Suchergebnisse

The article represents a comparative analysis of the structural and functional features of public authorities which are regulated the ethno-national processes in Ukraine and Romania. The author considers four levels of the ethnopolitical management in two countries of the Central and Eastern Europe: presidential, governmental, parliamentary and regional as well.Due to the objective circumstances, the presidential level of ethnopolitical management in Ukraine has not yet been formed. In the former President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko it has been represented at the separate departments of President Administration of him. The Institute of Commissioner of the President for the Affairs of Crimean Tatar People has acted. In Romania within the structure of President Administration of Klaus Johannis there are some departments that are relevant to the ethnopolitical issues. The Department for Relations with Romanians Abroad is presented separately.The governmental level of the ethnonational area of Ukrainian society is being reformed. The Department of Religions and Nationalities at the Ministry of Culture of Ukraine is being transformed into the State Service of Ukraine for Ethnopolitics and Freedom of Conscience, which will have its representative offices in the regions of Ukraine. In Romania, the Council of National Minorities, Department for Interethnic Relations, Department of National Minorities at the Ministry of Culture and National Identity, Department of Minorities at the Ministry of National Education are operated. A separate governmental structure is the Ministry of Romanians from everywhere.In the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine the ethnopolitical management is represented by the Committee on Human Rights, De-Occupation and Reintegration of Temporarily Occupied Territories in Donetsk, Luhansk oblasts and the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, the City of Sevastopol, National Minorities and Interethnic Relations. In the Romanian Chamber of Deputies the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania and the Parliamentary Group of National Minorities are represented.At the level of Local Self-Government in the regions with multi-ethnic population the special commissions of deputies are formed. For example, the Permanent Commission on Education, Science, Culture, Spirituality, Youth Policy, Physical Education and Sports, National Minorities and Information Policy in Transcarpathian Regional Council is operated. Similarly, in Satu Mare County (Romania) the Commission of Low, Discipline, Relations with citizens, Minority issues is operated. At the same time, at the level of state administration the Department of Nationalities and Religions of the Transcarpathian Regional State Administration is functioned. The issues for ethnopolitics in the separate region in Romania at the level of Prefectures are delegated. ; У статті представлено порівняльний аналіз структурно-функціональних особливостей публічних органів влади, які регулюють етнонаціональні процеси в Україні та Румунії. Автор висвітлює чотири рівні етнополітичного менеджменту в двох країнах Центрально-Східної Європи: президентський, урядовий, парламентський та регіональний.Президентський рівень етнополітичного менеджменту України в силу об'єктивних обставин наразі ще не сформований. В колишнього Президента України Петра Порошенка він був представлений в окремих департаментах Адміністрації; діяв інститут Уповноваженого Президента України у справах кримськотатарського народу. В структурі Адміністрації Президента Румунії Клауса Йоганніса наявні департаменти, які займаються етнополітичною проблематикою. Окремо виділяється Департамент взаємовідносин з румунами за кордоном.Урядовий рівень управління етнонаціональною сферою суспільства в Україні наразі реформується. Департамент у справах релігій та національностей при Міністерстві культури України трансформується у Державну службу України з етнополітики та свободи совісті, яка матиме свої представницва в регіонах. У Румунії на урядовому рівні функціонують Рада національних меншин; Департамент міжнаціональних відносин; Відділ національних меншин при Міністерстві культури та національної ідентичності; Відділ меншин при Міністерстві національної освіти. Окремою урядовою структурою є Міністерство у справах румунів звідусіль.У Верховній Раді України етнополітичний менеджмент репрезентований Комітетом з питань прав людини, деокупації та реінтеграції тимчасово окупованих територій у Донецькій, Луганській областях та Автономної Республіки Крим, міста Севастополя, національних меншин і міжнаціональних відносин. В Палаті депутатів Румунії представлений Демократичний союз угорців Румунії та парламентська група національних меншин.На рівні місцевого самоврядування в регіонах із поліетнічним складом населення утворюються відповідні детутатські комісії. До прикладу, в Закарпатській обласній раді діє постійна комісія з питань освіти, науки, культури, духовності, молодіжної політики, фізкультури і спорту, національних меншин та інформаційної політики. Подібно до цього в Румунії, в повіті Сату Маре діє комісія юриспрудентції, дисципліни, відносин з громадянами, проблем меншин при Повітовій Раді. Поряд із цим на рівні державного управління функціонує Управління національностей та релігій Закарпатськоî обласної державної адміністрації. Питання етнополітики в Румунії вирішуються на рівні префектур окремих повітів держави.

Magistritöö Ökonoomika ja ettevõtluse õppekaval ; Eesti praegune regionaalpoliitika rõhutab, et erinevad piirkonnad peaks panustama oma arengus sellele, milles nad on kõige konkurentsivõimelisemad Töö eesmärk on välja selgitada Eesti maakondade regionaalne konkurentsivõime nende omavahelises võrdluses perioodil 2010-2017. Konkurentsivõime hindamiseks kasutati töös maakondade lõikes indeksite loomist neljas valdkonnas: inimkapital, sotsiaalne kapital, ettevõtlus ja majandusareng ning turvalisus ja heaolu. Indeksid koostati Statistikaameti jt allikatest pärit andmete alusel perioodi 2010- 2017 kohta. Maakonnad järjestati kõige kõrgema konkurentsivõimega maakonnast kõige nõrgema konkurentsivõimega maakonnani. Inimkapitali hindamiseks kasutati: rahvaarvu, rahvastikuarvu muutus perioodil 2010- 2017, rahvastiku prognoos aastani 2030, rändesaldo muutus 1000 elaniku kohta, tööealise, 15-64 aastaste, elanikkonna muutus ning loomuliku iibe üldkordaja 1000 elaniku kohta perioodil 2010-2017. Sotsiaalse kapitali analüüsimiseks võrreldi: kõrgharidusega tööealise elanikkonna osakaal perioodil 2010-2016, majanduslikult aktiivsete mittetulundusühingute arv 1000 elaniku kohta, vabatahtlikes tegevustes osalenute protsent 2013. aasta uuringu põhjal, 2016. aastal toimunud talgutel osalejate protsent rahvaarvust; kultuurielus osalenute protsent 2017. aastal ning 2017. aasta valimistel osalenute hääletajate protsent. Ettevõtlus ja majandusarengu indeksite aluseks valiti: keskmine töötasu maakonna kohta 2017.aastal, keskmise palga muutus perioodil 2010-2017, majanduslikult aktiivsete ettevõtete arv 1000 elaniku kohta aastal 2017, majanduslikult aktiivsete ettevõtete arvu muutus 2010-2017, SKP maakonnas elaniku kohta aastal 2017 ning SKP muutus elaniku kohta 2010-2017. Turvalisus ja sotsiaalne heaolu moodustasid: registreeritud kuritegude arv 1000 elaniku kohta perioodil 2010-2016, keskmine tööealiste töötuse määr protsentides aastatel 2010- 2016, keskmine suhtelise vaesuse määr protsentides 2010-2016, tervena elatud aastad, keskmine puudega inimeste arv 2010-2016 aastal ning puudega elanike koguarvu muutus perioodil 2010-2016. Analüüsi tulemusel jagati maakonnad kolme katekooriasse: kõrge, keskmise ja madala konkurentsivõimega regioonid. Kõrge konkurentsivõimega on Harju, Tartu, Lääne, Hiiu ja Rapla maakond. Keskmise konkurentsivõimega grupis on Saare, Pärnu, Võru, Viljandi ja Järva maakond. Kõige madalama konkurentsivõimega piirkonnad on Jõgeva, Valga, Lääne-Viru, Põlva ja Ida-Viru maakond. ; Estonian current regional politics emphasises that different counties should push for development in the areas where they have the highest competitiveness. The purpose of the Thesis is to establish the competitiveness of different counties through comparison with each other during the 2010-2017 period. To evaluate the competitiveness the Author created indices in 4 areas: human capital; social capital; entrepreneurship and economic development; and safety and wellbeing. The indices were based on information obtained from Statistics Estonia and other similar sources and are relating to 2010-2017 period. Counties have been ranked by the most competitive to least competitive. To evaluate the human capital the author used: population; changed in population between 2010 and 2017; the prognosis of population up to year 2030; net migration rate per 1000 residents; working population, 15-64 years old, changes; and rate of natural increases per 1000 residents during the 2010-2017 period. For social capital analysis the author compared: the percentage of population having an higher education between 2010 and 2016; amount of economically active non-profit organisation per 1000 residents, the participation in voluntary activities based on 2013 study; the percentage of population taking part in communal work in 2016; the percentage of participants in cultural life; and percentage of voters in 2017 elections. Indices for entrepreneurship and economic development are based on: average pay per county in 2017; the change in average pay during 2010-2017; economically active businesses per 1000 resident in 2017, the change in economically active businesses during 2010-2017; Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per resident during 2017 and changes in GDP per resident in 2010-2017. Safety and social wellbeing indices were based on: reported crimes per 1000 residents during 2010- 2016, average unemployment rate in 2010-2016; relative poverty percentage during 2010-2016, years of healthy life, average rate of disabled people in 2010-2016 and the change in number of disable people from the total population during 2010-2016. Based on the analysis and findings the counties were split into three categories: high, medium and low competitiveness regions. Counties with high competitiveness are: Harju, Tartu, Lääne, Hiiu ja Rapla counties. Average competitiveness group is made out of Saare, Pärnu, Võru, Viljandi ja Järva counties. The counties with lowest competitiveness are Jõgeva, Valga, Lääne-Viru, Põlva ja Ida-Viru Counties.

The article represents a comparative analysis of the structural and functional features of public authorities which are regulated the ethno-national processes in Ukraine and Romania. The author considers four levels of the ethnopolitical management in two countries of the Central and Eastern Europe: presidential, governmental, parliamentary and regional as well.Due to the objective circumstances, the presidential level of ethnopolitical management in Ukraine has not yet been formed. In the former President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko it has been represented at the separate departments of President Administration of him. The Institute of Commissioner of the President for the Affairs of Crimean Tatar People has acted. In Romania within the structure of President Administration of Klaus Johannis there are some departments that are relevant to the ethnopolitical issues. The Department for Relations with Romanians Abroad is presented separately.The governmental level of the ethnonational area of Ukrainian society is being reformed. The Department of Religions and Nationalities at the Ministry of Culture of Ukraine is being transformed into the State Service of Ukraine for Ethnopolitics and Freedom of Conscience, which will have its representative offices in the regions of Ukraine. In Romania, the Council of National Minorities, Department for Interethnic Relations, Department of National Minorities at the Ministry of Culture and National Identity, Department of Minorities at the Ministry of National Education are operated. A separate governmental structure is the Ministry of Romanians from everywhere.In the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine the ethnopolitical management is represented by the Committee on Human Rights, De-Occupation and Reintegration of Temporarily Occupied Territories in Donetsk, Luhansk oblasts and the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, the City of Sevastopol, National Minorities and Interethnic Relations. In the Romanian Chamber of Deputies the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania and the Parliamentary Group of National Minorities are represented.At the level of Local Self-Government in the regions with multi-ethnic population the special commissions of deputies are formed. For example, the Permanent Commission on Education, Science, Culture, Spirituality, Youth Policy, Physical Education and Sports, National Minorities and Information Policy in Transcarpathian Regional Council is operated. Similarly, in Satu Mare County (Romania) the Commission of Low, Discipline, Relations with citizens, Minority issues is operated. At the same time, at the level of state administration the Department of Nationalities and Religions of the Transcarpathian Regional State Administration is functioned. The issues for ethnopolitics in the separate region in Romania at the level of Prefectures are delegated. ; У статті представлено порівняльний аналіз структурно-функціональних особливостей публічних органів влади, які регулюють етнонаціональні процеси в Україні та Румунії. Автор висвітлює чотири рівні етнополітичного менеджменту в двох країнах Центрально-Східної Європи: президентський, урядовий, парламентський та регіональний.Президентський рівень етнополітичного менеджменту України в силу об'єктивних обставин наразі ще не сформований. В колишнього Президента України Петра Порошенка він був представлений в окремих департаментах Адміністрації; діяв інститут Уповноваженого Президента України у справах кримськотатарського народу. В структурі Адміністрації Президента Румунії Клауса Йоганніса наявні департаменти, які займаються етнополітичною проблематикою. Окремо виділяється Департамент взаємовідносин з румунами за кордоном.Урядовий рівень управління етнонаціональною сферою суспільства в Україні наразі реформується. Департамент у справах релігій та національностей при Міністерстві культури України трансформується у Державну службу України з етнополітики та свободи совісті, яка матиме свої представницва в регіонах. У Румунії на урядовому рівні функціонують Рада національних меншин; Департамент міжнаціональних відносин; Відділ національних меншин при Міністерстві культури та національної ідентичності; Відділ меншин при Міністерстві національної освіти. Окремою урядовою структурою є Міністерство у справах румунів звідусіль.У Верховній Раді України етнополітичний менеджмент репрезентований Комітетом з питань прав людини, деокупації та реінтеграції тимчасово окупованих територій у Донецькій, Луганській областях та Автономної Республіки Крим, міста Севастополя, національних меншин і міжнаціональних відносин. В Палаті депутатів Румунії представлений Демократичний союз угорців Румунії та парламентська група національних меншин.На рівні місцевого самоврядування в регіонах із поліетнічним складом населення утворюються відповідні детутатські комісії. До прикладу, в Закарпатській обласній раді діє постійна комісія з питань освіти, науки, культури, духовності, молодіжної політики, фізкультури і спорту, національних меншин та інформаційної політики. Подібно до цього в Румунії, в повіті Сату Маре діє комісія юриспрудентції, дисципліни, відносин з громадянами, проблем меншин при Повітовій Раді. Поряд із цим на рівні державного управління функціонує Управління національностей та релігій Закарпатськоî обласної державної адміністрації. Питання етнополітики в Румунії вирішуються на рівні префектур окремих повітів держави.

Implementation of nature conservation policy follows two main approaches: the segregation approach based on the spatially separation of protected areas from productive areas, and the integration approach based on the integration of productive and conservation purposes. In many cases, the implementation of nature conservation policy has increased conflicts due to different and competing land use principles, interests, and point of views. The aim of this study is to analyse the stakeholders' opinions towards possible conflicts, opportunities and obstacles for human activities, and constraints on forest management related to establishment of a new protected area. The study was structured in three main steps: stakeholder analysis, questionnaire survey, and statistical analysis of the collected data. A semi-structured questionnaire was administered by email to a sample of stakeholders in each county involved in the COST Targeted Network TN1401 "CAPABAL" (41 stakeholders in 10 countries). The data were statistically processed to highlight differences between EU28 member countries and non-EU28 countries, and among groups of interest (public administrations, actors of forest-wood chain, universities and research institutes, environmental Non-Governmental Organizations). The results show that the most common type of conflict is that related to the procedure for the establishment of a new protected area with special regard to property rights restrictions and additional bureaucracy. In addition, the results show that the most important opportunity is for the rural development of the marginal areas with special regard to the eco-tourism development, while the most important obstacle is the decrease of forest management practices (loggings) due to the nature conservation constrains.The stakeholders' point of view is a fundamental starting point to reduce conflicts between nature conservation and human activities and to increase the social acceptance of the nature conservation policy. ; Zadnjih desetljeća, primjena politike zaštite prirode, zasnovane na principima javnog sudjelovanja, postala je jedna od glavnih izazova za znanstvenike i donositelje odluka. Primjena politike očuvanja prirode slijedi dva osnovna pristupa: izdvajanje na osnovi prostorne podjele zaštićenih područja od proizvodnih, i pristup integracije, na temelju kojega se uključuju proizvodne i zaštitne namjene prostora. U mnogo slučajeva primjena politike očuvanja prirode uzrokovala je porast sukoba radi različitih i kompetitivnih principa korištenja zemlje, različitih interesa i pogleda. Cilj istraživanja je analizirati mišljenja stručnjaka o mogućim sukobima, prilikama i teškoćama za ljudske aktivnosti, ograničenjima u gospodarenju šumom vezano na uspostavu novih zaštićenih područja. Istraživanje je strukturirano u tri osnovna koraka: analiza stručnjaka, anketiranje i statistička obrada prikupljenih podataka. Polu-strukturirani upitnik putem emaila poslan je stručnjacima prema planiranom uzorku u svaku zemlju koja je uključena u COST CAPABAL projekt (COST Targeted Network TN1401 "CAPABAL" (41 sudionik u 10 zemalja). Podaci su statistički obrađeni, kako bi se naglasile razlike između EU28 zemalja članica i nečlanica i među institucijama (javna administracija, stručnjaci iz šumarstva i drvne industrije, fakulteta i istraživačkih institucija i okolišnih nevladinih organizacija). Na kraju prikupljanja podataka, sakupljn je 41 upitnik, koji su ispunili stručnjaci podijeljeni na zemlje članice EU (22 upitnika sa udjelom 54% u uzorku), i 19 stručnjaka iz zemalja izvan EU (46%). Promatrajući distribuciju uzorka prema zainteresiranim grupama, 41,5% ispitanika predstavlja javnu administraciju, 29,3% sveučilišta i istraživačke institute, 22% sudjeluje u lancu šuma-drvo, 7,3% su članovi nevladinih okolišnih udruga.Rezultati pokazuju da su najčešće vrste sukoba one koje su vezane za procedure uspostave novih zaštićenih zona, s posebnim naglaskom na ograničenja prava vlasništva i dodatno administriranje. Sudionici iz zemalja koje nisu EU28 članice, više su naglasile važnost ograničenja lovnih aktivnosti kao potencijalni sukob u usporedbi za sudionicima iz EU28 zemalja članica. Vezano na mogućnosti i ograničenja ljudskih aktivnosti u zaštićenim područjima, rezultati su pokazali da je razvoj ekoturizma jedna on najznačajnijih prilika za razvoj ruralnih marginalnih područja. Najveća zapreka je otežano gospodarenja šumom (pridobivanje drva) vezano za zahtjeve očuvanja prirode. Konačno, rezultati pokazuju da na ispitivanom uzorku najveća zabrinutost u gospodarenju šumom su dodatno vrijeme i novac potreban za nadzor i primjenu aktivnosti očuvanja prirode u zaštićenim područjima. Za ispitanike iz EU28 zemalja članica najveća zabrinutost vezano na aktivnosti gospodarenja šumom je primjena aktivnosti očuvanja prirode u zaštićenim područjima, dok su ispitanici izvan EU28 zemalja istaknuli primjenu pesticida kao najvažniju promjenu u gospodarenju šumom.Stavovi stručnjaka su temeljna početna pozicija koju treba uzeti u obzir kako bi se umanjili sukobi između očuvanja prirode i ljudskih aktivnosti te povećala socijalna uključenost u politiku očuvanja prirode.

There is a growing global material and energy extraction and consumption. Especially mineral extraction of metals such as copper has increased by 25 times during the last century thus pushing the extraction frontiers into new territory. Copper extraction increasingly expands into Northern Norway with new project proposals. One such project is Nussir ASA's suggested copper mine in Kvalsund in Finnmark county. The planned project conflicts with local small-scale fishers' and indigenous Sámi reindeer pastoralist's interests. As resource extraction expands in the northern regions, the question of environmental justice and who experiences the benefits and costs arises. The thesis adopts an environmental justice framework to discuss this conflict and the process to establish the mine, in terms of recognition and participation, and the project's cost-benefit distribution. Data was collected through in-depth interviews with key stakeholders and participants, through a survey consisting of face-to-face questionnaires among 110 residents, fishers, and reindeer herders, as well as 35 respondents through an online survey published in social media. The project reveals conflicting narratives. Some actors see the process to establish the mine as open and inclusive, recognizing all values and uses. They present the mining project as a clear win-win case of local development and meeting the global copper demand. In contrast, others find the process to conflict with their values, resource uses and indigenous rights, and expect the burden of costs to be carried by fisheries, reindeer herders and recreational activities. The costs are anticipated through disposing mining waste as sea tailings in the Repparfjord and copper extraction in reindeer calving and grazing areas, which again could lead to dispossession of traditional land use and further marginalization of primary production in the area, particularly those with a strong Sámi identity. The conflict reveals incommensurable traditional values versus industrial values, the power asymmetry in the decision-making process, the shortcomings of consultation as a participation method, the potential violation of laws and rights, and the disputes over mining impacts for development, on the environment and on stakeholders. The conflict has not been resolved due to the local and national government's strong political will to expand mining extraction in Northern Norway. As a result, the process to establish the Nussir mine is a case of procedural injustices, while the expected cost-benefit distribution from the mine is unjust as costs can be shifted upon impacted stakeholders. ; Det er stigende utvinning og forbruk av materialer og energi på et globalt nivå. Spesielt utvinning av metaller som kobber har økt 25 ganger det siste århundret. Dette skaper et behov for å starte nye gruveprosjekter. I Nord-Norge er det økende politisk press for å åpne nye kobbergruver. En slik pågående etablering er Nussir ASAs foreslåtte kobbergruve i Kvalsund i Finnmark fylke. Den planlagte gruva er i konflikt med lokale interesser, som sjarkfiske og samisk reindrift. Med ekspanderende ressursutvinning i nordlige områder følger spørsmål om miljørettferdighet, og hvem som bærer fordelene og kostnadene. Denne masteroppgaven anvender rammeverket for miljørettferdighet for å diskutere konflikten, i form av anerkjennelse og deltakelse, og fordelingen av fordeler og kostnader. Datagrunnlaget kommer fra dybdeintervjuer med sentrale aktører, dør til dør spørreundersøkelser gjennomført med 110 innbyggere, fiskere, og reineiere, samt 35 besvarelser fra en elektronisk undersøkelse distribuert på sosiale medier. Gruveprosjektet har skapt motstridende oppfatninger. Noen aktører ser på etableringsprosessen som åpen og inkluderende, og mener prosjekter tar hensyn til alle verdier og ulike brukerhensyn. De presenter gruveprosjektet som et klart vinn-vinnprosjekt. Prosjektet vil ifølge forkjemperne bidra med vekst og lokal utvikling, samt bidra til å møte den økende globale kobberetterspørselen. På den andre siden mener motstanderne at prosjektet strider mot deres verdier, ressursbruk, og urbefolkningsrettigheter, og de forventer at kostnadene skyves spesielt over på fiskerne, reindrifta, og friluftslivet. Motstanderne mener kostnadene gjennom sjødeponi i Repparfjorden og utvinning i reindriftas kalve- og beiteområde kommer til å fortrenge tradisjonell bruk av områdene og marginalisere primærbruket, spesielt de med en sterk samisk identitet. Konflikten dreier seg om avveiing mellom tradisjonelle og industrielle verdier, ujevne maktforhold i etableringsprosessen, svakheter ved konsultasjon som deltakelsesmetode, potensielle brudd på lover og rettigheter, og uenigheten om gruvas påvirkning for utvikling, på miljøet, og for aktørene. Konflikten har ikke blitt løst på grunn av den sterkt dominerende politiske viljen til å øke mineralutvinningen i Nord-Norge. Resultatet er at prosessen er urettferdig, og den forventende distribusjonen av fordeler og kostnader er urettferdig. ; submittedVersion ; M-IES

Quanah Parker was the most feared of the Comanche chiefs on the Texas frontier. He was half white and half Comanche. He was taller and stronger and faster and more clever than any other chief of his time. The fact that he never lost a battle to soldiers who relentlessly pursued him … The fact that he was a ghost on the high plains and disappeared into thin air, even as he was chased in the bright Panhandle sun … The fact that he was devastatingly handsome and could have graced the cover of one of those steamy Western romance novels … The fact that he was the last Comanche chief to decide on his own, without being defeated militarily, to move to the reservation… … is not the point of this commentary. This is a love story, but not a love story for Valentine's Day. This is a love story more appropriate for Mother's Day. Quanah's mother, Cynthia Ann Parker, was abducted by Comanche raiders on the Texas frontier when she was 9. She was raised as a Comanche and married Chief Nocona. She had three children, the oldest of whom was Quanah. Cynthia Ann was eventually "discovered" by white men who traded with the Comanches. Her family, having searched for her for years, quickly organized a ransom offer. The Comanches would not sell her. No matter how much they were offered, tribal elders would not sell her. This was because Cynthia Ann did not want to go. Though born white, she was now culturally Comanche, the wife of a chief, with three children she loved. Many years later, her camp along a tributary of the Pease River was attacked by Texas Rangers. Her husband was killed but her boys escaped. Cynthia Ann was finally freed from captivity, but she saw it as being abducted again. She was now 34. While being escorted to Tarrant County after the battle, she was photographed in Fort Worth with her daughter, Prairie Flower, at her chest and her hair cut short – a Comanche sign of mourning. She never readjusted to white culture and tried many times to escape and return to her tribe. She begged to go back to her people. As S.C. Gwynne reported in his masterpiece, "Empire of the Summer Moon," Cynthia Ann knew Spanish better than English. She told a translator: "Mi corazón llorando todo el tiempo por mi dos hijos." "My heart cries all the time for my two boys" – Quanah and Pecos. But they wouldn't give her her wish. Her relatives believed she would readjust in time. In truth, she was being held captive a second time. She never gave up her Comanche ways. She often sat outside with a small fire and worshiped the Great Spirit according to the customs she knew. Sadly, Prairie Flower died of the flu a few years after they were returned to white society. And Cynthia herself died seven years after that, relatively young, essentially of a broken heart. Gwynne eulogized her this way: "She was a white woman by birth, yes, but also a relic of the Comancheria, the fading empire of high grass and fat summer moons and buffalo herds that blackened the horizon. She had seen all of that death and glory. She had been a chief's wife. She had lived free on the high infinite plains as her adopted race had in the very last place in the North American Continent where anyone would ever live or run free. She had died in the deep pine woods where there was no horizon…" Quanah lost his mother when he was just 12 and longed for her all his life. When he surrendered to life on the reservation he searched for her and was sad to learn that she had died and was buried far away in Texas. All he had of her was a photograph someone gave him, which he kept over his bed always. He jumped through elaborate legal hoops for many years to get her body moved and buried on Comanche soil. When he was successful, he felt his mother was finally home. When Quanah died, he was buried next to her. He believed that though separated for so long in life, they would certainly be together forever with the Great Spirit in the Sky.

The purpose of this article is to examine and compare how the ethnicity, gender and social class conditions of citizenship influence, and are understood by, teachers and secondary school students in England and Sweden. The intention is also to compare how conditions of citizenship are dealt with in social studies for upper secondary school in England and Sweden. The relationship between students education and real conditions for citizenship is complex and partly differs between, as well as within, the two countries. The present comparative examination and analysis aims to visualize both specific and common conditions of citizenship in England and Sweden. This is to draw attention to how the meaning of frequently used terminology and images in the field of Citizenship Education do not always coincide with teachers' and students' own opinions and perceived meanings. By doing this we hope to contribute some new knowledge regarding one of the most difficult challenges that citizenship education is struggling with, whether the provided knowledge and values prepare todays youth to defend and develop future democratic and just societies. To achieve this, we have conducted a number of interviews with teachers and secondary school students and asked them about their experiences and opinions regarding Citizenship Education and the nature of citizenship. The following main questions were central to the interviews: What knowledge and skills does a citizen need in a democracy and how is the meaning of citizenship connected to gender, class and ethnicity? How are personal liberties affected by the citizen's gender, class and ethnicity according to the respondents? What are teachers' and students' experiences of Citizenship Education and how does school pay attention to citizens´ conditions based on gender, class and ethnicity? In recent years, both public debate and published research have shown that, in order to understand the real meanings of citizenship, it is necessary to understand and interpret formal citizenship rights and responsibilities from individuals' social and cultural conditions as characterised by gender, ethnicity and social class. During the 2000s, the Swedish National Agency for Education (Skolverket) presented recurrent reports that shows how socio-economic background, in combination with foreign background, are crucial for pupils school results. The reports also show how segregation between schools and residential areas has increased on the basis of residents socio-economic and ethnic background. This group of students are a part of tomorrows citizens, which are also likely to remain marginalized even as adults. The links between Swedish school policy, pupils school results and the democratic development of society at large has been observed and analysed in contemporary Swedish research. In England, the picture is slightly different with the 7 per cent of the population who experience private education being over-represented in positions of power and influence. In May 2012, the then Secretary of State for Education Michael Gove provided a list of leaders in the arts, sciences, politics, sports, journalism, entertainment and other fields who had all been to independent schools, concluding that "the sheer scale, the breadth and the depth, of private school dominance of our society points to a deep problem in our country . . . Those who are born poor are more likely to stay poor and those who inherit privilege are more likely to pass on privilege in England than in any comparable county." There is significant evidence that socio-economic background, in combination with ethnic background, continue to be highly influential on pupils school results. Links between national education policy, social class and pupils school results appear to remain entrenched in England. When we identify cultural and social conditions as in any way hindering the status of citizenship, we do so from a perspective which does not seek to blame the less powerful for holding particular cultural perceptions but which recognises the barriers a dominant culture sets against those with less power. The insight that tells us it is necessary to comprehend individuals' social and cultural conditions in order to understand and interpret their formal citizenship rights and responsibilities is not, however, particularly recent. Marx wrote over 160 years ago that, "if you assume a particular civil society . . . you will get particular political conditions", from which it must follow that any society divided on the grounds of class, ethnicity and gender will present political conditions which reflect such divisions. It is also the case that there is likely to be a significant space between what is (the real) and what is perceived (the formal); just because there is inequality it does not follow that everyone is aware of that inequality.

The agrarian economy of Uganda has been declining due to many factors including climate change. With the majority of Ugandans depending on agriculture and agricultural related activities for their livelihoods, this decline is threatening their survival as well as Uganda's future economic development. The changing climate is further compounding the problem of declining agricultural production, prompting the Government of Uganda (GoU) to take measures to address its the impacts. In 2007, Uganda submitted its National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The submission was made based on Uganda's commitment to address climate change impacts as a signatory to the convention. The NAPA aimed to prioritize and implement initiatives that respond to communities' urgent needs to adapt to climate change. The NAPA identified nine adaptation priority areas. These included community tree growing; land degradation management; strengthening meteorological services; community water and sanitation; water for production; drought adaptation; vectors, pests and disease control; indigenous knowledge and natural resource management and climate change and development planning. This report assesses the status of the NAPA projects in Uganda, identifying the major activities for each of the projects, target beneficiaries and outcomes, including lessons learned and challenges arising from implementing the projects to inform policy. The report is based on a review of existing reports and other published literature from a variety of sources on NAPA in Uganda and interviews of personnel in various government departments, sub-county officials and beneficiaries. Implementation of the NAPA was initiated in 2012 with funding from the Danish government for one-year (2011/12). The NAPA projects were piloted in four districts—Apac, Pallisa, Bundibugyo and Nakasongola—located in different ecosystems (arid, semi-arid, lowland and highlands). The initiative was led by the Ministry of Water and Environment (MWE), working with different agencies and local government to implement the activities at community level. Activities implemented within each of the projects focused on agriculture, energy and water. The target population for NAPA activities included men and women. Each district implemented on average 8-10 different adaptation actions, however, sustainability of the NAPA projects was not considered from the onset. The NAPA process did not establish a sustainability strategy as part of a comprehensive monitoring and evaluation plan. While the aim of the NAPA projects was to build community resilience, beneficiaries were not ready to adopt the new climate resilient technologies without more assistance from the project at the end of the implementation period, except for water storage tanks and the valley dam technologies. The implementation period of one year was not sufficient to build long-term sustainability of the adaptation activities amongst communities, and the lessons learned have not been documented. Luckily the NAPA process created an opportunity for learning and identifying challenges that communities are facing in adapting to climate change, which were used to develop the National Adaptation Plan (NAP), Intended National Determined Contributions (INDC) and the Climate Smart Agriculture Program (2015-2025). Specifically, some of the activities implemented in NAPA are also outlined in the INDC, CSA program and NAP. Prominent inclusion of climate change adaptation actions have also been made on some of the polices and plans such as the National Development Plan, National Policy for Disaster Preparedness and Management, National Climate Change Policy. At local level, issues of climate change adaptation are difficult to tackle, due to lack of knowledge on the effects and impacts of climate change and budgeting allocation for adaptation actions. As of 2015, despite adoption of the various policies and plans outlined above, Uganda's national government is not allocating funds for local level adaptation. What are some of the emerging lessons from implementing NAPA pilot projects in Uganda? First, involving the community right from vulnerability assessment is essential for identification of adaptation strategies. Second, capacity building for community to manage and implement activities takes time and requires a lot of patience and commitment. Third, capacity building is necessary for local and national government staff to enable them to implement, monitor and evaluate projects with a gender lens. Lastly, community livelihoods are multifaceted and hence one activity is not sufficient to build adaptive capacity. Therefore, local governments need to promote multiple inventions that address climate change that build community resilience.

The purpose of this study is based on the history on the history of the gendarmerie in the Gard department ; The local history is to understand the general history of the weapon. Our research is based on handwritten archives are correspondences between local authorities, letters between the state and the gendarmes, minutes, record, some petitions of the gendarmes. Riders of constabulary and the gendarmes comply with legislation from the past and obey the news. But the revolution distinguishes the police powers of the powers of justice. We must design institutions capable of ensuring implementation. When is the publication of laws and dissemination ? The gendarmes obey the law. The gendarmes should enforce the law and enforce it. How to disable the summary execution of a person during a riot of subsistence ? Our work : the birth of the gendarmerie in the Gard is divided into four parts. At first, I tried to answer the questions raised by the implementation of police stations in the Gard. Through the reading of the leases, we could deepen the role of the Attorney General Griolet which manages the law enforcement. County Administrator, it manages the daily gendarmes. The second part remains a central focus of our work, it covers the salaries of gendarmes and their herses. It is with them that they do daily tours on the highways. Thermidorian Convention and the Executive despite the dire economic conditions do not give the gendarmes. ln the third part I attached to demonstrate the interaction of the gendannes and political events. The Convention is notified of the suspicions behavior of the gendarmes. ln the army of the Rhine, the challenge is manifested by the desertion of the gendarmes. They leave without returning to their department, without herses, without a coat. These returns cause misunderstanding. The Nacquard colonel accused of federalism, it is emprisoned. The last part focuses on the actions of the gendarmes. Their intervention is central to the maintenance of order and the enforcement of laws. lt is a work that emerges from ordinary and extraordinary service. ln conclusion, the gendarmerie is definitely integrated into the army, it loses its independence and remains subject to executive power. ; L'objet de la présente étude repose sur l'histoire de la gendarmerie dans le département du Gard. Cette histoire locale doit permettre de comprendre l'histoire générale de l'arme. Notre recherche s'appuie sur des archives manuscrites qui sont des correspondances entre les autorités locales, des lettres entre l'État et la Gendarmerie, des procès-verbaux, des registres, quelques pétitions des gendarmes. Les cavaliers de Maréchaussée puis les gendarmes se conforment aux lois issues du passé et obéissent aux nouvelles. Mais la Révolution distingue les pouvoirs de police, des pouvoirs de justice. Il faut concevoir des institutions capables d'en assurer la mise en œuvre. Quand est-il de la publication des lois et de leur diffusion? Les gendarmes obéissent à la loi. Les gendarmes doivent appliquer la loi et la faire appliquer. Comment empêcher l'exécution sommaire d'une personne lors d'une émeute de subsistance ? Notre travail, la naissance de la gendarmerie nationale dans le Gard se découpe en quatre parties. Dans un premier temps, j'ai essayé de répondre aux questions soulevées par l'implantation des gendarmeries dans le Gard. À travers la lecture des baux nous avons pu approfondir le rôle du procureur général syndic Griolet qui gère le maintien de l'ordre. Administrateur départemental, il gère le quotidien des gendarmes. La deuxième partie demeure un axe central de notre travail, il porte sur le salaire des gendarmes et leurs chevaux. C'est avec ces derniers qu'ils accomplissent les tournées journalières sur les grands chemins. La Convention Thermidorienne et le Directoire, malgré les conditions économiques désastreuses n'abandonnent pas les gendarmes. Dans la troisième partie, je me suis attachée à démontrer l'interaction de la gendarmerie et des événements politiques. La Convention est avertie du comportement suspect des gendarmes. À l'armée du Rhin, la contestation se manifeste par la désertion des gendarmes. Ils rentrent dans leur département sans congé, sans chevaux, sans manteau. Ces retours provoquent une incompréhension. Le Colonel Nacquard est accusé de fédéralisme, il est écroué. La dernière partie est centrée sur l'action des gendarmes. Leur intervention est au cœur du maintien de l'ordre et de la mise en application des lois. C'est un travail qui ressort du service ordinaire et extraordinaire. En conclusion, la gendarmerie est définitivement intégrée à l'armée, elle perd son indépendance et reste soumise au pouvoir exécutif.

This paper is a follow-up to the introductory paper (The Quality Of Living In New Housing Estates In The Settlement Network Of Zagreb). It carries on with the interpretation of data about the quality of living and housing in Zagreb and three other towns in its settlement net- work, obtained from the 2014 survey The quality of living in the settlement network of Zagreb. The target population were residents of flats or houses in the new housing estates built after 1990. The sample size were 308 respondents living in the City of Zagreb and three other towns in Zagreb County – Velika Gorica, Zaprešić and Samobor. The paper analyses (1) the household facilities and equipment and (2) the neighbourhood services, infrastructure and facilities at two levels, primary and secondary (primary and secondary household and neighbourhood index). The paper presents the housing policy before the 1990s and big changes brought about by the new social system in Croatia and other neighbouring countries. The privatization model from the early period of transition (tenants purchasing socially owned flats) did not solve the housing problem. It only perpetuated the situation from the previous system which was characterized by a housing shortage. That was a fertile ground for numerous private investments in residential and business construction which, persisting throughout two transition decades, reversed the trend and led to the surplus of flats in the City of Zagreb, even overbuilding and destruction of public space. The paper examines housing in post-socialist countries and gives a detailed analysis of survey findings about the quality of housing in the settlement network of Zagreb. The key terms which describe the housing problems are housing affordability and housing accessibility. Both terms are explained in the Croatian (and broader) context in order to suggest improvements since decent housing is only partially or not at all obtainable for most people. Social housing, except for the POS estates, practically does not exist in Croatia. Survey data obtained from the towns in the settlement network of Zagreb show the current housing situation in them. (IN CROATIAN: Rad koji slijedi svojevrsni je nastavak dosadašnje obrade podataka o kvaliteti života i stanovanja objavljenih u uvodnom radu (Kvaliteta života u novostambenim naseljima i lokacijama u zagrebačkoj mreži naselja). Podaci su dobiveni iz anketnog istraživanja Kvaliteta života u zagrebačkoj mreži naselja provedenog u Zagrebu i zagrebačkoj mreži naselja tijekom 2014. godine. Istraživanjem je obuhvaćena ciljano odabrana populacija stanovnika koja živi u novostambenim naseljima/lokacijama (stanovima, kućama) izgrađenima nakon 1990-e godine. Veličina uzorka bila je 308 ispitanika u četiri grada zagrebačke mreže naselja: grad Zagreb i tri grada u Županiji zagrebačkoj - Velikoj Gorici, Zaprešiću i Samoboru. U radu se dalje obrađuju podaci o dvije razine opremljenosti: 1) opremljenosti kućanstva i 2) opremljenosti susjedstva ili neposredne okoline života, i to na primarnoj i sekundarnoj razini (tzv. indeksi opremljenosti). S obzirom da je novo društveno uređenje u Hrvatskoj od 1990-ih donijelo značajne promjene i u području stanovanja i stambene politike u daljnjem radu stoga će se prikazati i kakvo je stanovanje bilo u prošlom sustavu te kakve su promjene nastale s postsocijalističkim periodom, kako u Hrvatskoj tako i susjednim zemljama. Model privatizacije dotadašnjih društvenih stanova (tzv. otkupa) početkom tranzicije je, primjerice, nastavio trend iz prošlog sustava vidljiv kroz nedostatak stanova. To je potaknulo brojne investicije privatnog tipa u području stambene, ali i poslovne izgradnje koje su kroz dva desetljeća tranzicije preokrenule trend manjka stanova u trend viška stanova u Gradu Zagrebu te čak dovele do fenomena preizgrađenosti ali i destrukcije prostora, naročito javnog. O fenomenu i kvaliteti stanovanja u radu se detaljno raspravlja, od pregleda postojećeg stanja u postsocijalističkim zemljama do analize dobivenih podataka za zagrebačku mrežu naselja. Ključni pojmovi kojima se opisuju problemi u stambenom zbrinjavanju stanovništva jesu: priuštivost (affordability) i pristupačnost stana (accessability). Oba se pojma nastoje pojasniti u hrvatskom, ali i širem kontekstu kako bi se sugerirala poboljšanja jer većini stanovnika pristojno stanovanje postaje teško ili samo djelomično dostupno. Uzrok tome je i što tzv. socijalno stanovanje, izuzev tzv. POS-a u Hrvatskoj praktički ne postoji. Podaci na razini zagrebačke mreže i gradova iz uzorka pokazuju kakvo je trenutno stanje u području stanovanja u njima.)

История права Англии и ее правовых институтов является достаточно запутанной и полна спорных, иногда даже противоречивых теорий. Происхождение юрисдикции Суда Канцлера, института, существенно повлиявшего на правовую систему Англии, в настоящее время является предметом научных дискуссий. Среди исследователей правового аспекта деятельности средневекового Канцлера Английского королевства нет единого мнения относительно причин, с которыми связано ее появление. На данный момент существует две основные теории происхождения судебной компетенции Канцлера. Одна из них связывает появление судебных функций с делегированием некоторых полномочий Канцлеру Королевским Советом, другая ‒ с административной работой, осуществляемой Канцелярией. Чтобы показать истинность какой-либо из них, в данной статье будут рассмотрены аргументы, при-водимые приверженцами каждой теории. Автор отмечает, что для Поста главная отличительная особенность Канцлерства лежит не в его «справедливости», а в его административных функциях. Споры в общине могли быть решены лордом манора, сотни или графства исходя из соображения разума и справедливости. По мнению Поста, Канцлер превосходил их только во власти, так как решения, выносимые им, обладали «всем авторитетом государственной власти». Некоторые сторонники теории происхождения судебной юрисдикции Канцлера также аргументируют свою позицию тем, что изначально Канцлером разбирались дела, связанные с работой своих клерков, их правонарушениями, служив, таким образом, средством для их контроля. Но подобный внутренний суд был также и в Казначействе, однако его судебные полномочия касались по большей части вопросов, связанных с доходами короны, и не развились впоследствии в более обширную компетенцию. По итогам проведенного исследования автор делает вывод о том, что вероятность происхождения судебных полномочий Канцлера из его внутренней судеб-ной деятельности крайне мала. Представляется, что все же это сыграло некоторую роль, но гораздо более значимым фактором оказалось участие Канцлера в работе Совета. Вопросы, разбиравшиеся внутренним судом Канцлера, были слишком специфичны, участие же в работе по рассмотрению жалоб требовало более широкого правового кругозора. Поэтому посвященность Канцлера в вопросы общего права, как и его служащих ввиду их деятельности по изданию судебных приказов, делали Канцелярию идеальным кандидатом на должность рассмотрения большого потока обращений подданных. ; The history of the English law and its legal institutions is quite confusing and full of controversial, sometimes even contradictory theories. The origin of the jurisdic-tion of the Court of the Chancellor of the Institute, greatly influenced the legal system of England, is currently the subject of scientific discussions. Among researchers of the legal aspects of medieval English Chancellor of the Kingdom there is no consensus about the reason for her appearance. At the moment, there are two main theories of the origin of the jurisdiction of the Chancellor. One of them links the emer-gence of judicial functions by delegating certain authority to the Chancellor of the Royal Council, the other, administrative work undertaken by the Office. To show the validity of, any of them, this article will examine the arguments used by adherents of each theory. The author notes that for the Post, the main distinguishing feature of Chancellor lies not in its justice, and its administrative functions. Disputes in the community could be resolved by the Lord of the manor, hundred, or County on the basis of considerations of reason and justice. According to the Post, the Chan-cellor surpassed them only in power because the decisions they had "all the authority of government". Some supporters of the theory of the origin of the judicial jurisdiction of the Chancellor also argue that initially, the Chancellor dealt with cases related to work of their clerks, their offences, serves, thus, a means to control them. But this inner court was the Treasury, however, its judicial powers were concerned mostly with issues related to the revenue of the crown, and not developed subsequently in a more extensive competence. According to the results in this article, the author concludes that the probability of origin of judicial powers of the Chancellor of its internal judicial activities is extremely small. We believe that this played some role, but a much more significant factor was the participation of the Chancellor in the Council's work. The issues dealt with by the domestic court of the Chancellor, were too specific, participation in the work of the complaints demanded a broader legal Outlook. Therefore, the dedication of the Chancellor in matters of common law and its servants, because of their activities on the orders, made the Office the perfect candidate for the position of reviewing a large number of subjects.

Käesoleva magistritöö eesmärgiks on välja selgitada joonobjektide paigutamise erinevate variantide mõju põllumajandustootja maakasutustingimustele. Eesmärgi saavutamiseks analüüsiti Rail Baltiku rajamise mõju põllumajanduslikule maakasutusele Kehtna Mõisa OÜ näitel. Teema on aktuaalne ja vajab kajastamist, kuna Eestis hakatakse Rail Baltiku raudteed rajama ning antud teemat on vähe uuritud. Töös keskendutakse Rail Baltiku mõjupiirkonda jäävale Rapla maakonnas asuvale Kehtna Mõisa OÜ kasutuses olevatele põllumassiividele aastal 2014. Antud töös kasutati lähenemist, et raudteetrassi rajamisega ei kaasne suuremahulist ümberkruntimist. Lähtuti sellest, et raudteetrassi alune maa võõrandatakse ning võõrandatav maa kompenseeritakse rahaliselt. Põllumassiivide andmed saadi nii Kehtna Mõisa OÜ-lt kui ka Põllumajanduse Registrite ja Informatsiooni Ametilt. Trassikoridori ja põllumassiivide visualiseerimiseks ning andmete haldamiseks kasutati ESRI tarkvara ArcGIS. Koostati koondtabel, mille põhjal analüüsiti kahe erineva raudteetrassi rajamisel kogukauguse erinevust masinakeskusest põllumassiivideni, keskmist kaugust ning kaalutud keskmist kaugust. Käesoleval ajal kui raudteetrass puudub on kogukaugus masinakeskusest põllumassiivideni 303 km. Raudtee trassilõigu 7C rajamisel oleks kogukaugus 327,64 km, mis tähendaks Kehtna Mõisa OÜ-le 24,64 lisakilomeetri läbimist. Trassilõigu 7G rajamisel oleks kogukaugus 361,64 km, mis oleks 58,64 km rohkem kui antud raudteetrassi rajamata. Kuna kogukaugus suureneb raudteetrassi rajamisel siis mõjutab see maakasutustingimusi ning põhjustab ettevõttele kulude suurenemist. Töö tulemuste põhjal võib väita, et erinev joonobjektide paigutus mõjutab oluliselt põllumajanduslike maakasutustingimusi. Joonobjektide rajamine põhjustab tootmiskeskuse ja põllumassiivide vahelise vahemaa suurenemist ning suurendab ettevõtte kulusid. Käesolev magistritöö on praktilise suunitlusega ning mõeldud eelkõige abimaterjaliks omavalitustele Rail Baltiku raudtee rajamisel parema maakasutuse planeerimiseks. Antud töö võiks huvi pakkuda ka tootmisettevõtetele, mis puutuvad kokku joonobjektide rajamisega. ; The aim of the present Master's thesis is to examine ways in which different allocations of linear objects impact land use conditions for agricultural producers. In order to achieve this aim the author analyzed the impact of the construction of the Rail Baltic on agricultural land use by drawing upon the example of Kehtna Mõisa Ltd. This is a topical issue and requires public attention since the Rail Baltic railway network is going to be built in Estonia and its impacts have not yet been studied in depth. This thesis focuses on land consolidations located in Rapla county which will be affected by the Rail Baltic. In 2014 these lands were used by Kehta Mõisa Ltd. In this thesis it was presupposed that the construction of the railway route would not involve an extensive reparcelling of the land. The author proceeded from the assumption that the land under the railway route would be expropriated and the expropriated land would be monetarily compensated. The data concerning the land consolidation was obtained from both Kehtna Mõisa Ltd and the Estonian Agricultural Registers and Information Board. For the visualisation and data-administration of the railway corridor and land consolidations, the author used the ESRI software ArcGIS. Thereafter a summary table was compiled that the author was able to use to analyse the difference in distances between the consolidated fields and the company's machinery centre that would emerge as a result of the construction of two separate sections of the railway route. Without the construction of the railway route, the total distance from the machinery centre to the consolidated fields is 303 km. With the construction of the section 7C, this distance would be 327.64 km, which would mean an extra 24.64 km. In the event of the construction of section 7G, the total distance would be 361.64 km which would be 58.64 km more than without its being built. As the total distance from the machinery centre to the consolidated fields will increase with the building of the railway route, it will change the land use conditions for Kehtna Mõisa Ltd and will increase the company's expenses. It can be argued on the basis of the results of this thesis that different allocations of linear objects considerably impact agricultural land use conditions. The construction of linear objects will increase the distance between the production centre and land consolidations and will create additional expenses. This MA thesis has a practical purpose and is primarily intended to serve as an aid for the local governments in order for them to better plan land use when the Rail Baltic railway is constructed. This study may also be of interest to production companies that are involved in the construction of linear objects.

In most of the developed societies, in France too, we are now witnessing an increase of the social and economic disparities between regions, an occurrence and persistence of neighborhoods "in difficulty", concentrating the most vulnerable populations. "Spatial segregation" appears as a norm of urban organization and territory as an issue of social cohesion. Many economic and sociological studies have sought to explain the differentials observed between these populations, particularly in the labor market. Three main mechanisms explain the impact of the place of residence on the individuals' labor market achievement: the spatial mismatch, the social environment and the discrimination based on place of residence. In this doctoral dissertation we focus on this last mechanism through which the place of residence affects the individuals' labor market achievement. Across three studies covering three chapters, we highlight three important elements in the analysis of discrimination related to place of residence: the feeling of discrimination, wage discrimination and employment discrimination. These are illustrated by different methods: an analysis of subjective survey data, an analysis of objective survey data and, finally, an analysis of experimental data. The main results are as follows. We have shown that there are specific effects of place of residence on the feeling of discrimination among young people. We have shown that the place of residence has a direct influence on the probability of finding a job after the school as well as on the salary associated with the job. Using a decomposition of wage differentials we have shown that there is a potential discrimination related to the place of residence that affects especially young women. We found a major impact of the residential county on the individuals' chances of access to hiring. The same effect also exists, more weakly, at the level of the neighborhood reputation. An analysis of the order of answers to job candidates confirmed these results and revealed an even stronger discrimination. On the basis of these results, we propose policy recommendations related to different aspects of discrimination based on place of residence. ; Dans la plupart des sociétés développées, en France aussi, on assiste aujourd'hui à une augmentation des disparités sociales et économiques entre les territoires, à l'apparition et à la persistance de quartiers « en difficulté », concentrant les populations les plus fragiles. La « ségrégation spatiale » apparait comme une norme d'organisation urbaine et le territoire comme un enjeu de cohésion sociale. De nombreuses études issues de l'économie et de la sociologie ont cherché à expliquer les écarts de situations observés, notamment sur le marché du travail, entre ces populations. Trois mécanismes principaux expliquent l'impact du lieu d'habitation sur la réussite sur le marché du travail des individus : le spatial mismatch, l'environnement social et la discrimination en raison du lieu de résidence. Dans cette thèse de doctorat nous nous intéressons à ce dernier mécanisme à travers lequel le lieu de résidence affecte les performances sur le marché du travail des individus. Au travers de trois études couvrant trois chapitres, nous mettrons en évidence trois éléments importants dans l'analyse de la discrimination liée au lieu de résidence : le sentiment de discrimination, la discrimination salariale et la discrimination à l'embauche. Ceux-ci sont illustrés par des méthodologies différentes : une analyse de données d'enquêtes subjectives, une analyse de données d'enquêtes objectives et enfin une analyse de données expérimentales. Les résultats principaux sont les suivants. Nous avons montré qu'il y a des effets spécifiques du lieu de résidence sur le ressenti de discriminations des jeunes. Nous avons montré que le lieu de résidence a une influence directe sur la probabilité de trouver un emploi à la sortie des études ainsi que sur le salaire associé à cet emploi. A l'aide d'une décomposition des écarts salariaux nous avons montré qu'il existe une probable discrimination relative au lieu de résidence qui affecte notamment les jeunes femmes. Nous avons trouvé un effet déterminant du département de résidence sur les chances d'accès à l'embauche des individus. Le même effet existe aussi, de manière plus faible, au niveau de la réputation du quartier de résidence des candidats. Une analyse de l'ordre des réponses faites aux candidats a confirmé ces résultats et a même révélé une discrimination encore plus forte. A partir de ces résultats, nous proposons des recommandations de politiques publiques liées aux différents aspects de la discrimination liée au lieu de résidence.

Villem Tamm, who was called also as Tamme Villu or simply Villu, was born on 10th of February 1942 in Viljandi county Kabala. He studied seven years in Villavere school and then in high school in Viljandi. He graduated Tartu State University as "economic cybernetics" (mathematical economists) in 1969. His course mates considered him as a capable and talented person and predicted him successful and fast career as a lecturer and scientist. Villu worked at the Faculty of Economics and Business Administration, University of Tartu, almost 40 years. He started as assistant and continued as senior lecturer, associate professor in the Chair of Economic Cybernetics and Statistics (during the years 1991-1992 he was the head of this chair). During the years 1993-1996 he was professor of statistics and also the head of the Institute of Informatics and Economic Modelling. In the following years he worked as associate professor of statistics and retired in 2007. The new specialisation in the soviet economic education with the name "economic cybernetics" was opened at the Tartu State University in 1967 and there was an urgent need for academic staff who could teach the subjects of specialisation. Villem Tamm was assigned to teach basic principles of "economic cybernetics" and mathematical and statistical methods. He was one of the main lecturers who were teaching the specialisation subjects of "economic cybernetics" and also one of the main supervisors of students' research papers and Diploma Thesis. He has remarkable contribution in preparation of almost 450 students, who have graduated the specialisation of "economic cybernetics". In essence he is one of the founders of the new direction in education of economists – "economic cybernetics" - in Estonia. During his career he was teaching different statistical and mathematical planning courses in Estonian and in Russian for stationary students and for Open University students. For those students, who specialised to economic modelling, Villu was teaching subjects like principles of economics prognosis, input-output tables, Leontief's economic equilibrium models, system analysis in economics, etc. Lot of students from Pärnu and Narva Collage, private universities of Audentes and Veritas can consider him also as their lecturer. Students evaluated him highly as a lecturer, as he was concrete in his taught subjects, he was thought-provoking and the personality to his lectures added his smugly humour. He was innovative and quickly adopted new technics and methods to modernise the teaching process. For example in 1980 he made dozens of dispositive about statistics, prepared punched card test for controlling students' knowledge. In 2003 together with his colleague he designed a web-based course "Statistics", which get the first price in the faculty's competition. In total Villem Tamm has published nine textbooks and voluminous methodological materials for six courses. The way to the candidate (Ph.D) degree was not so quick. He continued his post-graduate studies in 1977 and defended Ph.D thesis (candidate in economics) in 1985. His main research areas have been very diverse: starting from the studies devoted to efficiency and effective use of labour resources, regularity of working processes up to problems and misunderstandings of statistical information. During several decades he was doing research in the field of input-output tables. From his personality Villem Tamm had good leadership abilities and as a head of different structural units he was tolerant, steady and fair leader. He had desire to motivate and direct both students and his colleagues; at the same time being dispassionate in communication and dignified in his behaviour. He was helpful and mindful of others; he had skills to solve complicated situations humanly and peacefully. During his working career he had also to fulfil different administrative obligations. He was 15 years supervisor and leader for different courses, curator of cooperation agreement between economic cybernetics from Vilnius, Latvia and Tartu Universities, member of teaching methodology commission, member of faculty's council, etc. He was one of the founders of Estonian Statistical Society, alumni society "Hermes", lecturer of association "Teadus" ("Science"), etc. He was participating in conducting population censuses, where he could implement his statistical knowledge and organiser's abilities. Since the independence of Estonia he was several times leading the local election commissions during the parliament and local elections. Even if sometimes others could not see active engagement to these named and also to lot of others not mentioned activities, everything was functioning and was done at high quality.

Los medios de comunicación de proximidad pueden hacer una aportación destacada al desarrollo local, al ejercer como difusores de la actividad que se produce en un territorio y contribuir a potenciar sus elementos socioeconómicos y culturales. En las comunidades más pequeñas, esta promoción de los rasgos identitarios contribuye a la cohesión social, y favorece la implicación ciudadana en las políticas encaminadas a fomentar ese desarrollo. Así, la divulgación del día a día del territorio, de sus valores y de sus problemas, puede espolear la conciencia colectiva y fortalecer las acciones dirigidas a la mejora de las condiciones económicas, sociales y culturales. El diario La Opinión-El Correo de Zamora realiza este papel en las comarcas de Aliste, Tábara y Alba, situadas en la zona occidental de esa demarcación castellano-leonesa, lindando con Portugal. Las tres conforman un territorio que reproduce, a una escala aún mayor, los problemas más graves que viene sufriendo toda la provincia de Zamora desde mediados del siglo XX. Se trata de un lugar duramente lastrado por la despoblación y el envejecimiento, con una densidad de apenas 7 habitantes por kilómetro cuadrado, y que secularmente se ha visto sometido al olvido por su distancia respecto a otras zonas más habitadas y con un mayor dinamismo económico. El periódico recoge en sus páginas la cotidianeidad de estas comarcas, plasmando su potencial humano, cultural y económico, así como los problemas a los que se enfrenta. De alguna forma, el diario hace posible que todos los lectores sepan que Aliste, Tábara y Alba existen, y que sus propios habitantes sean conscientes de las posibilidades que tienen a su alcance. Las condiciones de vida de los pueblos, las tradiciones ancestrales, la puesta en marcha de iniciativas emprendedoras, la cooperación transfronteriza y la divulgación de los recursos naturales de Aliste, Tábara y Alba son algunos de los temas que tienen un reflejo diario en La Opinión-El Correo de Zamora. El periódico es consciente de la importancia de incidir en esta labor, tanto por la perspectiva empresarial de fidelizar lectores como por el empeño de mostrar y reivindicar los intereses de una tierra que ha padecido históricamente las consecuencias de ser un territorio periférico. La sociedad local está respondiendo de una forma muy positiva, tal y como indican las cifras de difusión del periódico –muy elevadas, teniendo en cuenta la escasa población y el delicado momento que vive la prensa escrita– y la percepción que existe acerca de la importancia de este medio de comunicación para situarse en el mapa y, de esta forma, hacer que se conozcan todas las acciones de desarrollo local que se llevan a cabo. ; The media of vicinity can make an outstanding contribution to the local development, when exercising as diffusors of the activity that takes place in a territory and to contribute to develop its socioeconomic and cultural elements. In the smallest communities, this promotion of the features contributes to the social cohesion, and it favors the civic implication in the politicians guided to foment that development. This way, the popularization of the day by day of the territory, of their values and of their problems, it can spur the collective conscience and to strengthen the actions directed to the improvement of the economic, social and cultural conditions. The newspaper The Zamora's Mail carries out this paper in the districts of it Enlists, Tábara and Alba, located in the western area of that demarcation Castilian-leonesa, abutting with Portugal. The three conform a territory that reproduces, to an even bigger scale, the most serious problems that it comes suffering Zamora's county from half-filled of the XX century. It is about a place difficultly ballasted by the depopulation and the aging, with a density of hardly 7 inhabitants for square kilometer, and that secularly it has been subjected to the forgetfulness for their distance regarding other more inhabited areas and with an economic bigger dynamism. The newspaper picks up in its pages the day-to-dayness of these districts, capturing its human, cultural and economic potential, as well as the problems to those that he/she faces. In some way, the newspaper makes possible that all the readers know that Aliste, Tábara and Alba exist, and that their own inhabitants are aware of the possibilities that have within its reach.