Suchergebnisse

Examines economic adjustment measures taken, changes made in the neoliberal model, and consequences for the private sector, agriculture, poverty, and income distribution; Colombia.

In today's neoliberal times, thinking about fitness and health is dominated by the media's narratives of "fit bodies," which are presented and circulated in society as "valued bodies." Outside that mainstream view, however, there are many people labeled "bodies-at-risk": those who deviate from perceived norms of size, shape, race, social class, and gender. Social Justice in Globalized Fitness and Health draws attention to how neoliberal ideologies impacting the body overlook the intersection of class, gender/sex, and race that informs how young, ethnic minoritized people embody and negotiate normative discourses of fitness and health. Indeed, through the lens of critical race theory (CRT), post-feminism, and postcolonialism, Azzarito highlights young, ethnic minoritized people's struggles to find a culturally relevant sense of self. Arguing for the need to found educational spaces where young, ethnic minoritized people can recognize themselves, resist and counter-narrate negative stereotypes, and self-represent to the public in affirmative ways, Social Justice in GlobalizedFitness and Health will appeal to students and researchers interested in fields such as physical culture, education, sport sociology, qualitative methods, and cultural and visual studies, as well as scholars and practitioners of physical education and health in schools.

Prospects for Iraq's economy are bleak: unemployment remains high and the post-war rebuilding effort has slowed to a trickle, weighed down by chronic instability. Rising oil prices increased GDP in 2004 and 2005. But an oil-induced rise in GDP will not necessarily bring about a general rise in incomes, as the oil sector employs only 1 percent of the labor force. To raise general living standards, oil income needs to be converted into increased employment and output in sectors with high social rates of return. This article reviews key Coalition Provisional Authority post-war policies and their effects, and proposes and discusses a set of alternative policies that would be better suited to improve Iraqi living standards and help secure peace.

"In the current historical moment borders have taken on heightened material and symbolic significance, shaping identities and the social and political landscape. "Borders"--defined broadly to include territorial dividing lines as well as sociocultural boundaries--have become increasingly salient sites of struggle over social belonging and cultural and material resources. How do contemporary activists navigate and challenge these borders? What meanings do they ascribe to different social, cultural and political boundaries, and how do these meanings shape the strategies in which they engage? Moreover, how do these social movements confront internal borders based on the differences that emerge within social change initiatives? Border Politics, edited by Nancy A. Naples and Jennifer Bickham Mendez, explores these important questions through eleven carefully selected case studies situated in geographic contexts around the globe. By conceptualizing struggles over identity, social belonging and exclusion as extensions of border politics, the authors capture the complex ways in which geographic, cultural, and symbolic dividing lines are blurred and transcended, but also fortified and redrawn. This volume notably places right-wing and social justice initiatives in the same analytical frame to identify patterns that span the political spectrum. Border Politics offers a lens through which to understand borders as sites of diverse struggles, as well as the strategies and practices used by diverse social movements in today's globally interconnected world. Contributors: Phillip Ayoub, Renata Blumberg, Yvonne Braun, Moon Charania, Michael Dreiling, Jennifer Johnson, Jesse Klein, Andrej Kurnik, Sarah Maddison, Duncan McDuie-Ra, Jennifer Bickham Mendez, Nancy A. Naples, David Paternotte, Maple Razsa, Raphi Rechitsky, Kyle Rogers, Deana Rohlinger, Cristina Sanidad, Meera Sehgal, Tara Stamm, Michelle Te;llez"--

Cette étude présente une théorie rationnelle et un appui empirique préliminaire à une conception multidimentionnelle du statut ethnique. Pour de nombreuses raisons, surtout à cause du manque de données, le statut ethnique a été traditionnellement conçu comme une variable unidimensionnelle. La présence des données pour Toronto, toutefois, permet de mettre à l'épreuve ce concepts multidimensionnel. Il a été possible de déterminer le degré de ségrégation résidentielle (un aspect fondamental de la différentiation ethnique) pour chacune de ces cinq caractéristiques sociales — statut de l'immigrant, religion, origine, langue maternelle et lieu de naissance — supposées représenter des dimensions séparées du statut ethnique. L'analyse révèle que chacune de ces caractéristiques engendre un degré et un patron significatif de ségrégation résidentielle. De plus, on présente des faits concernant l'interrelation entre des variables ethniques choisies, qui au départ appuyaient la validité de concevoir le statut ethnique selon plus d'une dimension. On suggère des tests ultérieurs de ce concept.

Countries that now contemplate constitutional reform often grapple with the question of whether to constitutionalise social rights. This book presents an argument for why, under the right conditions, doing so can be a good way to advance social justice. In making such a case, the author considers the nature of the social minimum, the role of courts among other institutions, the empirical record of judicial impact, and the role of constitutional text. He argues, however, that when enforcing such rights, judges ought to adopt a theory of judicial restraint structured around four principles: democratic legitimacy, polycentricity, expertise and flexibility. These four principles, when taken collectively, commend an incrementalist approach to adjudication. The book combines theoretical, doctrinal, empirical and comparative analysis, and is written to be accessible to lawyers, social scientists, political theorists and human rights advocates

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- List of contributors -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Post-pandemic social work and the welfare state -- 2 Communovirus: ethical community for social work in a 'post'-COVID world -- 3 The modern welfare state and the post-pandemic world -- 4 Post-pandemic social work and the death of neoliberalism -- 5 Social work in the post-COVID state: emancipatory or the long arm of the control and coercion -- 6 The convergence between neoliberalism and digital technology: awakening individual and societal consciousness for a sustainable, resilient and just post-pandemic world -- 7 Is the genie out of the bottle? Societal and political implications of domestic military deployments during the COVID-19 pandemic -- 8 Feminist response to COVID-19: is it time for feminist social policies? -- 9 Disrupting masculinism in public policy responses to COVID-19 - unmasking the gendered dimensions of the pandemic -- 10 Re-imagining the place for social work in the post-pandemic welfare: lessons from the Italian experience -- 11 More trouble in a welfare paradise: Sweden's problematic welfare policy and practice response to the pandemic -- 12 Multidimensional, multicultural and inclusive approaches to social welfare in post-pandemic Australia -- 13 Grassroots solidarity in social work: strengthening the welfare state beyond COVID-19 through social impact in the field of child abuse -- 14 The silencing of social workers during COVID-19 emergency measures: an assessment -- 15 Examining China's response to the COVID-19 pandemic: reflections of social workers from the field -- 16 Welfare policy statements during the mega-crisis: challenges for Estonia.

Starting from the idea that France was for the Turks a land of refuge , discovery , learning and also inspiration, we asked to try to determine what they were able to initiate and s' interest in this country according to the different periods. It is established that between 1830-1856 , France was a country of military training for the Ottomans. Thereafter, it becomes a model for the administration of Tanzimat reformers , while the exiles began to make a forum for free expression. This suggests the following periods , as France has been a political, artistic or cultural resonance with the Turks . It draws a priori an initial period (1880-1914) when France is presented more as a political laboratory. During the second period (1925-1980) , France seems more itself as an artistic field due to the presence and influence of writers and especially painters. ; En partant de l'idée que la France a été pour les Turcs une terre de refuge, de découverte, d'apprentissage mais aussi d'inspiration, nous nous sommes interrogés pour chercher à déterminer à quoi ils ont pu s'initier et s'intéresser dans ce pays en fonction des différentes périodes. Il est établi qu'entre 1830-1856, la France était un pays de formation militaire pour les Ottomans. Par la suite, elle devient un modèle d'administration pour les réformateurs des Tanzimat, pendant que les exilés commencent à en faire une tribune de libre expression. Il semblerait donc suivant les périodes, que la France ait eu une résonance politique, artistique ou culturelle auprès des Turcs. Il se dessine, a priori, une première période (1880-1914) où la France se présente davantage comme un laboratoire politique. Durant la seconde période (1925-1980), la France semble davantage se profiler comme un terrain artistique grâce à la présence et à l'influence des écrivains et surtout des peintres.

Late 20th century developments in social sciences and humanities have placed
particular focus on the symbolic aspects of reproduction of social order,
stressing the importance of discursive work in the process. It has become
widely accepted that discourse is profoundly embedded in society and culture,
and hence, closely related also to all forms of power and social inequality.
Therefore, it rightfully assumes a central position among the research
objects of contemporary social sciences. The aim of this article is to
critically examine the impact of the interpretive turn on the study of
culture and symbolic registers of society. The analysis focuses on three
approaches to the study of discourse, culture and society: critical discourse
analysis, Pierre Bourdieu?s sociology of culture and Jeffrey Alexander?s
strong program in cultural sociology. These approaches are further analyzed
according to their position within Burawoy?s division of sociological labor,
particularly between critical and public (engaged) sociology. Finally, the
author suggests that engagement in detailed reconstructions of discursive
manifestations of power, symbolic struggles and/or discursive codes in a
society can provide valuable insight that could open up space for social
engagement. However, in order to fully grasp the importance of symbolic
aspects for the everyday reproduction of social order, the focus of analysis
must also be placed on the role cultural traits and practices (understood as
a discursive resources like any other) play in constructing stratificational
categories, identities and distinctions, masking the very roots of
inequalities that created the perceived cultural differences in the first
place.