This thesis explores the quest for autonomy by the Alle ethnic minority and changing relationships in Konso-Dirashe-Alle areas of Southern Ethiopia. It also examines the causes of violent clashes between the Alle peasants and the security forces in 2008. Alle people with many other diverse peoples were incorporated into the Ethiopian empire state in the late 19th century but living without equal entitlement as citizen of a political community. Glimpse of hope came in 1991 when current government constituted by the Ethiopia People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) made a radical restructuring of the Ethiopian empire state into an ethnic based federal state with an aim to end suppressive centralized control, redress grievances of different peoples and transform conflicts in the country. A new constitution which was put into practice in 1995 guarantees human and collective rights, such as rights to develop and use one's own language, culture and history as well as to establish government institutions in one's own territory. Even if the theoretical framework of the constitution is minority friendly, the Alle ethnic group have not experienced the practical constitutional provisions. They continued the quest for autonomy and self-expression. They also continued their grievances. The purpose of the ruling government among the Alle people, on the other hand, has been marked by priority to get political support and strength its party base. The politics of difference that the local cadres of the ruling government use has almost ruined the peaceful intra-ethnic and interethnic interaction among the Alle and their neighbours. The Alle ethnic minority sense of insecurity has increased due to the policies from above which affect not only their individual and collective identity and relationships, but also their survival as human beings as their land is continued to be given to private investors. Thus, this thesis presents the subjective views of the Alle people in their continued quest for autonomy and self-expression. The possible violation of human and collective rights is implied. This thesis also calls for the enforcement of the existing constitutional provisions on human and collective rights for peaceful interactions and expressions of identities, particularly for ethnic minority.
Раздел "Международные отношения" - рубрика "История международных отношений - ХХ век ; Статья посвящена советско-польским отношениям в период Второй мировой войны. Автором анализируются причины и развитие кризиса советско-польского союза в конце 1942 — апреле 1943 г., выявляется роль основных политических сил, оказавших влияние на данный процесс. Заключенный в 1941 г. между СССР и польским эмигрантским правительством союз против Германии изначально имел неразрешимые противоречия, в первую очередь, по вопросам о межгосударственной границе и определения гражданства лиц на спорных территориях. Успех своей деятельности польское эмигрантское правительство связывало с поддержкой Великобритании и США. Ошибочно преувеличивая возможности западных союзников, оно в то же время не замечало масштабов нарастающей силы СССР. Для кабинета В. Сикорского, позиция которого также не отличалась гибкостью, принятие основных стратегических целей советского руководства было неприемлемым. В результате по мере укрепления военно-политического положения СССР И. Сталин взял курс на свертывание отношений с польским эмигрантским правительством. «Катынский вопрос» послужил поводом для их прекращения. = The article deals with Soviet-Polish relations during World War II. The author analyses the causes and developments of the crisis of the alliance between Poland and the USSR at the end of 1942 — April 1943 and reveals the role of the main political forces which influenced this process. The alliance concluded between the USSR and the Polish emigrant government against Germany had inherent insoluble contradictions from the very beginning, primarily, on the issues of the inter-state borders and the citizenship of the people on the disputed territories. The Polish emigrant government depended on the support of Great Britain and the USA for its success. While exaggerating the potential of the western allies, this government would not notice the scope of the growing power of the USSR. W. Sikorski whose policy was not at all flexible, led the Cabinet that found the Soviet leaders' main strategic aims unacceptable. As a result, as the USSR's military and political position grew stronger, J. Stalin chose cut down the relations with the Polish emigrant government gradually. «The Katyn issue» served as a pretext to stop them altogether.
Opportunities for the construction of a transatlantic defense sector are tangible, but significant obstacles may accelerate the formation of a bipolar industrial base. While market forces played a key role in the transformation and consolidation of these sectors in recent years, political considerations are largely responsible for a restructuring process that has been almost entirely among U.S. firms in the United States and among European Union companies in Europe. In this monograph, Dr. Terrence Guay examines the forces that have shaped the restructuring of the U.S. and European defense industries since the end of the Cold War, and presents factors that will influence further restructuring and consolidation in the short- and medium-terms. He contends that a transatlantic defense industrial base is preferable to a bipolar one, and recommends that the U.S. Government open its defense equipment market to more European firms, and that European governments reciprocate. Additionally, military forces should put greater effort into coordinating procurement requirements and needs, and firms should explore expanding transatlantic links. ; "April 2005." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 31-34). ; Opportunities for the construction of a transatlantic defense sector are tangible, but significant obstacles may accelerate the formation of a bipolar industrial base. While market forces played a key role in the transformation and consolidation of these sectors in recent years, political considerations are largely responsible for a restructuring process that has been almost entirely among U.S. firms in the United States and among European Union companies in Europe. In this monograph, Dr. Terrence Guay examines the forces that have shaped the restructuring of the U.S. and European defense industries since the end of the Cold War, and presents factors that will influence further restructuring and consolidation in the short- and medium-terms. He contends that a transatlantic defense industrial base is preferable to a bipolar one, and recommends that the U.S. Government open its defense equipment market to more European firms, and that European governments reciprocate. Additionally, military forces should put greater effort into coordinating procurement requirements and needs, and firms should explore expanding transatlantic links. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Selling state-owned enterprises to the private sector has become a popular policy for governments all around the world. Chapter 1 provides an historical perspective on privatization, and it describes the objectives and the privatization techniques that have been adopted by many governments since the late 70s. The chapter then focuses on two important issues in the privatization debate, the underpricing of shares and the effect of ownership on performance. It reviews the most significant theoretical and empirical contributions to the analysis of these two issues, and it introduces the questions addressed in the remaining chapters of this dissertation. In Chapter 2 I consider a government that first privatizes a company and then competes for votes against a political opponent. The government's objective is to choose the price of shares and the level of promotional effort to maximize its total net revenues. After the sale of the company to the public there is an election and the two parties announce what expropriation rate they would implement if they win the political competition. I show that in this context it is optimal for the party in power in the first period to actively promote the sale and to underprice the stock with respect to its true value, in order to increase the size of the shareholders' interest group that will vote for the party announcing a low expropriation rate. In Chapter 3 I estimate the long-term impact of the British privatization program of the 70s, 80s, and 90s, on the government's finances. For a large sample of British companies that were privatized in the years 1979 to 1994, regression analysis shows no effect of change in ownership on company's gross profitability. This information is then combined with estimates of all relevant costs (implicit and explicit) and revenues for each sale, to assess the long-term effect of the privatization policies on the government's net worth. The results show that "Selling the State" generated considerable losses for the British Government. ; Ph. D.
La politique de l'eau évolue aujourd'hui, à l'échelle européenne, avec la mise en place de la directive cadre sur l'eau (DCE) qui vise un objectif de reconquête du "bon état écologique" de l'eau et des milieux aquatiques. Pour mettre en place les mesures appropriées de contrôle des pollutions, ou d'autres dysfonctionnements, cette directive préconise une gestion territoriale, par unités hydrogéographiques, qui rend inéluctable la rencontre avec les gestionnaires d'espaces que sont les forestiers. Dans ce contexte, les forestiers français travaillent actuellement avec les forestiers suédois et britanniques, dans le cadre d'un projet LIFE, pour préciser certaines possibilités de participation des espaces forestiers à la mise en oeuvre de la DCE. L'article présente les principaux outils de la politique française de l'eau ainsi que les raisons qui doivent conduire les forestiers à connaître et utiliser ces outils. L'adaptation de la gestion forestière aux fortes attentes environnementales de la société, que l'Europe met en avant, passe en effet par une adaptation des forestiers aux politiques territoriales qui prennent en charge ces attentes. Sous réserve de montrer ces capacités d'adaptation, les forestiers devraient pouvoir initier de nouveaux mécanismes de financement des services de protection rendus par les forêts. Le projet LIFE présenté dans cet article est un prototype de telles évolutions.
The article attempts to substantiate the expediency and practical significance of forming a comprehensive multilevel state consolidation policy of Ukraine based on unifying all groups of society civic and political values. The proposed conclusions and indicators of consolidation of society are part of the author's model of formation and adjustment the policy of consolidation of the state in systemic crisis in Ukraine. Theoretical considerations are based on scientific texts and studies of the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, the Institute of Political and Ethnonational Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine by I.F. Kuras, materials of opinion polls. It is determined that the perspective of development of the Ukrainian society consists in the complex state program and activity of civil sector in the context to achieve internal and external consolidation. It grounded that the Ukrainian case of the transit of democracy demonstrates the systemic problems of economic, institutional, political, social, security areas of state development, which acquire signs of constant transformation and flow from one plane to another. It is stated that among several approaches to the interpretation of the category of "consolidation", its functional significance lies in the ability to be both a process and the result of the implementation of appropriate policies in the state. The potential for developing an effective long-term program for the development of society is revealed in the values that have a civic and political character. The need to remove from public discourse topics and discussions on ethnic and national values that lead to confrontation and division in Ukrainian society has been identified. Based on the values of the Ukrainian political (civil) nation, the policy of state consolidation is designed to complete the stage of self-identification of Ukrainian society and give civilizational and geopolitical subjectivity to the state of Ukraine. ; У статті здійснено спробу обґрунтувати доцільність та практичну значущість формування комплексної багаторівневої політики консолідації української держави на основі об'єднуючих всі групи суспільства громадянсько-політичних цінностях.Запропоновані висновки та індикатори консолідації суспільства є частиною розробленої авторкою моделі формування та коригування політики консолідації держави в умовах системної кризи в Україні. Теоретичні міркування ґрунтуються на наукових текстах та дослідженнях Інституту соціології НАН України, Інституту політичних і етнонаціональних досліджень НАН України ім. І.Ф. Кураса, матеріалах соціологічних опитувань. Визначено, що перспектива розвитку українського суспільства полягає у комплексній державній програмі та активності громадянського сектору в контексті досягнення внутрішньої і зовнішньої консолідації. Доведено, що український кейс транзиту демократії демонструє системність проблем економічного, інституційного, політичного, соціального, безпекового напрямів розвитку держави, які набувають ознак постійної трансформації та перетікання з однієї в іншу площини. Вказано, що з-поміж низки підходів до трактування категорії «консолідація», її функціональне значення полягає у спроможності бути одночасно і процесом, і результатом здійснення відповідної політики у державі. Потенціал розробки ефективної довгострокової програми розвитку суспільства виявлено у цінностях, що мають громадянсько-політичний характер. Визначено необхідність виведення з публічного дискурсу тем та дискусій щодо етнічно-національних цінностей, які призводять до конфронтації та розколу в українському суспільстві. Обґрунтовано, що заснована на цінностях української політичної (громадянської) нації, політика консолідації держави покликана завершити етап самоідентифікації українського суспільства та надати цивілізаційної і геополітичної суб'єктності державі Україна.
The article attempts to substantiate the expediency and practical significance of forming a comprehensive multilevel state consolidation policy of Ukraine based on unifying all groups of society civic and political values. The proposed conclusions and indicators of consolidation of society are part of the author's model of formation and adjustment the policy of consolidation of the state in systemic crisis in Ukraine. Theoretical considerations are based on scientific texts and studies of the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, the Institute of Political and Ethnonational Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine by I.F. Kuras, materials of opinion polls. It is determined that the perspective of development of the Ukrainian society consists in the complex state program and activity of civil sector in the context to achieve internal and external consolidation. It grounded that the Ukrainian case of the transit of democracy demonstrates the systemic problems of economic, institutional, political, social, security areas of state development, which acquire signs of constant transformation and flow from one plane to another. It is stated that among several approaches to the interpretation of the category of "consolidation", its functional significance lies in the ability to be both a process and the result of the implementation of appropriate policies in the state. The potential for developing an effective long-term program for the development of society is revealed in the values that have a civic and political character. The need to remove from public discourse topics and discussions on ethnic and national values that lead to confrontation and division in Ukrainian society has been identified. Based on the values of the Ukrainian political (civil) nation, the policy of state consolidation is designed to complete the stage of self-identification of Ukrainian society and give civilizational and geopolitical subjectivity to the state of Ukraine. ; У статті здійснено спробу обґрунтувати доцільність та практичну значущість формування комплексної багаторівневої політики консолідації української держави на основі об'єднуючих всі групи суспільства громадянсько-політичних цінностях.Запропоновані висновки та індикатори консолідації суспільства є частиною розробленої авторкою моделі формування та коригування політики консолідації держави в умовах системної кризи в Україні. Теоретичні міркування ґрунтуються на наукових текстах та дослідженнях Інституту соціології НАН України, Інституту політичних і етнонаціональних досліджень НАН України ім. І.Ф. Кураса, матеріалах соціологічних опитувань. Визначено, що перспектива розвитку українського суспільства полягає у комплексній державній програмі та активності громадянського сектору в контексті досягнення внутрішньої і зовнішньої консолідації. Доведено, що український кейс транзиту демократії демонструє системність проблем економічного, інституційного, політичного, соціального, безпекового напрямів розвитку держави, які набувають ознак постійної трансформації та перетікання з однієї в іншу площини. Вказано, що з-поміж низки підходів до трактування категорії «консолідація», її функціональне значення полягає у спроможності бути одночасно і процесом, і результатом здійснення відповідної політики у державі. Потенціал розробки ефективної довгострокової програми розвитку суспільства виявлено у цінностях, що мають громадянсько-політичний характер. Визначено необхідність виведення з публічного дискурсу тем та дискусій щодо етнічно-національних цінностей, які призводять до конфронтації та розколу в українському суспільстві. Обґрунтовано, що заснована на цінностях української політичної (громадянської) нації, політика консолідації держави покликана завершити етап самоідентифікації українського суспільства та надати цивілізаційної і геополітичної суб'єктності державі Україна.
Com o desenvolvimento tecnológico e comunicacional dos últimos anos, as plataformas online começaram a ser criadas tanto por governantes quanto por setores da sociedade civil com a promessa de aumentar o engajamento civil. Apesar do entusiasmo das discussões sobre o tema em diferentes esferas, pouco se sabe sobre as reais possibilidades de participação online e sua efetividade no processo de tomada de decisão política. Este artigo propõe uma análise crítica sobre as iniciativas online de participação cidadã, suas características e consequências sociais e políticas. São realizadas duas revisões sistemáticas de literatura (RSL) sobre estudos de casos no mundo e no Brasil, usando a base de dados Web of Science, Scopus e DOAJ, entre 1995 e 2015. Os resultados das duas RSL são comparados e 179 plataformas são classificadas de acordo com o novo modelo de análise proposto, mensurando a participação política e o impacto decisório de cada plataforma online estudada. Os principais resultados sugerem um crescimento significativo de plataformas de participação no Brasil e mundo, porém com efeitos mais retóricos do que práticos: a maioria das iniciativas são promovidas por portais de governo eletrônico no modelo descendente, com pouca ou nenhuma influência no processo decisório real. Conclui-se que o poder – e não a tecnologia – é o principal entrave para a efetiva participação cidadã online, cujas barreiras são cultivadas por uma elite política tradicional pouco interessada na construção de uma democracia transparente, inclusiva e colaborativa. Sugere-se uma nova agenda de pesquisa voltada para a elaboração de indicadores de transparência das informações públicas, o desenvolvimento de métodos para a mensuração do impacto social e político das iniciativas governamentais e o investimento em pesquisas empíricas sobre iniciativas da sociedade civil que possam revelar soluções para os problemas, os efeitos colaterais e as contradições inerentes à participação política online. ; The technological and communicational development of recent years has led to the creation of online platforms both by governors and by civil society sectors, with the promise of enhancing citizen participation. Despite enthusiastic discussions regarding the issue in different spheres, not enough is known about the real potential of online participation and its effectiveness in the political decision-making process. This article proposes a critical analysis of citizen participation on online platforms, their social and political characteristics and consequences. Two systematic literature reviews (SLR) are conducted on case studies – the first one exclusively in Brazil and the second one on cases all over the world – using the Web of Science, Scopus and DOAJ databases, between 1995 and 2015. Primary results indicate a significant growth in participatory platforms in Brazil and the world, however with more rhetorical than practical effects: the majority of the initiatives are promoted by top-down style governmental electronic portals, with little or no influence in the real decision-making process. This article concludes that power – and not technology – is the key obstacle for effective online citizen participation, whose barriers are nurtured by a traditional political elite with little interest in building a transparent, inclusive and collaborative democracy. A new research agenda is suggested to develop public information transparency indicators – methods to measure the social and political impact of the governmental online platforms – as well as investment in empirical studies about civil society initiatives that could promote solutions for the problems, side effects and contradictions intrinsic to online political participation.
The technological and communicational development of recent years has led to the creation of online platforms both by governors and by civil society sectors, with the promise of enhancing citizen participation. Despite enthusiastic discussions regarding the issue in different spheres, not enough is known about the real potential of online participation and its effectiveness in the political decision-making process. This article proposes a critical analysis of citizen participation on online platforms, their social and political characteristics and consequences. Two systematic literature reviews (SLR) are conducted on case studies – the first one exclusively in Brazil and the second one on cases all over the world – using the Web of Science, Scopus and DOAJ databases, between 1995 and 2015. Primary results indicate a significant growth in participatory platforms in Brazil and the world, however with more rhetorical than practical effects: the majority of the initiatives are promoted by top-down style governmental electronic portals, with little or no influence in the real decision-making process. This article concludes that power – and not technology – is the key obstacle for effective online citizen participation, whose barriers are nurtured by a traditional political elite with little interest in building a transparent, inclusive and collaborative democracy. A new research agenda is suggested to develop public information transparency indicators – methods to measure the social and political impact of the governmental online platforms – as well as investment in empirical studies about civil society initiatives that could promote solutions for the problems, side effects and contradictions intrinsic to online political participation. ; Com o desenvolvimento tecnológico e comunicacional dos últimos anos, as plataformas online começaram a ser criadas tanto por governantes quanto por setores da sociedade civil com a promessa de aumentar o engajamento civil. Apesar do entusiasmo das discussões sobre o tema em diferentes esferas, pouco se sabe sobre as reais possibilidades de participação online e sua efetividade no processo de tomada de decisão política. Este artigo propõe uma análise crítica sobre as iniciativas online de participação cidadã, suas características e consequências sociais e políticas. São realizadas duas revisões sistemáticas de literatura (RSL) sobre estudos de casos no mundo e no Brasil, usando a base de dados Web of Science, Scopus e DOAJ, entre 1995 e 2015. Os resultados das duas RSL são comparados e 179 plataformas são classificadas de acordo com o novo modelo de análise proposto, mensurando a participação política e o impacto decisório de cada plataforma online estudada. Os principais resultados sugerem um crescimento significativo de plataformas de participação no Brasil e mundo, porém com efeitos mais retóricos do que práticos: a maioria das iniciativas são promovidas por portais de governo eletrônico no modelo descendente, com pouca ou nenhuma influência no processo decisório real. Conclui-se que o poder – e não a tecnologia – é o principal entrave para a efetiva participação cidadã online, cujas barreiras são cultivadas por uma elite política tradicional pouco interessada na construção de uma democracia transparente, inclusiva e colaborativa. Sugere-se uma nova agenda de pesquisa voltada para a elaboração de indicadores de transparência das informações públicas, o desenvolvimento de métodos para a mensuração do impacto social e político das iniciativas governamentais e o investimento em pesquisas empíricas sobre iniciativas da sociedade civil que possam revelar soluções para os problemas, os efeitos colaterais e as contradições inerentes à participação política online.
These past decennia, the social science literature on identities saw a consensus growing on the fact that identities are not a fixed, static, essentialist reality but have developed in specific historical and socio-economic contexts. They are, in other words, socially constructed (Gellner 1983, Hobsbawm 1990, Anderson 1983). Therefore it is difficult to measure national identities as an empirical reality. What can be measured though is the extent to which people identify with such a social construct. It is not because they are socially constructed that (national) identities do not exist and even are in fact important for many people. However, when measuring these identifications, one has to take into account their fundamental complexity. Particularly in federal, multilingual states identity feelings can be very complex and ambiguous. Even if identities are often used in absolute and exclusive terms in the political debate, citizens often have multi-layered identities. Some will be more activated in certain circumstances than in others. Abroad, people from Switzerland will present themselves as Swiss while in their own country they can also emphasize the canton or the village in which they live. In such multilingual states, sometimes also labelled as multi-national, multi-layered and mixed identities are generally not politically neutral. When such states are characterised by debates on the extent to which autonomy should be attributed to substate levels, feelings of regional or national identity easily acquire a political meaning and can be interpreted as political stands. This is in part because the strength of (sub)national identities is considered as one of the possible drivers and legitimizers of the demands for the territorial reorganisation or breaking up of national states. Regionalist political entrepreneurs have crafted narratives in which specific regional economic strengths and cultural traditions are combined to mobilize for territorial autonomy (Keating 1996). The causal relation can however also be inversed. Regional identifications can also be influenced by the political context. It can be expected that the increasing importance of regional authorities – be it in terms of competences or of a direct election of their parliament – will lead to stronger regional identities, as shown by past research in (quasi)-federal states like Spain, Canada and the UK (Guibernau, 2006). Because they are often politically salient, identities and preferences on regional autonomy will also more easily tend to influence voting behaviour. Territorial identities are complex as well as controversial, and therefore tend to be difficult to measure, especially in multilingual/multi-national states. A neutral measurement of identity is not self-evident. Often, social science research will (unconsciously) be based on a normative vision on identity, which is projected onto the research subject. For instance, the way citizens are questioned in scientific surveys about their ethno-territorial identification contains unexpressed assumptions. If a respondent is asked whether she feels British or Scottish, one takes for granted that these two identities are mutually exclusive and/or in opposition to each other, while they can just as well be complementary. Survey research also encounters difficulties in capturing variation in time and context. In this chapter, we will look into ethno-territorial identities in Belgium, using different measurements, and their relation with preferences on distribution of competences across policy levels as well as with voting behaviour. We will mostly use data drawn from the 2009 and 2014 PartiRep surveys, as well as on some additional data from Making Electoral Democacy Work.
These past decennia, the social science literature on identities saw a consensus growing on the fact that identities are not a fixed, static, essentialist reality but have developed in specific historical and socio-economic contexts. They are, in other words, socially constructed (Gellner 1983, Hobsbawm 1990, Anderson 1983). Therefore it is difficult to measure national identities as an empirical reality. What can be measured though is the extent to which people identify with such a social construct. It is not because they are socially constructed that (national) identities do not exist and even are in fact important for many people. However, when measuring these identifications, one has to take into account their fundamental complexity. Particularly in federal, multilingual states identity feelings can be very complex and ambiguous. Even if identities are often used in absolute and exclusive terms in the political debate, citizens often have multi-layered identities. Some will be more activated in certain circumstances than in others. Abroad, people from Switzerland will present themselves as Swiss while in their own country they can also emphasize the canton or the village in which they live. In such multilingual states, sometimes also labelled as multi-national, multi-layered and mixed identities are generally not politically neutral. When such states are characterised by debates on the extent to which autonomy should be attributed to substate levels, feelings of regional or national identity easily acquire a political meaning and can be interpreted as political stands. This is in part because the strength of (sub)national identities is considered as one of the possible drivers and legitimizers of the demands for the territorial reorganisation or breaking up of national states. Regionalist political entrepreneurs have crafted narratives in which specific regional economic strengths and cultural traditions are combined to mobilize for territorial autonomy (Keating 1996). The causal relation can however also be inversed. Regional identifications can also be influenced by the political context. It can be expected that the increasing importance of regional authorities – be it in terms of competences or of a direct election of their parliament – will lead to stronger regional identities, as shown by past research in (quasi)-federal states like Spain, Canada and the UK (Guibernau, 2006). Because they are often politically salient, identities and preferences on regional autonomy will also more easily tend to influence voting behaviour. Territorial identities are complex as well as controversial, and therefore tend to be difficult to measure, especially in multilingual/multi-national states. A neutral measurement of identity is not self-evident. Often, social science research will (unconsciously) be based on a normative vision on identity, which is projected onto the research subject. For instance, the way citizens are questioned in scientific surveys about their ethno-territorial identification contains unexpressed assumptions. If a respondent is asked whether she feels British or Scottish, one takes for granted that these two identities are mutually exclusive and/or in opposition to each other, while they can just as well be complementary. Survey research also encounters difficulties in capturing variation in time and context. In this chapter, we will look into ethno-territorial identities in Belgium, using different measurements, and their relation with preferences on distribution of competences across policy levels as well as with voting behaviour. We will mostly use data drawn from the 2009 and 2014 PartiRep surveys, as well as on some additional data from Making Electoral Democacy Work.
Part I. Great Theorists -- Chapter 1. Toward a Sport Ethic: Science, Politics, and Weber's Sociology / Robert Beamish, PhD ; Four Pure Types of Action ; Science and Ethics: The Limits of Goal-Rational Action ; The Politics of Ethical Conduct in Sport ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Sources -- Chapter 2. Civilizing Sports: Figurational Sociology and the Sociology of Sport / Eric Dunning, PhD ; The Figurational Sociology of Sport and Its Critics ; Criticizing and Testing Elias ; The "Civilizing" of Modern Sports ; Soccer Hooliganism as an English and World Problem ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Chapter 3. Beyond the Sociological Imagination: Doing Autoethnography to Explore Intersections of Biography and History / Nancy Spencer, PhD ; Sociological Imagination ; Applying the Sociological Imagination to Research ; Applying Critical Sociological Imagination to My Studies ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Part II. Research Guided by Mid-Level Sociological Theories -- Chapter 4. The Sociology of Science: Sport, Training, and the Use of Performance-Enhancing Substances / Ian Ritchie, PhD ; Theories in the Sociology of Science ; Sport and the Science of Training: The Conservation of Energy and Beyond ; Understanding the Use of Performance-Enhancing Substances ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Chapter 5. Political Economy: Sport and Urban Development / Kimberly S. Schimmel, PhD ; Urban Political Economy and Urban Regime Theory ; Sport Development and Urban Development in Historical Perspective ; Sport, Urban Regime, and Urban Development in Indianapolis ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Chapter 6. Institutional Logics Theory: Examining Big-Time College Sport / Richard M. Southall, EdD, and Mark S. Nagel, EdD ; Theory of Institutional Logics ; Case Study: 2007 NCAA Division I Women's Basketball Tournament Broadcasts ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Chapter 7. Playing for Whom? Sport, Religion, and the Double-Movement of Secularization in America / David Yamane, PhD, Charles E. Mellies, BA, and Teresa Blake, BA ; The Double Movement of Secularization ; Societal-Level Secularization: The Differentiation of Sport from Religion ; Sport as Civil Religion? ; Organizational Innovation Connecting Religion and Sport ; Religion and Spirituality at the Individual Level ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Part III. Theories of Inequality -- Chapter 8. Feminist Theory and the Study of Sport: An Illustration from Title IX / Angela J. Hattery, PhD ; The First Wave ; Modern Feminist Theory:The Second Wave ; Postmodern Feminism: The Third Wave ; Title IX and Gender Equity in Intercollegiate Sport ; Discussion ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Chapter 9. Social and Cultural Capital: Race, School Attachment, and the Role of High School Sports / Rhonda F. Levine, PhD ; Theoretical Frameworks ; Sport Participation, Academic Achievement and School Attachment ; Role of Coaches ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research Additional Resources -- Chapter 10. Race, Class, and Gender Theory: Violence Against Women in the Institution of Sport / Earl Smith, PhD, and Benny Cooper, BA ; The Issue ; Methods and Data ; Discussion ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Chapter 11. Masculinities and the Sociology of Sport: Issues and Ironies in the 21st Century / Bryan E. Denham, PhD -- Hegemonic Masculinity ; Constructions of Masculinity in Professional Football ; Constructions of Masculinity in Hardcore Bodybuilding ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Chapter 12. Getting Girls in the Game: Negotiations of Structure and Agency in a Girls' Recreational Sport Program / Cheryl Cooky, PhD ; Overview of Theories of Structuration ; Culture ; Girls in the Game ; Cultural Analysis: Discursive Constructions of Sport and the "At-Risk" Girls ; Helping Girls "At-Risk": The Structure of "Girls in the Game" ; "Doing Whatever We Want": Reproductive Agency at GIG ; Negotiating Agency and Constraint in Everyday Social Interactions: The Role of Culture in School-Sanctioned Verus Hip-Hop Femininities ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Part IV. Microlevel Theories -- Chapter 13. The Mundanity of Excellence: Tiger Woods and Excellence in Golf / Earl Smith, PhD ; Tiger the Golfer ; Theory of Dominance in Sport ; Discussion ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Chapter 14. Making it Big: Visible Symbols of Success, Physical Appearance, and Sport Figures / Bonnie Berry, PhD ; The Null Hypothesis and Methodology ; Observations of Sport, Fitness, and "Health" Magazine Images ; Interpretations: Some Features on Which to Focus ; Symbolic Interaction, Dramaturgy, and Image-Making ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Chapter 15. Sport and Multiple Identities in Postwar Trinidad: The Case of McDonald Bailey / Roy D. McCree, PhD ; Theoretical Considerations ; Methodology ; Athletic Representation and Multiple Identities: Trinidadian or British ; Conclusion ; Suggested Research ; Additional Resources -- Epilogue -- References -- Index -- About the Editor.
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International audience ; In this introduction we argue that sonic experiences in contexts of organized violence can be understood as lieux de mémoire (sites of memory). Exploring how these sonic sites are indissociable from the individual and collective experience of places, we show how they form networks of relationships within which the memory of silences and sounds is constructed and actualized. We also argue that these sonic lieux de mémoire can be seen from two perspectives, representing the dark and bright sides of the same phenomenon. On one hand, sound, music and silence are used as weapons in organized violence, for example in detention facilities or during wars or political conflicts. On the other hand, they constitute symbolic resources, positive tools that contribute to the (re)construction of subjectivities and thus can serve as tools for survival and resistance. In both cases, sound and musical practices are essential facets of what makes us human. ; Dans cette introduction nous affirmons que les expériences sonores en contexte de violence organisée peuvent être comprises comme des « lieux de mémoire sonore ». Indissociables de l'expérience individuelle et collective des lieux, ils constituent des réseaux de relations non prédéterminées, dans lesquels la mémoire des silences et des sons se construit et s'actualise. Nous soutenons aussi que les lieux de mémoire sonore peuvent être appréhendés sous une double perspective, à la fois la face noire et la face lumineuse d'un même phénomène. D'une part, le son, la musique et le silence sont utilisés comme des armes en contexte de violence organisée, que cela soit par exemple dans certains lieux de détention ou en situation de guerre ou de conflit politique. D'autre part, ils constituent des ressources symboliques qui contribuent à la (re)construction de subjectivités, notamment dans des situations faisant suite à des expériences d'exil forcé et de violence organisée. Dans tous les cas, les pratiques sonores et musicales sont des ressources immatérielles ...
International audience ; In this introduction we argue that sonic experiences in contexts of organized violence can be understood as lieux de mémoire (sites of memory). Exploring how these sonic sites are indissociable from the individual and collective experience of places, we show how they form networks of relationships within which the memory of silences and sounds is constructed and actualized. We also argue that these sonic lieux de mémoire can be seen from two perspectives, representing the dark and bright sides of the same phenomenon. On one hand, sound, music and silence are used as weapons in organized violence, for example in detention facilities or during wars or political conflicts. On the other hand, they constitute symbolic resources, positive tools that contribute to the (re)construction of subjectivities and thus can serve as tools for survival and resistance. In both cases, sound and musical practices are essential facets of what makes us human. ; Dans cette introduction nous affirmons que les expériences sonores en contexte de violence organisée peuvent être comprises comme des « lieux de mémoire sonore ». Indissociables de l'expérience individuelle et collective des lieux, ils constituent des réseaux de relations non prédéterminées, dans lesquels la mémoire des silences et des sons se construit et s'actualise. Nous soutenons aussi que les lieux de mémoire sonore peuvent être appréhendés sous une double perspective, à la fois la face noire et la face lumineuse d'un même phénomène. D'une part, le son, la musique et le silence sont utilisés comme des armes en contexte de violence organisée, que cela soit par exemple dans certains lieux de détention ou en situation de guerre ou de conflit politique. D'autre part, ils constituent des ressources symboliques qui contribuent à la (re)construction de subjectivités, notamment dans des situations faisant suite à des expériences d'exil forcé et de violence organisée. Dans tous les cas, les pratiques sonores et musicales sont des ressources immatérielles constitutives des êtres humains.
This dissertation explores the role state Islamic universities have played during the democratic transitions in Indonesia (1998-2004) and Tunisia (2011-2014). It introduces state Islamic universities and their Islamic academic milieux as a new actor category to the political science literature which examines the agency of religious actors in democratization processes. The study defines universities' democratic behavior through the dependent variable "pro-democracy engagement", which is operationalized by a discursive indicator (university's public outreach through media articles written by university rector), an institutional indicator (university's socialization of students through curriculum), and a mobilizing indicator (university's topics of research projects and corresponding government counseling activity based on research findings). The qualitative content analysis of a large corpus of original Indonesian and Tunisian source material (curricula, research reports, media articles, university publications, university activities, statutes, and policies) finds that in the Indonesian case study the Islamic university's pro-democracy engagement was very strong, while the Tunisian Islamic university manifested itself as an ivory tower and in political passivity. Moreover, it is worked out that the Indonesian Islamic university received effective support by external actors—domestic and foreign—to mobilize for democracy on campus as well as in the wider public sphere, while the Tunisian Islamic university was largely isolated and lacked external support. In contrast to existing scholarship that explains religious actors' democratic agency during transition processes by institutional independence, this dissertation argues that in the case of the specific actor category of state Islamic universities, which are per se extensions of the state and institutionally highly dependent on state authority, the explanatory pattern must be shifted and extended to put more focus on the role of universities' resources and their relationships to external actors. By drawing on theories of historical institutionalism, path dependence, and Pierre Bourdieu's works on capital endowment as an enabling factor for political agency, the dissertation engages in a comparative-historical analysis and process tracing of the relationship between the Indonesian and Tunisian Islamic academic milieux and the respective political powers as well as the former's access to resources. This longue durée perspective reveals the complex political history of the Indonesian and Tunisian Islamic academic milieux, ranging back to the pre-colonial era, and identifies for each case study the individual sequences (initial conditions, critical juncture, reinforcement, outcome) of a path-dependent trajectory from which a generalized path-dependent scheme for the emergence of pro-democratic political agency of Islamic universities during democratization processes is deducted. The key independent variable which caused the Indonesian Islamic university's strong degree of pro-democracy engagement during democratization is identified as Bourdieu's "delegated political capital"—a capital form which is provided by political authorities to agents for the purpose of fostering alliance and aiming to politicize the agent so that he engages in political mobilization and legitimization. Over time, delegated political capital triggers the development of an overall large capital endowment of the agent—including material, social, intellectual and symbolic resources—and the institutionalization of the agent within the political arena. As a consequence of this strong capital endowment and competency in the world of politics, external actors are attracted who collaborate with and further invest into the agent for their own interests, and by that reproducing and strengthening his status as a political actor. Through its in-depth comparative-historical analysis, the dissertation unpacks that in both the Indonesian and Tunisian case study the critical juncture of the path-dependent processes occured during the rule of non-Western imperial powers over what is today Indonesia and Tunisia. These powers, Japan 1942-1945 in Indonesia and the Ottomans in Tunisia 1574-1876, intervened into the indigenous structure of the Islamic academic milieux and their capital endowment, initiating crucial institutional changes which led to Islamic academia's contrasting levels of politicization and access to resources. Also, in both cases, the decision to either politicize or depoliticize the Islamic academic milieu was based on the empires' different approaches towards religion during their internal modernization projects (Japanese Meiji restauration 1868-1912; Ottoman Tanzimat reforms 1839-1876). The dissertation details how after the critical junctures long periods of institutional reinforcement unfolded, which manifested diverging characteristics of Islamic academia: in Indonesia a politically well-versed one, possessing a high capital endowment, emerged while in Tunisia a politically unexperienced one, lacking capital endowment, was institutionalized. The dissertation thus demonstrates that at the time of the collapse of authoritarianism, Islamic universities and their milieux were dramatically differently prepared and intrinsically motivated to become political actors with a pro-democratic agenda. Moreover, as a result of these long-term developments, during democratization, external actors opted for different approaches towards Islamic universities in Indonesia and Tunisia.
