Suchergebnisse

Academic Collective Action (ACA) stands as a small-scale collective action for social change toward liberation, independence and equity in academia. Academic collectives in Turkey, as an example of ACA, prefigure building academia outside the university by emphasizing the extent to which neoliberal academia has already prepared the groundwork for more recent waves of oppression. In this research, we aim to reveal the manifestations of neoliberalism in ACA as captured with prominent social/political psychological concepts of collective action. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 21 dismissed academics to understand the social and political psychological processes in academic collectives. The narrations of ACA were accompanied by manifestations of neoliberalism as experienced by dismissed academics. We found that, as follows from the existing conceptual tools of collective action, neoliberalism serves as an embedded contextual factor in the process of ACA. This becomes mostly visible for grievances but also for collective identifications, politicization, motivations, finding/allocating resources and sustaining academic collectives. We provide a preliminary basis to understand the role of neoliberalism in organization, mobilization and empowerment dynamics of collective action.

Perception, evaluation and representation of the environment have been the subject of many disciplines including psychology, geography and architecture. In environmental and social psychology literature there are several evidences which suggest that cognitive representations about a place consisted of not only geographic items but also social and cultural. Mental representations of residence area or a country are influenced and determined by social-demographics, the physical and social context. Thus, all mental representations of a given place are also social representations. Cognitive maps are the main and common instruments that are used to identify spatial images and the difference between physical and subjective environments. The aim of the current study is investigating the mental and social representations of Turkey in university students' minds. Data was collected from 249 university students from different departments (i.e. psychology, geography, history, tourism departments) of Ege University. Participants were requested to reflect Turkey in their mind onto the paper drawing sketch maps. According to the results, cognitive maps showed geographic aspects of Turkey as well as the context of symbolic, cultural and political reality of Turkey. That is to say, these maps had many symbolic and verbal items related to critics on social and cultural problems, ongoing ethnic and political conflicts, and actual political agenda of Turkey. Additionally, one of main differentiations in these representations appeared in terms of the East and West side of the Turkey, and the representations of the East and West was varied correspondingly participants' cultural background, their ethnic values, and where they have born. The results of the study were discussed in environmental and social psychological perspective considering cultural and social values of Turkey and current political circumstances of the country.

AbstractWithin the context of the transformation of Turkey from a country of emigration to an immigration and transit country, the migration scene is becoming more heterogeneous, with both the formal and informal labor markets being increasingly internationalized. This paper focuses on de-qualification, defined as migrants taking on jobs that do not match their skills, which is a neglected issue within the migration literature on Turkey with the potential for further research. Based on open-ended interviews and participant observation in İstanbul, the paper elaborates on the different instruments of de-qualification. De-qualification is considered here as an important element of precariousness in the labor market, with different mechanisms functioning simultaneously; namely, accreditation problems, a language disadvantage, lack of information, and identity-based discrimination.

The beginning of the Cold War, the Truman Doctrine, and the Marshall Plan have made a radical change in Turkey's foreign policy. In 1946, with the Marshall Aid, sympathy for America and the anti-communism
perception were created in Turkey. Within the ideological atmosphere of the Korean War, the China and
communism perception began to negatively emerge in the Turkish public opinion. In order to convince the Turkish public opinion with regard to the Korean War, the perception that communism is anti-Turk and anti-Islam, invasive and enemy was imposed by NATO. Turkic, Islamic anti-communist movements were supported by NATO and the Uyghur problem was created in this period to create a China perception. The article explored how the China and communism perception was created through the media and ideological atmosphere in Turkey during the process of Turkey's becoming a member of NATO and the Korean War. In the research, newspapers, publications, and articles covering the Korean War from the period starting with Marshall Plan in 1946 were examined.

Front -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- 1. From Association to Accession Negotiations: EU-Turkish Economic Relations, 1959-2009 -- 2. Integrating the EU and Turkish Economies: The Customs Union and the Accession Partnership -- 3. Current Turkish Economic Policies and the Target of EU Membership -- 4. Public Sector Governance in Turkey: Evaluating a Reform Agenda -- 5. Prospects of Foreign Direct Investment in Turkey during the Negotiation Process -- 6. EU-Turkish Enlargement Negotiations and Implications for Turkish Labour Market -- 7. Turkish SMEs Competitiveness within EU Negotiation -- 8. Turkish Agriculture at the Crossroads: Structural Change and EU Membership -- 9. The Role of Energy in the EU-Turkey Relations -- 10. EU-Turkey Negotiations on Information Society and Media -- Conclusion -- List of Contributors.

It is increasingly acknowledged that gender (in-) equality is one of the most significant factors underlying change in fertility behavior. Researchers have extensively studied the link between gender (in-) equality and fertility decision-making in various settings. However, most of these studies have focused on industrialized countries in North America, Europe, and East Asia, while very few examine this relationship in a non-western, developing country context. Employing individual-level survey data, this paper examines the relationship between parents' gender role attitudes and their fertility intentions for an additional child in urban Turkey, surveyed in 2014. The findings of this study show that parents' attitudes toward gender roles were not an important predictor of fertility decision-making in Turkey. This study suggests that the lack of significant findings supporting the expected association may be related to the measurement of gender role attitudes, suggesting a need to construct a measure that addresses culture-specific aspects of gender roles. This study contributes to the literature by providing a new data point, Turkey, and bringing a comparative perspective to the existing research.

During the urban clashes between Kurdish militants and Turkish state forces in 2015-2016, young politicized social media users in Istanbul witnessed and experienced political violence through their engagement with violent words and images on social media, without being anywhere near the armed clashes. These were photographs of militarized nationalist performances of masculinized domination and sexist graffiti, produced by the Turkish Special Forces and circulated in the cyberspace. Based on an ethnographic study among young educated pro-Kurdish viewers and an ethnographically situated textual analysis of the graffiti, this article illustrates the ways images are perceived in the particular cultural and sociopolitical context. It argues that the gendered meanings that relate to the core of the gendered and ethnicized structural violence in Turkey, enhance the affective cybertouchof political violence.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIXwendin û hiskirina cinsiyetê di grafîtî û wêneyên bikeran de li TirkiyeyêEv meqale berê xwe dide hêlên cinsî yên rasthatinên hissî û watedar ên ligel grafîtîyên bikeran û wêneyên qadên şerê bajarî li bajarên kurdî li başûr-rojhilatê Tirkiyeyê. Di dema pêvçûnên nav bajêr di navbera mîlîtanên kurd û hêzên dewleta tirk de, salên 2015-2016, bikerên ciwan û polîtîzebûyî yên medyaya civakî li Stenbolê bûn şahîd û tecrubekerên şideta polîtîk wexta ketine ber pêla wêneyên xeşîm ên grafîtîyên cinsiyetger û performansên neteweger û mîlitarîst ên serdestiya nêrîne, ku ew wêne û grafîtî ji destê Hêzên Taybet ên Tirk derketibûn û li seranserê qada sîber hatibûn belavkirin. Ev meqale xwe li ser bingeha etnografiya bînerên ciwan û perwerî yên piştgirên kurdan û li ser bingeha tehlîla metnî ya grafîtîyan ji nezera etnografîk ve hatiye avakirin, û îdia dike ku ew sûret bi dilxwelîn û hêrseke mezin tesîr li bîneran dike ji ber wateyên xwe ên siyasî û cinsiyetperest, ku ev yek jî berê me dide kakila şideta binyadî li Tirkiyeyê. Tesîrên şer ne tiştên ne-subjektîf, pêş-gotarî, gerdûnî û tesadufî ne, belku ew di sûbjektîfiyên polîtîk-cinsî yên mirovan re derbas dibin û li ser wan têne mohrkirin ji ber çarçoveya xwe ya babsalarî û nefreta li hember jinan. Amajeyên aloz û pir cinsî rê didin rêzeke bîranîn û bibîrxistinên ku tecrubeya hissî bilind dikin.ABSTRACT IN SORANIXwêndinewe û hest kirdin be cender le grafîtî û fotografî tawankarîy le Turkiya daEm meqaleye terkîz dekat le ser rehende cenderîyekanî peywendîdarbûnî hestewerî û watadar legell grafîtî tawankarîy (Perpetrator grafiti) û fotografî da le zone bajêrrîyekanî şerr le şare kurdîyekanî başûrî rojhellatî Turkiya da. Le katî berdewamîy pêkdadane bajêrrîyekanî nêwan çekdare kurdekan û hêze dewlletîyekanî Turkiya da le nêwan sallanî 2015 bo 2016 da bekarhêneranî gencî be siyasîbûwî soşyal mîdiya bûne şahîd û ezmûnkerî siyasetêkî tundûtîj ke le rêgay bekarhênanî wênegelî tundûtîjî xonîşandane netewegera serbazîyekanî heymeney mêrsalarî û grafîtîy sêksîst, le layen hêze taybetekanî Turkiyawe berhem dehatin û le sayber speys da pexş dekiran. Le ser binemay êtnografîy temaşakaranî gencî, pêgeyiştûwî kurdgerawe û şîkarîy têkstgerayî be êtnografîy şwênga kiraw, em meqaleye pêdagirîy lewe dekat ke ew wênane be şêweyekî pirr bêz û tûrreyî karîgerîy le ser temaşakeranîyan dadenên, eweyş be hoy wata siyasîye be cenderkirawekanîyanewe ke degatewe kirrokî tundûtîjî bûnyadî le Turkiya da. Encamekanî şerr ziyatir lewey ke kesî, prê-dîskursîv, gerdûnî û herremekîy bin, be kesêtiye siyasîye be cenderkirawekanî xellk da deguzerên û be hoy çwarçêwe bawksalar û dije jinekeyanewe pêyanewe deçespên. Amaje alloz û be qûllî becenderkrawekan beşêkî bîrewerîy û peywendîyekan hoşyar dekatewe û debête hoyî ziyadbûnî ezmunî hestewerî.

Bu tezi hazırlamaktaki amacımız, öncelikle, günden güne artan siber suç tehlikesine dikkat çekmek, Sibersuç Sözleşmesindeki hükümleri, bunların getirilmesinin altında yatan gerekçeler ile birlikte ortaya koymak ve müteakiben, Sözleşme karşısında ülkemizin durumunu belirleyerek, Sözleşmeyi imzalamanın fayda ve mahzurlarını ortaya koymaktır. Bilindiği üzere, siberuzay tamamı ile hukuksuz bir alan değildir. Bununla birlikte, siberuzayı denetim altına almaya yönelik her türlü çaba, toplumsal özgürlükler ve temel haklara saygılı olmayı da kendine ilke edinmelidir. Bugüne kadar siber tehlikenin önlenmesi amacı ile gerek ulusal gerekse ulusüstü platformlarda çeşitli çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Tüm bu çalışmalar, insanlığın bilgi teknolojilerine olan bağımlılığı arttıkça, siber tehlikenin boyutlarının da arttığını göstermektedir. Bu çalışmaların bir yararı da, konu üzerinde bir uluslarüstü bilincin oluşmasına neden olmalarıdır.Tezimizin ana temasını oluşturan Sibersuç Sözleşmesi Ceza Hukukunun diğer alanları ile beraber siber suçlara ilişkin milli düzenlemelerin de uyumlulaştırılmasını amaçlayan ve konuya ilişkin maddi ceza hukuku ile ceza usul hukuku düzenlemelerini bir arada sunan ilk uluslararası belge olma özelliğine sahiptir. Bu arada, her ne kadar, uluslararası sözleşme seçeneği sibersuçlarla mücadelede en yetkin yöntemlerden birisi ise de, bunun tek başına yeterli olmadığını ve diğer alanlardaki çalışma ve çabaların da biraraya getirilmesi gerektiğini kabul etmek zorundayız. Sözleşmede tipleri ve yapıları belirtilen sibersuç modelleri ülkemizdeki düzenlemeler ile benzerlikler göstermektedir. Ancak, özellikle ceza usul hukuku düzenlemeleri konusunda hukukumuzda büyük eksiklikler olduğu da bilinmektedir. Diğer taraftan, Sözleşmenin getirdiği ceza usul tedbirleri, temel hakları ve toplumsal özgürlükleri ortadan kaldıran nitelikte düzenlemeler değildir. Milletlerarası yardımlaşmaya ilişkin düzenlemeler ise sibersuçlara yönelik mücadelenin etkinliği için gerekli olan düzenlemelerdir. Sözleşmenin getirdiği yenilikler ve ülkemizin Avrupa Birliği'ne tam üyelik sürecinde kabul etmiş bulunduğu Ulusal Programdaki yükümlükleri dolayısı ile Sözleşmenin Türkiye tarafından da imzalanması gerektiği düşüncesindeyiz.The objectives of this thesis are to underline cybercrime consciousness and challenge of cyberthreat bearing worldwide, to give a detailed explanation of the provinces in the Cybercrime Convention stressing on the circumstances why those provinces had to be developed, and then to photograph Turkey's position across the Convention, with regard to Criminal Law issues and to view pros and cons of being a signatory to the Convention.Cyberspace is not a lawless place and it should be governed. However, cyberspace governance should also respect civil liberties and fundamental human rights. In order to resist challenges brought by cyberthreat, many national and international studies have been fulfilled so far. All those efforts proved that the threat is growing day by day due to the increase in the dependency of mankind on information technologies. Importance of those studies is that they helped surmounting an international diligence on the issue.Cybercrime Convention which is the core of our study, is the first international tool, bringing substantial and procedural law issues together in the same scale and aiming harmonization in the cyber law as well as in the other fields of Penal Law. Although, choice of international convention is one of the most efficient ways to govern cyberspace, it is certainly and solely not adequate. For this reason, efforts in other fields should have to be gathered.Types and structures of cybercrimes in the Convention are similar to that of Turkish Regulations. Nevertheless, there are certain deficiencies in the Turkish regulations especially in the field of procedural penal law. Indeed, procedural instruments offered by the Convention are not a danger for civil liberties and fundamental rights and provisions of the Convention related to international co-operation are inevitable means of providing effectiveness of the struggle against cybercrimes. Due to the benefits offered by Convention and the obligation that our country undertook in Turkish National Program towards full membership to European Union, we believe Turkey should sign the Convention.

To better understand the lasting legacy of international relations in the post-Ottoman Middle East, we must first re-examine Turkey's engagement with the region during the interwar period. Long assumed to be a period of deliberate disengagement and ruptured ties between Turkey and its neighbours, Amit Bein instead argues that in the volatile 1930s, Turkey was in fact perceived as taking steps towards increasing its regional prominence. Bein examines the unstable situation along Turkey's Middle Eastern borders, the bilateral diplomatic relations Ankara established with fledgling governments in the region, grand plans for transforming Turkey into a major transit hub for Middle Eastern and Eurasian transportation and trade, and Ankara's effort to enhance its image as a model for modernization of non-Western societies. Through this, he offers a fresh, enlightening perspective on the Kemalist legacy that still resonates in the modern politics of the region today

"Why did many emerging countries pursue risky financial opening policies in a reckless manner, even after the painful example of the Latin American debt crisis? Unlike trade liberalization, which has mostly been beneficial in emerging countries, the removal of capital controls has led to boom-bust patterns in many countries. It is not simply driven by class or sectoral interests, nor is it just a result of ideational changes in policy-making circles, or international pressure. Gemici argues that to fully understand the motivation for these policies, we need to take into account distributional struggles prior to their enactment. In this book, Gemici shows that conflictual distributional relations significantly increase the likelihood of capital account liberalization. Through in-depth comparative case studies, he also demonstrates that countries which liberalize in the most comprehensive manner tend to be the countries characterized by a high degree of distributional conflict. The case studies - Argentina, Chile, South Korea , and Turkey - have been chosen to maximise variation in distributional relations and to escape regional clustering, showing quite different trajectories of capital account liberalization. This will be of great interest to readers in sociology, international political economy and heterodox economics, as well as specialists in the countries examined"--