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Abstract
This article engages with community-led responses to religious and political forms of violence within British Muslim communities. The focus here is on 'bottom-up', community-led responses to religious and political forms of violence, a relatively underrepresented topic, given the extent of policy and research literature concerning the nature and effects of 'top-down' counter-terrorism and counter-extremist initiatives such as the UK Government's Prevent strategy. The article argues two main points. First, that solutions to the problems of extremism, radicalisation and terrorism (to use the linguistic framework of the UK Government), or to the problems of religious and political forms of violence (the term used here), might be found as much within the realms of religion, culture, family and community as within the realms of security, policing and legislation. Second, that an analytical framework for the development of community-led approaches may be developed via consideration of the social psychological concept of resilience.

The ideological ferment occurring during Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings' ascension to political power in Ghana has forged our understanding of the political and economic developments of the country. Such an ideological turn occurring during Rawlings' secondcoming has defined and continued to shape Ghana's economic and political developmental trend as we know it. While some, if not most, of the revolution's upshots prove to be perfunctory and ephemeral, Rawlings' revolution, though ideologically disinclined digressed from this norm. This article argues that, based on experiences elsewhere including the Caribbean, the true significance of the Rawlings quasi-revolution therefore is not to be found in the polemics of scholarly pursuit of what constitutes a true revolution or not, but in its earnestness of providence in its quest for economic stability, growth and consistency, also in its ability to purge, both in government and in society. The true measure of Rawlings' second coming is that it created the environment, politically and economically, through which to implement economic reforms, thus defining a clear developmental trajectory post military rule for Ghana.

Until recently, the political influence of trade unions primarily relied on ties to labour-friendly political parties. Since the 1990s, however, party-union relations have deteriorated, forcing unions to consider complementary political strategies. This article reviews different direct democratic instruments at local, national and EU levels. We distinguish popular consultations initiated by government from above from citizens' initiatives initiated from below and discuss corresponding trade union experiences in Germany, Italy, Ireland, Slovenia and Switzerland. We also analyse the successful right2water European Citizens Initiative (ECI) of the European Federation of Public Service Unions and the failed fair transport ECI of the European Transport Workers' Federation at EU level. Whereas unions have successfully used direct democratic instruments to (i) defend social achievements or (ii) as a lever to extract policy concessions, direct democracy is also challenging. Successful direct democratic campaigns require unions that are able to mobilise their own rank-and-file and to inspire larger sections of society.

AbstractPolicy studies suggest that scientists should adopt two strategies to close the 'evidence‐policy gap'. First, engage in political debates to help define policy problems and solutions rather than expect the evidence to speak for itself. Second, learn where the action is, form long‐term coalitions, and exploit the 'rules of the game' to maximise your influence in complex policy‐making systems. Both lessons can prompt major dilemmas, for many actors, about going beyond your expertise and comfort zone when engaging politically and pragmatically. Scientists should learn from feminist social policy actors who routinely (a) combine evidence with engagement to pursue social change, and (b) face tough choices about framing their aims in terms of the dominant political discourse. We use Scottish social policy as a case study, examining how feminist actors exploited the opportunity, afforded by constitutional and political reforms since 1999, to create a collaborative 'velvet triangle' between the government, academia, and interest groups. Their experience suggests that limited and slow policy change requires major engagement and compromise.

Policy studies suggest that scientists should adopt two strategies to close the 'evidence-policy gap'. First, engage in political debates to help define policy problems and solutions rather than expect the evidence to speak for itself. Second, learn where the action is, form longterm coalitions, and exploit the 'rules of the game' to maximise your influence in complex policy-making systems. Both lessons can prompt major dilemmas, for many actors, about going beyond your expertise and comfort zone when engaging politically and pragmatically. Scientists should learn from feminist social policy actors who routinely (a) combine evidence with engagement to pursue social change, and (b) face tough choices about framing their aims in terms of the dominant political discourse. We use Scottish social policy as a case study, examining how feminist actors exploited the opportunity, afforded by constitutional and political reforms since 1999, to create a collaborative 'velvet triangle' between the government, academia, and interest groups. Their experience suggests that limited and slow policy change requires major engagement and compromise.

ABSTRACTProblems in this research: 1) Is the birth of Law No. 42 of 1999 on Fiduciary Guarantee has provided legal certainty for the parties? 2) What is the implementation and or implementation of Law Number 42 Year 1999 regarding Fiduciary Guarantee? A review of the legal certainty guaranteed to the parties and the implementation or implementation of Law Number 42 Year 1999 regarding Fiduciary Guarantee, carried out by normative juridical approach. The conclusion of this study is that to accommodate and respond to the wishes of the general public and especially the business world in order to achieve legal certainty and security of business, the government makes or issued Law No. 42 of 1999 on the Fiduciary Guaranty Act. Whereas with the enactment of Law No. 42 of 1999 the desired political law is a legal political model that provides a larger space for community participation, thereby creating a democratic character and creating a responsive legal configuration.Keywords: Political Law, Fiduciary Security, Legal Certainty.

I consider a two-period model in which being "too big" is only a necessary condition for an insolvent firm to receive a government bailout because, in addition to meeting a threshold asset size, the firm must engage in a lobbying contest in order to be bailed out. The firm has a political advantage because its probability of winning the contest is increasing in its size. When the firm experiences an unfavorable price shock, I find that the balance between the size of the requisite bailout and the firm's political advantage of being "too big to fail" determines the firm's probability of getting a bailout. Surprisingly but consistent with the US government's differential treatment of Lehman Brothers and Bear Stearns during the 2008-2010 financial crisis, I find that a smaller firm may receive a bailout while a bigger firm will not, although both firms meet the threshold size of "too big to fail" and a firm's political advantage is increasing in its size.

The paper argues that political economy factors, rather than oil wealth, shape the budgetary process and outcomes in Bahrain. Fiscal volatility and excessive current spending (in the form of wages, social welfare and subsidies) leading to unsustainable non-oil deficits are not fully derived from oil price volatility. Weak institutions including those underlying the budgetary process contributed to some fiscal laxity. They have allowed rulers to use current spending as a channel for the redistribution of oil rents and to secure political stability and allegiance to the regime in a turbulent socio-political environment. The budgetary process is undermined by the structure of the bicameral parliament and the absence of restrictions on the parliament to amend the budget weaken the position of the executive. In the general context of limited transparency and accountability, the government may also be exercising its discretionary powers over the budget execution but it would not be known. ; IFPRI5; EgyptSSP; 5 Strengthening Institutions and Governance ; DSGD ; Non-PR

The present article is focused on the relationship between a sacred object: the moi-e-muqaddas (the Prophet's hair), housed in the Hazratbal shrine in Kashmir, and the Kashmiri Muslim community. The relic, which was stolen from the shrine on 27 December 1963, lead to a massive protest in the Kashmir valley and in other parts of the subcontinent, as people demanded its immediate recovery. Such thefts, which have been reported from across the world and across centuries, point to the extreme value of the relics, and the additional value they generate when they are stolen. Similarly, the Hazratbal relic theft became a vehicle for reifying certain Kashmiri Muslim social and political sentiments. The incident also catapulted the issue of Kashmir's political accession, which emerged in 1947 at the time of the partition of the subcontinent, to the forefront, alarming the Indian government. The Hazratbal relic episode is also reflective of the role of religious ideas and symbols in political action in South Asia.

The aim of this research is to find out the understanding of the political community after watching the Episode "2019 presidential election: Jokowi getting stronger?". Data collection is done by Interview, Observation, and Documentation. The interviewees in this study were ten people from Hamlet XIII in Sei Rotan Village. The research method used in this study is a qualitative descriptive method and tends to use analysis as well as to highlight the process and meaning. Technical data analysis used in the study is data collection, data reduction, data presentation (data display) and conclusion (verification). The results of this reaserch show that Indonesian Lawyers Club Impressions on TV One Episode "2019 presidential election: Jokowi getting stronger?". Can provide political understanding for the community. Where related 5 (Five) Indicators in the form of understanding of the State, Government, Power, Political Parties and General Elections. As well as the benefits obtained by the community in the form of insights about politics, as well as benefits that lead to positive things for the community.

Drawing on empirical data collected from petitioners in Chinese courts, this article analyzes how the regime's political concern for social stability transforms petitioners' disputes and shapes the evolution of their legal consciousness. Compared with first-time petitioners, who often address their complaints within a legal paradigm, the veteran petitioners take advantage of the judges' political concern for social stability and present their disputes as potentially threatening social stability. They hold the judiciary responsible for their plight; they petition courts during "sensitive periods"; they employ innovative tactics to draw official attention; and they seek to secure government stability-maintenance funds as a substitute for legal remedies. However, in framing a legal dispute as a political problem, the veteran petitioners risk retaliation. This article's analysis provides insights into the operation of the court petition system, how the legal consciousness of Chinese petitioners evolves, and how in the petitioners' eyes the legitimacy of the legal system gets eroded. (China J/GIGA)

As for what is in this research is 1. How is the concept of monotheism in perspective Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi? 2. How are the implications of monotheism on the perspective of the political perspective Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi?. The results of research on the Tawhid Implications of the Perspective Political Order Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi. Stating 1) Tawheed according to Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi in a simple and traditional way, namely: Beliefs and testimonies that there is no God but Allah. The name of God is God and occupies a central position in every position, action and thought of every Muslim. Tawhid is also a general view of reality, the world, space and time, human history and destiny. 2) Monotheistic implications of the political order is to develop a system of government that can bring closer and fulfill the Divine will, namely a system based on the Qur'an and Sunnah. While the Caliphate was built based on the agreement of three dimensions, namely agreement of insight, agreement of will and agreement of action.

This article examines the politics of institutional governance of displacements and the intersecting experiences of environmental justice, drawing on case studies of flood disasters and urban displacements in Villahermosa, Mexico, and government-sponsored displacements and resettlements in rural Oromia, Ethiopia. We argue that a fuller understanding of how institutional governance produces multiple marginalisations requires political-ecological and intersectional analyses of residents' experiences of injustices that encompass interlinkages between social position, gender and political power. The analysis is based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Mexico and Ethiopia, comprising interviews, participant observation, document analysis and surveys. The study shows similarities and differences in patterns of governance, mechanisms of marginalisation and relations of authority and power concerning differentiated displacements and everyday vulnerabilities in different contexts of the global South. Our analysis enriches theoretical understanding of governance and justice, demonstrating how multiple marginalities are produced, reinforced and contested through political processes imbricated with forms of governance characterised by institutional intrusion and absence. ; Peer reviewed

© 2018 Arceneaux et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. Recent research suggests that psychological needs can influence the political attitudes of ordinary citizens, often outside of their conscious awareness. In this paper, we investigate whether psychological needs also shape the spending priorities of political elites in the US. Most models of policymaking assume that political elites respond to information in relatively homogeneous ways. We suggest otherwise, and explore one source of difference in information processing, namely, threat sensitivity, which previous research links to increased support for conservative policy attitudes. Drawing on a sample of state-level policymakers, we measure their spending priorities using a survey and their level of threat sensitivity using a standard psychophysiological measure (skin conductance). We find that, like ordinary citizens, threat sensitivity leads even state-level policymakers to prioritize spending on government polices that are designed to minimize threats.

Spinoza's political theory and within it the analysis of democracy as a form of State, exercises a materialist criticism of scholastic and enlightened dogma, based on the redefinition of political rationality, conceived as a sequence of the reason of infinite Substance, multiple causal networks unaware of understanding and will. Inside this analytical frame, democracy is an ontological theocracy, government of necessary laws in political scale and overlooking the stability of State. ; La teoría política de Spinoza y, dentro de ella, el análisis de la democracia como forma de Estado, ejerce una crítica materialista de los dogmas escolásticos e ilustrados basada en la redefinición de la racionalidad política, concebida como una secuencia de la racionalidad de la Substancia infinita, red causal múltiple ajena a voluntad y entendimiento. En ese marco analítico, la democracia es una teocracia ontológica, el gobierno de las leyes necesarias a la escala de lo político y con vistas a la estabilidad del Estado.