municipio de Pasto (Colombia). Materiales y métodos: Se aplicó Cross Industry Standard Process for Data Mining (CRISP-DM), una de las metodologías utilizadas en el desarrollo de proyectos de minería de datos en los ambientes académico e industrial. La fuente de información fue el Observatorio del Delito del municipio de Pasto, donde está almacenadas las cifras históricas, limpias y transformadas sobre las lesiones de causa externa (fatales y no fatales), registrados en 11 años. Resultados: Se construyó un modelo de clasificación basado en árboles de decisión que permitió descubrir patrones de muertes por causa externa. Para el caso de homicidios, estos sucedieron en su mayoría en la Comuna 5 de Pasto, los fines de semana, en la madrugada, en el segundo semestre del año, en la vía pública y las víctimas fueron hombres adultos, de oficios varios, la causa de los homicidios fueron riñas y se produjeron con arma de fuego. Conclusión: El conocimiento generado ayudará a los organismos gubernamentales y de seguridad a tomar decisiones eficaces en lo relacionado a la implementación de planes de prevención de delitos y seguridad ciudadana. ; Introduction: The Pan American Health Organization (PHO) and the World Health Organization (WHO) accepted, since the year 1993 and 1996 respectively, that violence is a public health problem, a situation that is corroborated in the report on violence and health, in which Latin America presented a homicide rate of 18 per 100,000 people, and it is considered one of the most violent regions in the world. Objective: To detect criminal patterns with data mining techniques in the Crime Observatory of the municipality of Pasto (Colombia). Materials and methods: Cross Industry Standard Process for Data Mining (CRISP-DM) was applied, which is one of the methodologies used in the development of data mining projects in academic and industrial environments. The source of information was the Crime Observatory of the municipality of Pasto, where the historical clean and transformed figures on the injuries of external cause (fatal and nonfatal) recorded in 11 years are stored. Results: A decision tree-based classification model was built that allowed the discovery of patterns of deaths from external causes. In the case of homicide, these happened mostly in the commune 5 in Pasto under the following circumstances: during the weekends, in the early morning, in the second semester of the year and in the public thoroughfare; besides, the victims were adult men of various professions; and the cause of the homicides were quarrels and they were produced with a fire gun. Conclusion: The generated knowledge will help government and security agencies make effective decisions regarding the implementation of crime prevention and citizen security plans

This paper deals with three different perspectives appeared in foreign visitors' records on Korea in 1900s. Jack London was a writer who wrote novels highly critical of American society based on progressivism. However, when his progressive perspective was adopted to report the political situation of Korea in 1904, he revealed a typical perspective of orientalism. He regarded Korea and ways of living in Korea as disgusting and 'uncivilized.'Compared with Jack London's perspective, French poet Georges Ducrocq's book was rather favorable. He visited Korea in 1901 and he showed affectionate attitude toward Korea and its people. However, his travel report, Pauvre et Douce Coree, can be defined as representing aesthetic orientalism. He tried to make all the 'Korean things' seem beautiful and nice, but it is true that this kind of view can also conceal something concrete and specific. This perspective at once beautifies Korea and also conceals the reality about Korea.E. Burton Holmes was a traveler and he often used his 'motion-picture' machine to record things he witnessed while travelling around worldwide countries. So, his report (travelogue) and motion picture film on Korea written and made in 1901 was based on close observation and rather objective point of view. Nonetheless, he couldn't avoid the perspective of the colonizer's model of the world, in other words, geographical diffusionism of western culture. ; 본고는 20세기 초반 한국(대한제국)을 방문한 3명의 외국 작가의 글을 검토한다. 잭 런던의 직선적 진보의식에 기초한 오리엔탈리즘이 타자를 유럽(서구)중심의 기준에 맞춰 무한히 상대화하면서 스스로의 우월성을 강조한다면 조르주 뒤크로의 심미적 오리엔탈리즘은 타자의 구체적 상황과 갈등과 내적 변모 과정을 무화시키는 정서적 태도에 의존함으로써 타자를 항구적 불변의 지위에 두려한다. 그런가 하면 버튼 홈스는 사용하는 매체의 특징에 따라 객관적 관찰자의 시점을 유지하려는 노력을 기울인다. 그러나 그 역시 근대적 확산론의 전제를 수용하고 있다.잭 런던의 편협한 진보주의와 조르주 뒤크로의 복고적이고 심미화된 오리엔탈리즘, 그리고 버튼 홈스의 객관적 태도와 그것의 이면에 놓인 근대적 확산의 시계는 20세기 초 조선을 방문한 민간인 외국인들의 시선을 전형적 구도로 보여준다고 하겠다. ; Ten artykuł dotyczy trzech różnych perspektyw jakie pojawiły się w dokumentach zagranicznych gości na temat Korei w początkach XX wieku. Jack London był pisarzem, który pisał powieści bardzo krytyczne w stosunku do społeczeństwa amerykańskiego. Gdy jednak w 1904 roku przyjęto jego postępową perspektywę, opisując sytuację polityczną w Korei, ujawnił on typowy pogląd orientalizmu. Uważał, że Korea i sposób życia Koreańczyków są obrzydliwe i "niecywilizowane". W porównaniu z punktem widzenia Jacka Londona, książka francuskiego poety Georgesa Ducrocqa przedstawiała Koreę raczej w korzystnym świetle. Odwiedził Koreę w 1901 roku i okazywał uczuciową postawę wobec Korei i jej mieszkańców. Jednak jego sprawozdanie z podróży, Pauvre et Douce Coree, można określić jako reprezentatywny orientalizm estetyczny. Starał się, by wszystkie "koreańskie sprawy" wydały się piękne i miłe, ale prawdą jest, że taki pogląd może ukryć coś konkretnego. Ta perspektywa od samego początku upiększa Koreę, a także w tym samym czasie ukrywa rzeczywisty obraz Korei. E. Burton Holmes był podróżnikiem i często używał swojego "aparatu fotograficznego" do nagrywania rzeczy, których był świadkiem podczas podróży po całym świecie. Tak więc jego reportaż (travelogue) i film fabularny o Korei z 1901 roku opierały się na ścisłej obserwacji i raczej obiektywnym punkcie widzenia. Niemniej jednak nie mógł on uniknąć perspektywy modelu kolonizatora świata, innymi słowy, geograficznego dyfuzjonizmu.

With the Great War raging at the turn of the century, photographic postcards brought images of the conflict from the front to the mailbox. World War I brought the difficulties of a society transforming through industrialization to the fore. New twentieth century technologies were met with nineteenth century war strategies. Militaries scrambled to alter their tactics to match the grossly violent power of new weaponry like chemical gas and bombs. With the advancement of weaponry also came the proliferation of amateur photography. The introduction of Eastman Kodak's brownie camera in 1900, revolutionized the portable camera. In 1912 the Eastman Kodak vest pocket camera was most popular with WWI soldiers. Production of war postcards was an accessible means of visually communicating the experiences of soldiers with their families back home. The postcards are of images that are striking but palatable, depicting superficial or romanticized facets of war that celebrate camaraderie, the power of new technology, or in the least honorable death. The most whimsical of the postcards is that of a troop of French soldiers cycling through the countryside. They are all dressed in identical uniform with messenger bags strapped across one shoulder and guns across the other. The text on the front of the card Guerre1914/15 compagnie des ehasseurs cyclistes dates the image to the beginning of the war, and the back includes a written message dated September 11th, 1915. During the conflict postage was free for war postcards, explaining why the card is lacking a stamp. The handwritten note on the back allows us to pry into the quotidian experience of life during the war. Another postcard that presents a complicated wartime narrative is that of the German War cemetery at La Maison Blanche of Nueville Sant- Vaast. The cemetery is the largest for German soldiers in France, serving as the symbolic resting place of more than 40,000 German soldiers whose bodies could not be recovered from the battlefields. The image on the front of the postcard is dominated by black crosses which extend as far as the eye can see and blur into an indistinguishable mass in the background. The French text complicates the imagery. Displaying the enemy dead could have rallied camaraderie and pride or functioned as a solemn reminder of the awful new power of twentieth century weaponry. WWI saw the rise of photojournalism. Staging or recreating scenes to photograph were not looked down upon until after 1916 when notions of photographic representation became ensnared in an allied ideology and ultimately contributing to a greater social control of war imagery. This is likely because tech prior to WWI made documenting battles (like the American Civil War) only possible before and after a battle or through the restaging of a battle. Exposures took too long to capture motions and film/plates needed to be quickly developed in portable darkrooms. As more portable camera systems developed, ethics of authenticity still lingered though the technical restraints of nineteenth century processes were lifted. Following 1916 some groups appointed official photographers to document using medium format cameras, ushering in a greater censorship of what sort of war images could be shown. —Harlee Mollenkopf ('17) "Neuville-Saint-Vaast. -- Cimetière allemand de la Maison Blanche. -- 40.000 tombes" ; https://digital.kenyon.edu/arthistorystudycollection/1400/thumbnail.jpg

В статье рассматриваются экологические последствия разработки месторождений сланцевой нефти. Нефтеносные сланцы встречаются во многих районах мира, и, по предварительным оценкам, нефти в них содержится гораздо больше в традиционных коллекторах. Однако их разработка сопряжена со многими сложностями, включающих помимо технических и значительное воздействие на окружающую среду и недра всей технологической цепочки освоения месторождения. Сланцевая нефть относится к трудноизвлекаемым запасам. Необходимость разработки месторождений с низкими коллекторскими свойствами обусловлена тем, что запасы традиционной нефти во многих районах мира истощаются. Для восполнения ресурсной базы проводятся работы по учету тех горных пород, которые ранее относились к неперспективным. Таких углевородоросодержащих пород насчитывается более десятка, но наибольшую известность получили те, которые содержат так называемую сланцевую нефть. Учитывая, что сланцевая нефть заключена в коллекторах с плохими емкостными свойствами, то при ее добыче приходится использовать такие методы повышения нефтеотдачи пластов, которые негативным образом сказываются на естественном состоянии окружающей среды. В числе таких методов наибольшее распространение получил метод гидроразрыва пласта. Его особенностью является высокая энерго- и водоемкость в сочетании с использованием большого количества химических веществ и соединений, которые способствуют аккумуляции нефти в конкретной точке и возможности ее подъема на дневную поверхность. В странах Северной Америки – пионерах добычи сланцевой нефти – уже осознали, что добыча такой нефти представляет не только дорогостоящее мероприятие, но и экологически вредное, наносящее ущерб не только окружающей среде, но и населению. Во многих уголках США и Канады местное население совместно с экологическими организациями через законодательные инициативы отстаивает свои экологические интересы. В этой ситуации жителям России, живущим в нефтяных районах, будет полезным знать, с чем им придется столкнуться в будущем, когда начнется добыча сланцевой нефти, и как отстаивать свои интересы. ; The article observes the ecological influence of shale oil extraction. Oil shales are located all-over the world and contain far more oil supplies than in traditional collectors. Nevertheless, their development is always accompanied by different technical difficulties and the influence on the environment during the whole process of the development. Shale oil is a difficult to extract resource. The development of oil fields with low collecting ability is determined by the fact that the traditional resources of the world are more and more exhausted year-by-year. To recharge the resource base, works are carried out to account the rock formations that previously were considered as unperspective. There are many of such hydrocarbons, but the greatest notability belongs to those that have shale oil in their composite. The shale oil extraction greatly influences the environment due to its location in collectors with low capacity parameters. One of the methods of shale oil extraction is the hydrofracturing. Its main characteristics are high water and energy use with the accompanying of the great amounts of different chemicals that accumulate oil in a certain location and help it to dwell on the surface. In the North American countries, where the shale oil extraction began, the governments realized its dangers in different ecological and population aspects. In many states of the USA and Canada, different ecological organizations allied with the locals in protecting their ecological rights. It would be useful for the Russians that live in oil extraction districts to know what may happen to them, when the industry of shale oil extraction comes to them.