Yerel yönetimlerin mali yapısını da kapsayan reform çalışmalarında başarıya ulaşabilmek açısından uluslararası entegrasyon sürecinin yerel yönetimlere olan etkilerini analiz etmek son derece önemli bir konudur. Uluslararası entegrasyon sürecinin yerel yönetimler maliyesi üzerindeki etkilerinin analiz edildiği bu tez çalışmasında konular üç ana başlık altında incelenmektedir. Birinci bölümde uluslararası entegrasyonlar ve küreselleşme olgusu ele alınmıştır. Bu bölümde ekonomik entegrasyonların özellikleri, aşamaları, ve uluslar arası entegrasyonlara ilişkin çeşitli konular kavramsal çerçevede değerlendirilmektedir. Küreselleşme kapsamında ise; Küreselleşme süreci, küreselleşmenin özellikleri, küreselleşmenin kamu yönetimi üzerindeki etkileri, küreselleşmenin ulus devletleri ne şekilde etkilediği ve küreselleşme ile yerelleşme arasındaki ilişki ortaya konulmaktadır. Yine küreselleşme sürecinde yerel yönetimleri ve maliyesini derinden etkileyen uluslararası ekonomik ve mali kuruluşlara bu bölümde değinilmektedir. Đkinci bölüm ise; uluslararası entegrasyon ve küreselleşme döneminde yerel yönetimlere hakim olan politikalara ayrılmıştır. Yerel yönetimleri hemen her alanda derinden etkileyen yaklaşımlar bu bölümde ayrıntılı bir incelemeye tabi tutulmuştur. Üçüncü bölüm ise; uluslararası entegrasyonların en popüler ve başarılı örneklerinden olan Avrupa Konseyi ve Avrupa Birliği'nin yerel yönetimler maliyesi üzerindeki etkilerinin ayrıntılı bir analizine ayrılmıştır. Özellikle Avrupa Birliği'nin yerel yönetimlere yaklaşımı ve Birlik müktesebatı çerçevesinde yerel yönetimlere biçilen yeni rol ve bu rolün yerel yönetimler maliyesi üzerindeki etkileri bu çalışmanın son bölümünde ağırlıklı olarak yer almaktadır. Avrupa Birliği'nin yerel yönetimlere yönelik mali yardımları ve Birliğin adaylık sürecinde ve tam üyelikte Türk yerel yönetimlerine olası etkileri de bu bölümde ele alınan diğer konulardır. Uluslararası entegrasyonlar entegrasyona dahil olan ülkelerin yerel yönetimlerinden entegrasyonun amaçlarının gerçekleştirilmesi ve böylelikle entegrasyonun kökleşmesi için faaliyette bulunmalarını talep etmektedir. Ayrıca, entegrasyonun sağlıklı bir şekilde işlemesi ve istikrarı için entegrasyon tarafından belirlenen sınırlamaların ve taahhütlerin üye ülkelerde yerel yönetimlerin de dahil olduğu kamu kesimince yerine getirilmesi talep edilmektedir. Uluslararası entegrasyon süreci yerel yönetimleri hemen her alanda etkilemektedir. Yerel yönetimler maliyesi de bu süreçlerden etkilenen başlıca alanlar içerisinde yer almaktadır. Uluslararası ekonomik ve mali kuruluşlar ile çok uluslu şirketlerin de belirleyici aktörler olarak yer aldıkları küreselleşme ve uluslararası entegrasyon süreci, yerel yönetimleri finansman, hizmet sunma yöntemleri, merkezi yönetimle aralarındaki ilişkiler (görev ve kaynak bölüşümü, idari vesayet, merkezi idare bankaları vb.), personel, denetim, yurtiçi ve sınırötesi işbirliği, katılım, uluslararası kuruluşlar ve yabancı sermaye piyasalarıyla olan ilişkiler gibi pekçok konuda derinden etkilemiştir. Kimi zaman bunun da ötesine geçilerek, Avrupa Birliği entegrasyonunda olduğu gibi birliğin amaçlarının gerçekleştirilmesinde bölgesel ve yerel yönetimler başlıca aktörler olarak görülmekte ve bu amaçların gerçekleştirilmesi için yerine getirilmesi gereken faaliyetlerin mümkün olduğunca halka en yakın yönetim birimlerince ifa edilmesi (subsidiarite) esası getirilmektedir. Bu kural birlik müktesebatının bir parçası yapılmakta ve hazırlanan birlik anayasa taslaklarında bu ilkeye yer verilmektedir. AB'ye uyum sürecinde yerel yönetimlerimize de önemli görevler düşmektedir. Avrupa Birliği, kaynak kullanımında etkin, katılımcı ve halka yakın bir yerel yönetim sistemi öngörmektedir. AB'nin birlik politikalarının uygulanmasında yerel yönetimlere biçtiği rolü sağlıklı olarak saptayabilmek ve bunun gereklerini yerine getirmek için gerekli yasal ve idari tedbirleri almak merkezi yönetim ve yerel yönetimlerin başlıca görevlerindendir. ; To analyse the effects of the international integration process on the local governments is considerably important study field in terms of achieving the reform studies including the financial structure of local governments. The topics in this thesis research, which the effects of the international integration on the local governments finance are analysed, are examined under three major headings. The fact of international integrations and globalization is mentioned in the first section. In this part, the features of financial integration, its stages and various topics related to the international integration are evaluated within a conceptual framework. As for the globalization, the process of globalization, its features, the effects of globalization on public governments, how it affects the national states and the relationship between globalization and localization are introduced. The international economic and financial institutions affecting the local governments and its finance profoundly in the globalization process are once again mentioned in this part. The second section is left for the policies that dominate the local governments in the period of international integration and globalization. In this part the approaches which have an influence on the local governments profoundly in almost every area are analyzed in detail. The third section is about a detailed analysis of the effects of the European Council and European Union, the most popular and most successful examples of the international integration, on the local governments finance. Especially the approaches of European Union to the local governments and a new role assigned to the local governments within the framework of acquis communataine and the effects of this role on local governments finance are largely included in the final part. The financial support of the European Union for local governments and possible effects of the Union to Turkish local governments in the period of candidateship and a full membership are also the other topics included in this vi section. International integrations demands that local governments of the countries which are included in integration realize the aims of the integration and thus work for taking root of the integration. Furthermore, its demanded that the restrictions and undertakings determined by the integration are fulfilled by the public sector including the local governments in member countries in order to make it work in a good and stable way. Process of the international integration affects the local governments in almost every area. The finance of the local governments is among the major ones which is affected by these processes. The process of globalization and international integration which the international economic and financial institues and multinational companies as well take part as determinative actors affects local governments profoundly at various topics such as financing, the methods of serving, the relationship with central government (task and source distribution, administrative tutelage, central government banks etc.), staff, supervision, domestic and transfrontier cooperation, attendance, international institutions and foreign capital market. Sometimes by passing beyond this as well, regional and local governments are seen as major actors in order to realize the aims of the union as it happens in European Union Integration and that the activities, which must be fulfilled to realize these aims, are held by the units that are the closest to public as far as possible, namely principal of subsidiarite is brought. This rule is made a part of acquis communautaire and this principal is included in the constitution outlines. Local governments have important mission in the adaptation process to European Union. European Union stipulates a system of a local governments which is active in using source, participant and close to public. To be able to determine correctly the role which European Union assigns to local governments in the application of unity policies and to take necessary legislative and administrative precautions in order to fulfill it are the primary mission of central and local governments.
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In a 247-155 vote, the House passed a bill today that would impose sanctions on anyone who has assisted the International Criminal Court in its investigation of Israel's conduct in Gaza, a group that could include U.S. allies like Germany and Japan that fund the tribunal.The bill, titled the Illegitimate Court Counteraction Act, aims to punish the ICC for its chief prosecutor's recent decision to seek arrest warrants against several leaders from Israel and Hamas, including Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. More than 40 Democrats joined Republicans to back the proposal despite opposition from the Biden administration.The bill, which faces an uphill battle in the Democrat-controlled Senate, would also sanction immediate family members of those targeted. The sanctions include bans on entering the U.S. and doing business with American companies or citizens."We cannot stand by and allow the court to do what it's doing," said Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), a lead sponsor of the legislation. Roy argues the proposal would send a strong message to the international community that the United States will not allow politicized cases against itself or its allies."This is a kangaroo court," said Rep. Guy Reschentaler (R-Pa.), another sponsor of the bill. "To defend it is to defend an institution that is anti-American, anti-Israel and anti-semitic."The vote came just a day after the Biden administration announced that it opposed the bill. "There are more effective ways to defend Israel, preserve U.S. positions on the ICC, and promote international justice and accountability, and the Administration stands ready to work with the Congress on those options," the White House said in a statement, leaving open the possibility of a compromise on sanctions against the court.Human rights advocates urged members to vote against the bill. Sarah Leah Whitson, the executive director of DAWN, called it "a shameful attempt to obstruct justice and undermine the rule of law to shield Israeli leaders from accountability.""Members of Congress should vote no on this bill and refuse to act like a bunch of lawless mafiosos threatening judges and prosecutors in a court of law," Whitson said. Democratic opponents of the proposal say it is overly broad and would prevent any meaningful cooperation with the court in other cases, including pending war crimes charges against Russian President Vladimir Putin.As written, the legislation would force the president to impose sanctions against everyone from ICC prosecutor Karim Khan to famed international lawyer Amal Clooney, who endorsed Khan's decision to bring charges and advised the prosecutor's office in the investigation. The latter target would be particularly uncomfortable for President Joe Biden, who is set to appear at a campaign fundraiser hosted by actor George Clooney, Amal's husband, later this month. (Clooney himself would face sanctions under the bill if he wasn't an American citizen.)The bill drew more support from Democrats than many observers expected, though most members fell in line following the Biden administration's intervention against the proposal. Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Calif.) — an emphatically pro-Israel lawmaker — said that, while the ICC case is "outrageous," the proposal only "masquerades as pro-Israel.""I wanted to cosponsor this bill when I read the title," Sherman said, noting that he would support narrower sanctions against the ICC. "Unfortunately I read the bill."But other pro-Israel Democrats were not convinced by the administration's arguments against the bill. Reps. Ritchie Torres (D-N.Y.), Shri Thanedar (D-Mich.), and Tom Suozzi (D-N.Y.) were among those who broke with the White House to vote for the proposal.Republican supporters of the bill said they were disappointed that the bill failed to earn broad bipartisan backing despite widespread anger in Congress about the ICC's decision. "A partisan messaging bill was not my intention here," Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas) said. "But that's where we are right now."The back and forth over the sanctions bill highlights Washington's complex relationship with the ICC. While the U.S. is a signatory of the agreement underlying the court, American officials have never ratified the treaty due to fears that U.S. soldiers would fall under its jurisdiction.This case is the first time that the ICC has pursued charges against the leader of a close U.S. ally. A 2002 law allows the U.S. to use "all means necessary" to secure the release of U.S. or allied personnel who are detained at the Hague.Former President Donald Trump imposed sanctions against several ICC officials over an investigation into U.S. conduct in Afghanistan, but Biden quickly reversed those measures when he took office in 2021. At the time, the Biden administration called the sanctions "inappropriate and ineffective."Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.), the lead Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, argued that sanctions are "simply not going to work here.""This bill will bluntly curtail the United States' ability to engage the court to advance our interests," Meeks said, adding that the legislation "would have a chilling effect on the ICC as an institution and hamper the court's efforts to prosecute serious atrocities."Some Democrats noted that the bill would expose the U.S. to allegations of hypocrisy given the broad support that American officials have given the ICC in its investigation into alleged Russian atrocities in Ukraine. "I am already being challenged to explain U.S. double standards every time I meet with representatives of foreign governments," said Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.). "What better gift to China and Russia than for us to undermine the international rule of law.""It's not gonna do anything to bring an end to the conflict, but it will damage our relationships with our allies," argued Rep. Mary Scanlon (D-Pa.) during a Monday hearing. "It will damage our status on the world stage, and it apparently can provide some cover for Putin, among others."The bill will now head to the Senate, where it will likely fall flat, according to Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.). "That does not mean there won't be efforts to bring up that or other versions of it, but I don't think it will pass," Van Hollen said during a Monday event at the Center for American Progress.
The task of building an effective security architecture facing the European Union is extremely important in that the approach to its solution will determine the nature of the relations between the countries in the region in the future. An analysis of the processes of building a common security and defense policy (EUSR) of the EU is impossible without addressing the interrelated problems: security in the EU with the European Union's place in the Euro-Atlantic processes and in the world at large. The development of the SPBO has a significant impact on all countries of Central and Eastern Europe, including Ukraine, which explains the relevance of its further study by national science. Until the scientific and legal literature has addressed the issue of forming and developing a common security and defense policy in the EU. In many ways, this is explained by the relatively short period of existence of the ESDC as a phenomenon, with the result that, in most cases, the study focused on considering the formation, rather than the functioning, of the ESDC mechanisms designed to prepare the EU component for further work. First of all, we are referring to studies on various aspects of the history and current activities of the European Union. In addition, the authors analyze the common issues of European security: from the problems of building security models for Europe to issues related to the activities of European regional military-political organizations on the security and interaction of European and US countries in the field of the common security and defense policy of the EU. Other authors have considered some aspects in the process of becoming an EU Security Council. However, the existing work does not allow for a holistic picture of the process of forming and developing a common foreign and security policy of the EU, in turn, the continued development of a common foreign and security policy of the EU necessitates the development of new aspects of identified issues and generalizations. In this article, the author focuses on highlighting the main stages of the EUSF formation and its importance for the effective functioning of the EU as a whole. There are four main stages in the development of the common security and defense policy: the first stage (1992-1997) is the signing of the Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties; the second stage (1998-2002), when the EU declared its intention to form an ESDP in Saint-Malo (1998), as well as the decisions taken at the Cologne, Helsinki, Nice, Lachen summits; the third stage (since 2003), the Berlin Plus agreement was reached (March 2003). The Council of Europe adopted the first European Security Strategy (December 2003); and the final stage began with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty on 1 December 2009. Within this framework, the European Union is trying to adequately respond to some of the new challenges that emerge in the process of globalization, shaping European identity. Keywords: European Union, EU common security and defense policy, EU common foreign policy, international security, EU security policy. ; Анализ процессов выстраивания общей политики безопасности и обороны (ОПБО) ЕС невозможен без рассмотрения взаимосвязанных проблем: обеспечение безопасности в ЕС с местом Европейского Союза в евро-атлантических процессах и в мире в целом. Развитие ОПБО оказывает значительное влияние на все страны Центральной и Восточной Европы, в том числе и в Украине, что объясняет актуальность дальнейшего изучения отечественной наукой. Пока в научной юридической и политической литературе вопросы формирования и развития общей политики безопасности и обороны ЕС не получили достаточного освещения. В данной статье автор концентрирует внимание на выделении основных этапов формирования ОПБО и ее значении для эффективного функционирования ЕС в целом. Ключевые слова: Европейский Союз, общая политика безопасности и обороны ЕС, общая внешняя политика ЕС, международная безопасность, политика безопасности ЕС ; Завдання побудови ефективної архітектури безпеки, що стоїть перед Європейським Союзом, надзвичайно важливе тим, що підхід до його вирішення визначить характер взаємовідносин держав в регіоні в майбутньому. Аналіз процесів вибудовування спільної політики безпеки і оборони (СПБО) ЄС неможливий без розгляду взаємопов'язаних проблем: забезпечення безпеки в ЄС з місцем Європейського Союзу в євро-атлантичних процесах і в світі в цілому. Розвиток СПБО здійснює значний вплив на всі країни Центральної та Східної Європи, в тому числі і на Україну, що пояснює актуальність її подальшого вивчення вітчизняною наукою. Поки в науковій юридичній та політичній літературі питання формування і розвитку спільної політики безпеки і оборони ЄС не отримали достатнього висвітлення. Багато в чому це пояснюється відносно коротким періодом існування СПБО як явища, в результаті чого вивчення в більшості випадків фокусувалася на розгляді становлення, а не функціонування механізмів СПБО, покликаних підготувати дану складову ЄС до подальшої роботи. Тут, перш за все, маються на увазі дослідження з різних аспектів історії та сучасної діяльності Європейського союзу. Поруч автори аналізують загальні питання європейської безпеки: від проблем побудови моделей безпеки для Європи до питань, пов'язаних з діяльністю європейських регіональних військово-політичних організацій з безпеки і взаємодії країн Європи і США в галузі спільної політики безпеки і оборони ЄС. Іншими авторами розглянуті окремі аспекти в процесі становлення СПБО ЄС. Однак наявні роботи не дозволяють створити цілісну картину процесу формування і розвитку спільної зовнішньої політики і політики безпеки та оборони ЄС, в свою чергу, постійний розвиток спільної зовнішньої політики і політики безпеки та оборони ЄС зумовлює необхідність розробки нових аспектів визначеної проблематики та узагальнюючих публікацій. У даній статті автор концентрує увагу на виділенні основних етапів формування СПБО та її значенні для ефективного функціонування ЄС в цілому. У розвитку спільної політики безпеки і оборони можна виділити чотири основні етапи: перший етап (1992-1997 роки), це підписання Маастрихтського і Амстердамського договорів; другий етап (1998-2002 роки), коли була зроблена заява про намір ЄС сформувати ЄПБО в Сен-Мало (1998 рік), а також рішення, прийняті на самітах в Кельні, Гельсінкі, Ніцці, Лакені; третій етап (з 2003 року), були досягнуті домовленості «Берлін плюс» (березень 2003 року). Рада Європи прийняла першу Європейську стратегію безпеки (грудень 2003 року); і останній етап розпочався із з набранням чинності 1 грудня 2009 р. Лісабонського договору. В його рамках Європейський Союз намагається адекватно реагувати на деякі нові виклики, що виникають в процесі глобалізації, формуючи європейську ідентичність. Ключові слова: Європейський Союз, спільна політика безпеки та оборони ЄС, спільна зовнішня політика ЄС, міжнародна безпека, безпекова політика ЄС.
Due to the paradigmic powers of the constitutional courts to verify the conformity of legal acts with the constitution, researchers of these institutions have focused exclusively on them and devoted little attention to other gruops of powers of the constitutional justice institutions. This tendency is strong both in foreign and in Lithuanian law research works. In order to at least partially fill this gap in legal science, this study examines the issue of modifying the constitutional justice model entrenched in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania and the Law on the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, namely in the area of conclusions given by the Constitutional Court. Although the discussions about the development of other elements of this group of powers of Constitutional Court are also possible, but the object of this research is objects and subjects of consideration of inquiries regarding the conclusions of the Constitutional Court. The aim of this research is to discuss the needs, preconditions and possibilities for modifying the legal regulation entrenched in the Constitution and the Law on the Constitutional Court, regulating the objects and subjects of the powers in question. In order to provide a basis for further research, in the first chapter of the study the typology of the powers of constitutional justice institutions, as well as the development of the Lithuanian constitutional justice model is discussed. The second section of the study discusses the possibilities of modifying the existing objects of consideration of the inquiries requesting a conclusion of the Constitutional Court, as well as for expanding the list of objects of consideration of these inquiries with the competence commonly observed to be conferred on constitutional justice institutions in other European states. The third part of the study analyzes the needs for modifying the subjects of the consideration of the inquiry requesting a conclusion. This section discusses not only the needs of expanding the list of the subjects authorised to initiate these proceedings, but also the circle of the persons participating in constitutional justice proceedings dealing with inquiries requesting a conclusion and other participants to such type of constitutional justice cases. In order to answer the questions of this study, first of all normative sources were analyzed: Constitution, also the Law on the Constitutional Court and other legislative acts related to the discussed powers of the Constitutional Court. In order to compare the scope of the powers of the constitutional justice institutions of Lithuania and other European states (in the discussed area) foreign legal acts falling under the present research (constitutions of foreign states, laws on constitutional courts, rules of constitutional courts) were also analyzed. A particularly important role in this study plays the analysis of jurisprudential sources: the basic source in this group is the final and non-final acts of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, as well as other materials of constitutional justice cases, not excluding the decisions of Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania and the acts of constitutional justice institutions of foreign states. In this work were also analysed relevant to the study public opinion surveys, statistical data and special literature. This study lead to the conclusion, that in comparison with the powers conferred on the constitutional courts (in the discussed area) of other European states, the competence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania is relatively narrow. The analysis of the legal regulation regulating the powers of the Constitutional Court to consider the inquires requesting conclusions has revealed, that there are certain problems requiring legal regulation adjustment both in the area of objects and subjects of consideration of the inquiries requesting a conclusion of the Constitutional Court. Public survey results show that a significant part of society is prepared for expanding the competence of the Constitutional Court, vesting it with additional functions, strengthening its powers, as well as increasing its accessibility. Therefore, consideration should be given to the preconditions for enhancing the powers of the Constitutional Court not only by introducing the individual constitutional complaint institution, but also by reinforcing the powers of the Constitutional Court in the area of its conclusions. The study also draws the conclusion that the currently existing objects of these proceedings could be modified: 1) by expanding the list of officials specified in the Constitution who may be removed from office through impeachment proceedings and extending it to the president and justices of the Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania; 2) by granting the Constitutional Court the right to apply the temporary protection measure of the suspension of the powers of the officials concerned in cases concerning impeachment proceedings. Upon assessing the possibilities for expanding the list of objects of these proceedings, the study leads to the conclusion that this list should also include the powers of the Constitutional Court to exercise the a priori assessment of the constitutionality of issues put to a referendum. In the area of subjects of the inquiries requesting a conclusion some practical problems arise due to the limited circle of subjects authorised to initiate constitutional justice cases regarding the breaches of electoral laws and the constitutionality of international treaties of the Republic of Lithuania: candidates participating in parliamentary and presidential elections or subjects who have nominated such candidates remain the ones most interested in the outcome of proceedings regarding the violations of electoral laws; therefore, the fact that they have no right to directly apply to the Constitutional Court regarding the violations of electoral laws poses an obstacle to the effective defence of their violated electoral rights. In addition, the applications brought before the Constitutional Court and the practice of foreign states underline the need to expand the circle of subjects entitled to directly address the Constitutional Court in cases concerning the constitutionality of international treaties following their ratification, as well as concerning the constitutionality of laws on their ratification. The Law on the Constitutional Court contains no provision specifying who should be considered a party concerned in constitutional justice cases instituted regarding the violations of electoral laws, or in cases concerning the constitutionality of international treaties of the Republic of Lithuania; consequently, practical uncertainties arise in the course of considering these cases, since a significant part of procedural rights depends on whether a particular subject is recognised as a party concerned.
Due to the paradigmic powers of the constitutional courts to verify the conformity of legal acts with the constitution, researchers of these institutions have focused exclusively on them and devoted little attention to other gruops of powers of the constitutional justice institutions. This tendency is strong both in foreign and in Lithuanian law research works. In order to at least partially fill this gap in legal science, this study examines the issue of modifying the constitutional justice model entrenched in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania and the Law on the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, namely in the area of conclusions given by the Constitutional Court. Although the discussions about the development of other elements of this group of powers of Constitutional Court are also possible, but the object of this research is objects and subjects of consideration of inquiries regarding the conclusions of the Constitutional Court. The aim of this research is to discuss the needs, preconditions and possibilities for modifying the legal regulation entrenched in the Constitution and the Law on the Constitutional Court, regulating the objects and subjects of the powers in question. In order to provide a basis for further research, in the first chapter of the study the typology of the powers of constitutional justice institutions, as well as the development of the Lithuanian constitutional justice model is discussed. The second section of the study discusses the possibilities of modifying the existing objects of consideration of the inquiries requesting a conclusion of the Constitutional Court, as well as for expanding the list of objects of consideration of these inquiries with the competence commonly observed to be conferred on constitutional justice institutions in other European states. The third part of the study analyzes the needs for modifying the subjects of the consideration of the inquiry requesting a conclusion. This section discusses not only the needs of expanding the list of the subjects authorised to initiate these proceedings, but also the circle of the persons participating in constitutional justice proceedings dealing with inquiries requesting a conclusion and other participants to such type of constitutional justice cases. In order to answer the questions of this study, first of all normative sources were analyzed: Constitution, also the Law on the Constitutional Court and other legislative acts related to the discussed powers of the Constitutional Court. In order to compare the scope of the powers of the constitutional justice institutions of Lithuania and other European states (in the discussed area) foreign legal acts falling under the present research (constitutions of foreign states, laws on constitutional courts, rules of constitutional courts) were also analyzed. A particularly important role in this study plays the analysis of jurisprudential sources: the basic source in this group is the final and non-final acts of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, as well as other materials of constitutional justice cases, not excluding the decisions of Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania and the acts of constitutional justice institutions of foreign states. In this work were also analysed relevant to the study public opinion surveys, statistical data and special literature. This study lead to the conclusion, that in comparison with the powers conferred on the constitutional courts (in the discussed area) of other European states, the competence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania is relatively narrow. The analysis of the legal regulation regulating the powers of the Constitutional Court to consider the inquires requesting conclusions has revealed, that there are certain problems requiring legal regulation adjustment both in the area of objects and subjects of consideration of the inquiries requesting a conclusion of the Constitutional Court. Public survey results show that a significant part of society is prepared for expanding the competence of the Constitutional Court, vesting it with additional functions, strengthening its powers, as well as increasing its accessibility. Therefore, consideration should be given to the preconditions for enhancing the powers of the Constitutional Court not only by introducing the individual constitutional complaint institution, but also by reinforcing the powers of the Constitutional Court in the area of its conclusions. The study also draws the conclusion that the currently existing objects of these proceedings could be modified: 1) by expanding the list of officials specified in the Constitution who may be removed from office through impeachment proceedings and extending it to the president and justices of the Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania; 2) by granting the Constitutional Court the right to apply the temporary protection measure of the suspension of the powers of the officials concerned in cases concerning impeachment proceedings. Upon assessing the possibilities for expanding the list of objects of these proceedings, the study leads to the conclusion that this list should also include the powers of the Constitutional Court to exercise the a priori assessment of the constitutionality of issues put to a referendum. In the area of subjects of the inquiries requesting a conclusion some practical problems arise due to the limited circle of subjects authorised to initiate constitutional justice cases regarding the breaches of electoral laws and the constitutionality of international treaties of the Republic of Lithuania: candidates participating in parliamentary and presidential elections or subjects who have nominated such candidates remain the ones most interested in the outcome of proceedings regarding the violations of electoral laws; therefore, the fact that they have no right to directly apply to the Constitutional Court regarding the violations of electoral laws poses an obstacle to the effective defence of their violated electoral rights. In addition, the applications brought before the Constitutional Court and the practice of foreign states underline the need to expand the circle of subjects entitled to directly address the Constitutional Court in cases concerning the constitutionality of international treaties following their ratification, as well as concerning the constitutionality of laws on their ratification. The Law on the Constitutional Court contains no provision specifying who should be considered a party concerned in constitutional justice cases instituted regarding the violations of electoral laws, or in cases concerning the constitutionality of international treaties of the Republic of Lithuania; consequently, practical uncertainties arise in the course of considering these cases, since a significant part of procedural rights depends on whether a particular subject is recognised as a party concerned.
Due to the paradigmic powers of the constitutional courts to verify the conformity of legal acts with the constitution, researchers of these institutions have focused exclusively on them and devoted little attention to other gruops of powers of the constitutional justice institutions. This tendency is strong both in foreign and in Lithuanian law research works. In order to at least partially fill this gap in legal science, this study examines the issue of modifying the constitutional justice model entrenched in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania and the Law on the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, namely in the area of conclusions given by the Constitutional Court. Although the discussions about the development of other elements of this group of powers of Constitutional Court are also possible, but the object of this research is objects and subjects of consideration of inquiries regarding the conclusions of the Constitutional Court. The aim of this research is to discuss the needs, preconditions and possibilities for modifying the legal regulation entrenched in the Constitution and the Law on the Constitutional Court, regulating the objects and subjects of the powers in question. In order to provide a basis for further research, in the first chapter of the study the typology of the powers of constitutional justice institutions, as well as the development of the Lithuanian constitutional justice model is discussed. The second section of the study discusses the possibilities of modifying the existing objects of consideration of the inquiries requesting a conclusion of the Constitutional Court, as well as for expanding the list of objects of consideration of these inquiries with the competence commonly observed to be conferred on constitutional justice institutions in other European states. The third part of the study analyzes the needs for modifying the subjects of the consideration of the inquiry requesting a conclusion. This section discusses not only the needs of expanding the list of the subjects authorised to initiate these proceedings, but also the circle of the persons participating in constitutional justice proceedings dealing with inquiries requesting a conclusion and other participants to such type of constitutional justice cases. In order to answer the questions of this study, first of all normative sources were analyzed: Constitution, also the Law on the Constitutional Court and other legislative acts related to the discussed powers of the Constitutional Court. In order to compare the scope of the powers of the constitutional justice institutions of Lithuania and other European states (in the discussed area) foreign legal acts falling under the present research (constitutions of foreign states, laws on constitutional courts, rules of constitutional courts) were also analyzed. A particularly important role in this study plays the analysis of jurisprudential sources: the basic source in this group is the final and non-final acts of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, as well as other materials of constitutional justice cases, not excluding the decisions of Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania and the acts of constitutional justice institutions of foreign states. In this work were also analysed relevant to the study public opinion surveys, statistical data and special literature. This study lead to the conclusion, that in comparison with the powers conferred on the constitutional courts (in the discussed area) of other European states, the competence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania is relatively narrow. The analysis of the legal regulation regulating the powers of the Constitutional Court to consider the inquires requesting conclusions has revealed, that there are certain problems requiring legal regulation adjustment both in the area of objects and subjects of consideration of the inquiries requesting a conclusion of the Constitutional Court. Public survey results show that a significant part of society is prepared for expanding the competence of the Constitutional Court, vesting it with additional functions, strengthening its powers, as well as increasing its accessibility. Therefore, consideration should be given to the preconditions for enhancing the powers of the Constitutional Court not only by introducing the individual constitutional complaint institution, but also by reinforcing the powers of the Constitutional Court in the area of its conclusions. The study also draws the conclusion that the currently existing objects of these proceedings could be modified: 1) by expanding the list of officials specified in the Constitution who may be removed from office through impeachment proceedings and extending it to the president and justices of the Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania; 2) by granting the Constitutional Court the right to apply the temporary protection measure of the suspension of the powers of the officials concerned in cases concerning impeachment proceedings. Upon assessing the possibilities for expanding the list of objects of these proceedings, the study leads to the conclusion that this list should also include the powers of the Constitutional Court to exercise the a priori assessment of the constitutionality of issues put to a referendum. In the area of subjects of the inquiries requesting a conclusion some practical problems arise due to the limited circle of subjects authorised to initiate constitutional justice cases regarding the breaches of electoral laws and the constitutionality of international treaties of the Republic of Lithuania: candidates participating in parliamentary and presidential elections or subjects who have nominated such candidates remain the ones most interested in the outcome of proceedings regarding the violations of electoral laws; therefore, the fact that they have no right to directly apply to the Constitutional Court regarding the violations of electoral laws poses an obstacle to the effective defence of their violated electoral rights. In addition, the applications brought before the Constitutional Court and the practice of foreign states underline the need to expand the circle of subjects entitled to directly address the Constitutional Court in cases concerning the constitutionality of international treaties following their ratification, as well as concerning the constitutionality of laws on their ratification. The Law on the Constitutional Court contains no provision specifying who should be considered a party concerned in constitutional justice cases instituted regarding the violations of electoral laws, or in cases concerning the constitutionality of international treaties of the Republic of Lithuania; consequently, practical uncertainties arise in the course of considering these cases, since a significant part of procedural rights depends on whether a particular subject is recognised as a party concerned.
Due to the paradigmic powers of the constitutional courts to verify the conformity of legal acts with the constitution, researchers of these institutions have focused exclusively on them and devoted little attention to other gruops of powers of the constitutional justice institutions. This tendency is strong both in foreign and in Lithuanian law research works. In order to at least partially fill this gap in legal science, this study examines the issue of modifying the constitutional justice model entrenched in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania and the Law on the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, namely in the area of conclusions given by the Constitutional Court. Although the discussions about the development of other elements of this group of powers of Constitutional Court are also possible, but the object of this research is objects and subjects of consideration of inquiries regarding the conclusions of the Constitutional Court. The aim of this research is to discuss the needs, preconditions and possibilities for modifying the legal regulation entrenched in the Constitution and the Law on the Constitutional Court, regulating the objects and subjects of the powers in question. In order to provide a basis for further research, in the first chapter of the study the typology of the powers of constitutional justice institutions, as well as the development of the Lithuanian constitutional justice model is discussed. The second section of the study discusses the possibilities of modifying the existing objects of consideration of the inquiries requesting a conclusion of the Constitutional Court, as well as for expanding the list of objects of consideration of these inquiries with the competence commonly observed to be conferred on constitutional justice institutions in other European states. The third part of the study analyzes the needs for modifying the subjects of the consideration of the inquiry requesting a conclusion. This section discusses not only the needs of expanding the list of the subjects authorised to initiate these proceedings, but also the circle of the persons participating in constitutional justice proceedings dealing with inquiries requesting a conclusion and other participants to such type of constitutional justice cases. In order to answer the questions of this study, first of all normative sources were analyzed: Constitution, also the Law on the Constitutional Court and other legislative acts related to the discussed powers of the Constitutional Court. In order to compare the scope of the powers of the constitutional justice institutions of Lithuania and other European states (in the discussed area) foreign legal acts falling under the present research (constitutions of foreign states, laws on constitutional courts, rules of constitutional courts) were also analyzed. A particularly important role in this study plays the analysis of jurisprudential sources: the basic source in this group is the final and non-final acts of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, as well as other materials of constitutional justice cases, not excluding the decisions of Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania and the acts of constitutional justice institutions of foreign states. In this work were also analysed relevant to the study public opinion surveys, statistical data and special literature. This study lead to the conclusion, that in comparison with the powers conferred on the constitutional courts (in the discussed area) of other European states, the competence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania is relatively narrow. The analysis of the legal regulation regulating the powers of the Constitutional Court to consider the inquires requesting conclusions has revealed, that there are certain problems requiring legal regulation adjustment both in the area of objects and subjects of consideration of the inquiries requesting a conclusion of the Constitutional Court. Public survey results show that a significant part of society is prepared for expanding the competence of the Constitutional Court, vesting it with additional functions, strengthening its powers, as well as increasing its accessibility. Therefore, consideration should be given to the preconditions for enhancing the powers of the Constitutional Court not only by introducing the individual constitutional complaint institution, but also by reinforcing the powers of the Constitutional Court in the area of its conclusions. The study also draws the conclusion that the currently existing objects of these proceedings could be modified: 1) by expanding the list of officials specified in the Constitution who may be removed from office through impeachment proceedings and extending it to the president and justices of the Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania; 2) by granting the Constitutional Court the right to apply the temporary protection measure of the suspension of the powers of the officials concerned in cases concerning impeachment proceedings. Upon assessing the possibilities for expanding the list of objects of these proceedings, the study leads to the conclusion that this list should also include the powers of the Constitutional Court to exercise the a priori assessment of the constitutionality of issues put to a referendum. In the area of subjects of the inquiries requesting a conclusion some practical problems arise due to the limited circle of subjects authorised to initiate constitutional justice cases regarding the breaches of electoral laws and the constitutionality of international treaties of the Republic of Lithuania: candidates participating in parliamentary and presidential elections or subjects who have nominated such candidates remain the ones most interested in the outcome of proceedings regarding the violations of electoral laws; therefore, the fact that they have no right to directly apply to the Constitutional Court regarding the violations of electoral laws poses an obstacle to the effective defence of their violated electoral rights. In addition, the applications brought before the Constitutional Court and the practice of foreign states underline the need to expand the circle of subjects entitled to directly address the Constitutional Court in cases concerning the constitutionality of international treaties following their ratification, as well as concerning the constitutionality of laws on their ratification. The Law on the Constitutional Court contains no provision specifying who should be considered a party concerned in constitutional justice cases instituted regarding the violations of electoral laws, or in cases concerning the constitutionality of international treaties of the Republic of Lithuania; consequently, practical uncertainties arise in the course of considering these cases, since a significant part of procedural rights depends on whether a particular subject is recognised as a party concerned.
Programa Oficial de Doutoramento en Tecnoloxías da Información e Comunicacións en Redes Móbiles . 5029P01 ; [Abstract] Reliable transport systems, defense, public safety and quality assurance in the Industry 4.0 are essential in a modern society. In a mission-critical scenario, a mission failure would jeopardize human lives and put at risk some other assets whose impairment or loss would significantly harm society or business results. Even small degradations of the communications supporting the mission could have large and possibly dire consequences. On the one hand, mission-critical organizations wish to utilize the most modern, disruptive and innovative communication systems and technologies, and yet, on the other hand, need to comply with strict requirements, which are very different to those of non critical scenarios. The aim of this thesis is to assess the feasibility of applying emerging technologies like Internet of Things (IoT), Cyber-Physical Systems (CPS) and 4G broadband communications in mission-critical scenarios along three key critical infrastructure sectors: transportation, defense and public safety, and shipbuilding. Regarding the transport sector, this thesis provides an understanding of the progress of communications technologies used for railways since the implantation of Global System for Mobile communications-Railways (GSM-R). The aim of this work is to envision the potential contribution of Long Term Evolution (LTE) to provide additional features that GSM-R would never support. Furthermore, the ability of Industrial IoT for revolutionizing the railway industry and confront today's challenges is presented. Moreover, a detailed review of the most common flaws found in Radio Frequency IDentification (RFID) based IoT systems is presented, including the latest attacks described in the literature. As a result, a novel methodology for auditing security and reverse engineering RFID communications in transport applications is introduced. The second sector selected is driven by new operational needs and the challenges that arise from modern military deployments. The strategic advantages of 4G broadband technologies massively deployed in civil scenarios are examined. Furthermore, this thesis analyzes the great potential for applying IoT technologies to revolutionize modern warfare and provide benefits similar to those in industry. It identifies scenarios where defense and public safety could leverage better commercial IoT capabilities to deliver greater survivability to the warfighter or first responders, while reducing costs and increasing operation efficiency and effectiveness. The last part is devoted to the shipbuilding industry. After defining the novel concept of Shipyard 4.0, how a shipyard pipe workshop works and what are the requirements for building a smart pipe system are described in detail. Furthermore, the foundations for enabling an affordable CPS for Shipyards 4.0 are presented. The CPS proposed consists of a network of beacons that continuously collect information about the location of the pipes. Its design allows shipyards to obtain more information on the pipes and to make better use of it. Moreover, it is indicated how to build a positioning system from scratch in an environment as harsh in terms of communications as a shipyard, showing an example of its architecture and implementation. ; [Resumen] En la sociedad moderna, los sistemas de transporte fiables, la defensa, la seguridad pública y el control de la calidad en la Industria 4.0 son esenciales. En un escenario de misión crítica, el fracaso de una misión pone en peligro vidas humanas y en riesgo otros activos cuyo deterioro o pérdida perjudicaría significativamente a la sociedad o a los resultados de una empresa. Incluso pequeñas degradaciones en las comunicaciones que apoyan la misión podrían tener importantes y posiblemente terribles consecuencias. Por un lado, las organizaciones de misión crítica desean utilizar los sistemas y tecnologías de comunicación más modernos, disruptivos e innovadores y, sin embargo, deben cumplir requisitos estrictos que son muy diferentes a los relativos a escenarios no críticos. El objetivo principal de esta tesis es evaluar la viabilidad de aplicar tecnologías emergentes como Internet of Things (IoT), Cyber-Physical Systems (CPS) y comunicaciones de banda ancha 4G en escenarios de misión crítica en tres sectores clave de infraestructura crítica: transporte, defensa y seguridad pública, y construcción naval. Respecto al sector del transporte, esta tesis permite comprender el progreso de las tecnologías de comunicación en el ámbito ferroviario desde la implantación de Global System for Mobile communications-Railway (GSM-R). El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la contribución potencial de Long Term Evolution (LTE) para proporcionar características adicionales que GSM-R nunca podría soportar. Además, se presenta la capacidad de la IoT industrial para revolucionar la industria ferroviaria y afrontar los retos actuales. Asimismo, se estudian con detalle las vulnerabilidades más comunes de los sistemas IoT basados en Radio Frequency IDentification (RFID), incluyendo los últimos ataques descritos en la literatura. Como resultado, se presenta una metodología innovadora para realizar auditorías de seguridad e ingeniería inversa de las comunicaciones RFID en aplicaciones de transporte. El segundo sector elegido viene impulsado por las nuevas necesidades operacionales y los desafíos que surgen de los despliegues militares modernos. Para afrontarlos, se analizan las ventajas estratégicas de las tecnologías de banda ancha 4G masivamente desplegadas en escenarios civiles. Asimismo, esta tesis analiza el gran potencial de aplicación de las tecnologías IoT para revolucionar la guerra moderna y proporcionar beneficios similares a los alcanzados por la industria. Se identifican escenarios en los que la defensa y la seguridad pública podrían aprovechar mejor las capacidades comerciales de IoT para ofrecer una mayor capacidad de supervivencia al combatiente o a los servicios de emergencias, a la vez que reduce los costes y aumenta la eficiencia y efectividad de las operaciones. La última parte se dedica a la industria de construcción naval. Después de definir el novedoso concepto de Astillero 4.0, se describe en detalle cómo funciona el taller de tubería de astillero y cuáles son los requisitos para construir un sistema de tuberías inteligentes. Además, se presentan los fundamentos para posibilitar un CPS asequible para Astilleros 4.0. El CPS propuesto consiste en una red de balizas que continuamente recogen información sobre la ubicación de las tuberías. Su diseño permite a los astilleros obtener más información sobre las tuberías y hacer un mejor uso de las mismas. Asimismo, se indica cómo construir un sistema de posicionamiento desde cero en un entorno tan hostil en términos de comunicaciones, mostrando un ejemplo de su arquitectura e implementación.
В Российской Федерации 40 народностей наделены правовым статусом коренных малочисленных народов Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока РФ1, общая численность которых, согласно данным переписи 2010 г., составляет около 257 тысяч 895 человек. Традиционное проживание в труднодоступных местностях с суровым климатом и ограниченными возможностями для личного потребления природных ресурсов обусловило необходимость выделения в отдельную категорию коренные малочисленные народы Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока РФ. Экстремальные условия предопределяют для представителей названных народов выбор практических занятий, дающих возможность поддерживать жизнедеятельность человека на уровне, который достаточен лишь только для того, чтобы обеспечить возможность его выживания. Особенности их традиционного образа жизни обусловлены состоянием окружающей среды и возможностью использования природных ресурсов. Одним из традиционных видов деятельности для коренных малочисленных народов является оленеводство. Земельные ресурсы в местах традиционного проживания и традиционной хозяйственной деятельности коренных малочисленных народов Крайнего Севера являются единственным источником жизнеобеспечения для этих народов, поскольку одновременно являются и средой обитания коренных малочисленных народов, в которой сложился и развивается многовековой уклад их жизни, и главным средством производства в традиционной хозяйственной деятельности. Вместе с тем, пренебрежение интересами коренных малочисленных народов в процессе разработки и добычи находящихся в местах их традиционного проживания полезных ископаемых привели к тому, что некоторые из малочисленных народов уже стоят на грани полного исчезновения. Актуальность выбранной темы обусловлена тем, что коллизии в правовом регулировании традиционного природопользования коренных малочисленных народов на современном этапе привели к существенной деформации социально-экономического развития, культуры, исконной среды обитания и традиционного образа жизни этих народов, что создало реальную угрозу полной утраты ими самобытного хозяйствования на территориях исконного проживания. Для сохранения самобытности таких народов и устойчивого развития территорий их традиционного природопользования принимаются правительством различные программы. В данной статье мы попытались проанализировать эффективность реализации долгосрочной целевой программы "Развитие оленеводства в Республике Коми (2011-2015 годы)». Проблемы реализации данной целевой программы. Цель работы состоит в комплексном исследовании правового режима развития оленеводства в Республике Коми - традиционного природопользования коренных малочисленных народов Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока в Российской Федерации: выявление состояния, эффективности и тенденций правового регулирования, а также выработка направлений совершенствования действующего законодательства Российской Федерации. Достижение данной цели обусловило, в свою очередь, необходимость решения следующих задач: - обозначить особенности правового статуса территорий традиционного природопользования коренных малочисленных народов Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока в Российской Федерации и определить современное состояние правового регулирования режима данных территорий; - выявить проблемы правового регулирования использования земель для осуществления традиционного хозяйствования и занятия традиционными промыслами коренными малочисленными народами Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока, на примере Республики Коми; - отразить особенности правового регулирования традиционного природопользования коренных малочисленных народов Севера в Республике Коми. Объектом данной работы являются правоотношения, возникающие в сфере традиционного природопользования, субъектами которых являются коренные малочисленные народы Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока Российской Федерации. Предметом исследования являются правовые проблемы режима территорий традиционного природопользования коренных малочисленных народов Севера, Сибири, Дальнего Востока РФ, в частности - оленеводства. ; In the Russian Federation of 40 national-STAY endowed with the legal status of indigenous small peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far Vos-RF current, the total number of which, according to the 2010 Census, is about 257 thou-sands of 895 people. Traditional accommodation in remote IU-alia with a harsh climate and limited opportunities for personal consumption of natural resources led to the need for a separate category of indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East. Extreme conditions predispose to representatives of these people choice of practical training, enabling support human activity at a level which is adequate but only in order to allow its survival. Features of their traditional way of life caused by the environment and the ability to use natural resources. One of the traditional activities of indigenous minorities' on-delivery is a reindeer. Land resources in the areas of traditional pro-residence and traditional economic activities indigenous peoples of the Far North, faith is the only source of life, providing for these people, as are also the habitat of Indigenous Peoples, which has developed and is developing a centuries-old way of life and the main means of production in the traditional economic activities. However, the neglect of the interests of indigenous peoples in the development and production in places of their traditional residence of minerals led to the fact that some of the indigenous peoples are already on the verge of extinction. Relevance of the topic chosen due to the fact that the conflict in the legal regulation of traditional nature use of Indigenous peoples at the present stage led to Existing-strain-governmental socio-economic development, culture, native habitats and traditional way of life of these people, which created real threat of total loss of their original farming in areas homelands. To protect the identity of peoples and sustainable development of territories of traditional nature taken by the Government of the various programs. In this article we are trying to analyze the effectiveness of realization term target program "Development of reindeer in the Komi Republic (2011-2015)." The purpose of the work is a comprehensive study of the legal regime of reindeer herding in the Komi Republic traditional nature of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and Far East of the Russian Federation: the identification of the state and trends of the effectiveness of legal regulation and the development of ways to improve the current-legislator of the Russian Federation. This goal led, in its turn the necessity of the following tasks: Identify features of the legal status of the traditional territories of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and Far East of the Russian Federation and to determine the current state of the legal regulation of the regime of these areas; Identify issues of legal regulation of land use of lands traditional farming and traditional crafts classes indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East, on the example of the Republic of Komi; Reflect the peculiarities of legal regulation of the traditional nature of indigenous peoples in the Republic of Komi. The object of this work is the Juridical relations arising in traditional use of land, the subjects of which are minorities of the North, Siberia and Far East of the Russian Federation. The subject of the study are legal problems pro-regime areas of traditional use of land Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Russian Far East, in particular of reindeer.
Die vorliegende Arbeit entwickelt ein Verfahren zur ex-ante Evaluation von Erstaufforstungen nach naturschutzfachlichen Aspekten. Die Ziele überregionaler Planungen und Programme werden integriert. Die Verwendung externer Verfahrensschritte (v.a. aus der Biotopkartierung) fördert die Anpassungsfähigkeit an veränderte Rahmenbedingungen. Maßnahmenspezifische Daten werden erhoben zur Berücksichtigung regionaler Interessen und lokaler Bedingungen. Die Verfahrensentwicklung fand vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen, unbefriedigenden Situation bei der Berücksichtigung ökologischer Interessen in Genehmigungsverfahren statt. Diese zeigt sich in der Missachtung ökologischer Kriterien in den Förderungsinstrumenten für die Erstaufforstung, obwohl letztere als flankierende Maßnahme der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik durchaus eine Bedeutung besitzt. Die Situation beruht aber auch auf der schwierigen Integration divergierender Leitbilder des Naturschutzes. Dies zeigt sich in der ständig wechselnden Argumentation bei Genehmigungsverfahren. Ein neuer Ansatz war notwendig zur Berücksichtigung nationaler, regionaler und lokaler Interessen, bei gleichzeitiger Förderung der flexiblen Anwendungsfähigkeit. Der Schwerpunkt der Arbeit liegt auf der methodischen Entwicklung des Evaluationsverfahrens. Dieses beginnt mit einer Analyse der gängigen Planungsmethoden in der Landschaftsplanung und der herrschenden Vielfalt unterschiedlicher Leitbilder. Als zielführende Methode zur Verfahrensentwicklung präsentiert sich die Wirkungsanalyse. An deren Anfang steht die Definition eines Systems, welches die Wirkungsbeziehungen innerhalb und mit der Umgebung einer Aufforstungsfläche abbildet. Das System gliedert sich in drei unterschiedliche Ebenen: die Aufforstungsfläche, deren unmittelbare Umgebung und die mittelbare Umgebung. Die systemimmanenten Beziehungen werden mit Hilfe einer Verflechtungsmatrix dargestellt. Sie ermöglicht die Ableitung und Definition von fünf flächenbezogenen und drei raumbezogenen Indikatoren: Natürliche Baumartenvielfalt, Naturnähe der Baumartenzusammensetzung, Strukturpotential, Seltenheit des Biotops, Waldrandausprägung, Biotop-Verbund, Landnutzungsanteile und Randlinien-Vorkommen. Diese Indikatoren geben Hinweise auf die systeminternen Wirkungsbeziehungen. Die ermittelten Indikatoren werden auf ihre Aussagekraft für allgemein anerkannte Naturschutzkriterien - Naturnähe, Vielfalt, Seltenheit, Eigenart - untersucht. Sie bilden jeweils nur Teilaspekte ab, erlauben dafür aber die Bewertung einer Maßnahme im Hinblick auf unterschiedliche, teilweise konkurrierende Ziele. Die Verwendung der einzelnen Indikatoren wird anhand der wissenschaftlichen Literatur legitimiert und die Aussagekraft überprüft. Unter Berücksichtigung externer Verfahrensschlüssel werden anschließend Parameter und Bewertungsschemata entwickelt. Daraus resultiert ein Gesamtverfahren mit gleich gewichteten, unabhängigen Indikatoren und einer ordinalen Bewertungsskala. Die Praktikabilität des entwickelten Verfahrens wird durch die Anwendung in zwei Untersuchungsgebieten (Thüringer Becken; Sollingvorland) getestet. Für beide Regionen werden standortabhängige Aufforstungsvarianten mit systematischer Baumartenwahl nach den Kriterien Vielfalt, Naturnähe und z.T. Strukturpotential vorgestellt. Zusätzlich werden die von den jeweiligen Landesforsten vorgeschlagenen Aufforstungsvarianten (Erstaufforstungszieltypen in Thüringen, Waldentwicklungstypen in Niedersachsen) einbezogen. Die Untersuchung vergleicht unterschiedliche Aufforstungstypen für eine gegebene Fläche, aber auch verschiedene Aufforstungsflächen bei gleichbleibender Baumartenmischung. Die Ergebnisse der Verfahrensanwendung belegen die Bedeutung der Baumartenwahl und des Standorts für die ökologische Wertigkeit des entstehenden Waldbiotops. Sie zeigen darüber hinaus den großen Handlungsspielraum des Grundeigentümers auf, der die naturschutzfachliche Beurteilung der Maßnahme durch Beachtung bestimmter Kriterien gezielt beeinflussen kann. Aufgrund der ordinalen Bewertungsskala und des übersichtlichen Indikatorenkatalogs bietet das Evaluationsverfahren eine gute Hilfe beim Vergleich unterschiedlicher Aufforstungsmaßnahmen. Es greift auf externe Datenquellen zurück und bedient sich der technischen Hilfe eines Geographischen Informationssystems. Eigene Aufnahmen werden auf ein Minimum reduziert. Da öffentliche Interessen berücksichtigt werden, ist es zum Einsatz bei Behörden geeignet. Gleichzeitig vermittelt es dem Antragsteller wichtige Informationen über die Verfahrensinhalte. Schließlich zeigt die Arbeit die Voraussetzungen auf, unter denen das Evaluationsverfahren angewandt werden kann. Dazu gehört die Verfügbarkeit landschaftsbezogener Daten (insbesondere Biotopkartierung), externer Verfahrensschlüssel (Herleitung der PNV über den Standort) sowie raumplanerischer Zielvorgaben für die Flächennutzungsanteile. Diese Bedingungen dürften für die meisten Regionen Deutschlands erfüllt sein. Das Verfahren kann daher an die spezielle Situation in anderen Räumen angepasst werden. Wird darüber hinaus angestrebt, es auf andere Landnutzungsarten zu übertragen oder im Rahmen der Fördermittelzuteilung anzuwenden, so sind weitere Untersuchungen notwendig. ; The work in hand develops a method for an ex-ante evaluation of afforestations along conservational criteria. The objectives of trans-regional planning and programmes are integrated. The use of external, methodological steps (mainly from biotope mapping) increases the adaptability to modified framework conditions. In order to respect regional interests and local conditions, all data is collected according to specific measures. The development of the methodology considers the recent, unsatisfactory situation for regarding ecological interests within legal procedures for approval. This is reflected in a disregard of ecological criteria for the subsidiary instruments for afforestations, although the latter has a significant importance as a flanking measure of the Common Agricultural Policy. The situation is however caused by the difficulty of integration of diverging concepts (Leitbilder) for nature conservation. A new approach deemed necessary to consider national, regional and local interests, while at the same time supporting a flexible adaptability. The work"s emphasis is on methodological development of the evaluation procedure. This starts with an analysis of state-of-the-art methods in landscape planning and of the prevailing diversity of different overall approaches. An impact analysis is seen as a target-oriented means to develop new methods. It starts with the definition of a system that reflects the functional linkages within and beyond the boundaries of the afforestation field. The system is separated into three different levels: the afforestation field, its direct surrounding, and its indirect surrounding. The system"s inherent relations are displayed in a matrix of linkages. This allows it to derive and define five area-related and three spatial indicators: diversity of tree species, naturality, potential for structure, rareness of biotopes, appearance of forest edge, biotope-connections, land-use ratio, and existence of ecotones/edges. These indicators show relationships inherent to the system. The ascertained indicators are investigated for their explanatory power for general criteria of conservation - naturality, diversity, rareness, and particularity. They display aspects only partly, but allow an evaluation of specific measures in concern of different and sometimes contradictory objectives. The application of each indicator is authorised through a review of the relevant scientific literature and its explanatory power is verified. Afterwards, parameter and evaluation schemes are developed, taking into account external methodological keys. It results in an overall method with balanced, independent indicators and an ordinal scale of values. The practicability of the developed method is tested by an application in two different survey areas (in Thuringia and Lower Saxony). Site-specific afforestation-schemes with systematic choice of tree composition - according to the criteria diversity, naturality and partly for potential structure - are presented for both regions. Additionally, afforestation-schemes proposed by the respective state forest authority, are included. The investigation compares different types of afforestation for a given piece of land, but also different areas for an identical tree composition. The results of the method"s application prove the importance of the choice of tree species and the site for the ecological value of the emerging forest biotope. This demonstrates the large scope for the land-owner, who can influence the conservational evaluation of the afforestation measure by addressing certain criteria. Because of the ordinal scale of values and the concise list of indicators, the evaluation method is of good help for the comparison of different afforestation measures. It accesses external sources of data and uses the technical tool of a geographical information system. Field studies are reduced to a minimum. Since public interests are respected, it is applicable for the use by authorities. At the same time, it gives important information on the approval process to the applicant. Eventually, the document explains the circumstances, under which the evaluation method can be applied. This includes the availability of landscape-related data (particularly biotope mapping), external methodological keys (derivation of PNV from site aspects) as well as the objectives of spatial planning for the ratio of land-uses. Such conditions should be fulfilled for most regions of Germany. The method can therefore be adapted to specific conditions of other regions. If it is furthermore aspired to apply it to other land-use types, or to use it as a tool for the allocation of funds, further research should is needed.
Das Vollbeschäftigungsziel (Arbete åt alla) hat in Schweden traditionell einen überragenden Stellenwert, und Arbeitsmarktpolitik ist seit langem integraler Bestandteil der Wirtschafts-, Einkommens- und Sozialpolitik. Die Ausgaben für Arbeitsmarktpolitik betrugen daher schon Ende der sechziger Jahre 1,5 % des Bruttosozialprodukts (BSP), wobei der überwiegende Teil zur Förderung der Mobilität und zur Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen (aktive Arbeitsmarktpolitik) verwendet wurde. Heute betragen die Ausgaben für Arbeitsmarktpolitik - je nach Berechnungsart - zwischen 3 und 4 % des BSP, wovon nur etwa ein Viertel zur Finanzierung von Arbeitslosengeld oder Arbeitslosenhilfe (passive Arbeitsmarktpolitik) aufgewendet wird. Infolge der offensiven Arbeitsmarktpolitik hat Schweden eine der geringsten Arbeitslosenquoten im internationalen Vergleich (1983 = 3,5 %), andererseits befinden sich laufend etwa 3-5 % der Erwerbspersonen in Maßnahmen der Arbeitsförderung. Die Finanzierung des Arbeitslosengeides erfolgt über Arbeitnehmerbeiträge und über einen Staatszuschuß, der wiederum zu zwei Drittel aus Arbeitgeberbeiträgen refinanziert wird. Die Arbeitnehmerbeiträge fließen in Gewerkschaftskassen und sind eng an die gewerkschaftlichen Mitgliedsbeiträge gekoppelt. Die Beitragsstruktur reflektiert einen lockeren Zusammenhang mit dem branchenspezifischen Risiko der Arbeitslosigkeit. Der durchschnittliche Beitragssatz ist jedoch so gering (ca. 4 DM pro Monat), daß die Arbeitnehmerbeiträge heute nur noch 5 % der tatsächlichen Ausgaben für Arbeitslosengeld decken (inklusive Verwaltungskosten). Die Lohnersatzrate für leistungsberechtigte Arbeitslose ist im internationalen Vergleich gesehen außergewöhnlich hoch: bei dreimonatiger Arbeitslosigkeit beträgt sie (nach Steuern) etwa 95 %. Allerdings erfüllen zur Zeit nur 55 % der Arbeitslosen die Kriterien der Leistungsberechtigung. 15 % der Arbeitslosen erhalten die stark reduzierte staatliche Arbeitslosenhilfe (KAS), die oft unter dem durch Soziaihilfe garantierten Mindesteinkommen liegt, der Rest ist auf die von den Kommunen finanzierte Sozialhilfe angewiesen. Eine weitere und in ihren Konsequenzen weitreichende Besonderheit liegt darin, daß Arbeitslosengeld und Arbeitslosenhilfe maximal 300 (in Ausnahmefällen 450) Arbeitstage gewährt wird, eine im Prinzip unbefristete Anschluß-Arbeitslosenhilfe wie in der Bundesrepublik gibt es in Schweden nicht. Längerfristige Arbeitslosigkeit bedeutet somit einerseits individuell einen starken Einkommensverlust, andererseits schlagen die fiskalischen Lasten rasch auf die kommunalen Budgets durch. Die Gewerkschaften und die lokalen Gebietskörperschaften haben daher ein starkes Interesse an frühzeitigen staatlichen Gegenmaßnahmen mit Hilfe aktiver Arbeitsmarktpolitik. Das Instrument dieser Interessenkoalition ist die machtvolle Arbeitsmarktbehörde AMS, die korporativistisch, jedoch mit deutlicher Mehrheit der Gewerkschaften gesteuert wird. Bei Entscheidungen über das Arbeitsmarktbudget haben die regionalen Untergliederungen von AMS ein starkes Mitwirkungsrecht. Das schwedische Finanzierungssystem aktiver Arbeitsmarktpolitik ist gespalten: ünterhaitsgelder für Arbeitsmarktausbildung und berufliche Rehabilitation sowie Kurzarbeitergeld werden durch einen sog. Staatszuschuß finanziert, der zu einem Drittel aus Steuer- und Kreditmitteln, zu zwei Dritteln aus Arbeitgeberbeiträgen refinanziert wird. Arbeitsberatung und -Vermittlung, Arbeitsbeschaffungsmaßnahmen, Lohnkostenzuschüsse und die umfangreichen geschützten Arbeitsplätze in unternehmerischen Behindertenbetrieben werden vollständig aus Steuer- oder Kreditmitteln finanziert. Daneben existiert noch ein aus Arbeitgeberbeiträgen finanzierter Lohngarantiefonds zur Deckung von Lohnausgleichszahlungen, wenn Betriebe in Konkurs gehen. ; The goal of full employment (Arbete åt alla) has traditionally been of paramount importance in Sweden, and labor market policy has long been an integral part of the country's economic, income, and social policy. Expenditures for labor market policy already totalled 1.5 percent of the gross national product (GNP) at the end of the sixties, the largest share being used to increase mobility and to create jobs (an approach known as active labor market policy). Depending on the method of calculation, Sweden's expenditures for labor market policy today come to between 3 and 4 percent of the GNP, with only about one quarter of this sum going to fund unemployment benefits or unemployment relief (passive läbor market policy). As a result of this vigorous labor market policy, Sweden has one of the lowest unemployment rates in comparison with other industrialized western countries (1983 = 3.5 percent). On the other hand, there are at all times between 3 and 5 percent of all gainfully employed persons involved in measures promoting employment. Unemployment benefits are financed through employees' contributions and through a government subsidy of which, in turn, two-thirds is refinanced from empioyers1 contributions. The employees' contributions are channelled into union treasuries and are linked closely with union membership dues. The amounts of the contributions are loosely related to the risk of unemployment specific to each sector. However, the average premium is so low - about DM 4 (or approximately $ 1.25) a month - that empioyees' contributions cover only about 5 percent of the actual expenditures for unemployment benefits today (included costs of administration). Compared to what is paid in other countries, compensation for lost wages in Sweden is unusually high for unemployed persons entitled to draw it. A person unemployed for three months receives approximately 95 percent (after taxes) of his previous wages. On the other hand, only 55 percent of the unemployed presently meet the eligibility criteria. Some 15 percent of the unemployed receive the drastically reduced government unemployment relief (KAS), which is often less than the minimum income guaranteed by social welfare. The rest are dependent on the welfare payments financed by local government. Another peculiarity, whose impact is profound, is that unemployment benefits and unemployment relief are paid for a maximum of 300 work days (in Special cases for 450 work days). In Sweden there is no subsequent unemployment assistance such as that provided in the Federal Republic of Germany (Arbeitslosenhilfe). Unemployment lasting longer than that thus means'a heavy loss of income for the individual and rapidly mounting fiscai burdens on local budgets. The unions and the local authorities thus have a great interest in early government action to counter unemployment through active labor market policy. The instrument of this coalition of interests is the powerful labor market board, the AMS, which is controlled corporatively, though the unions clearly have a majority. The regional subdivisions of the AMS have broad rights to participate in decisions affecting the labor market budget. The Swedish System for financing active labor market policy is dichotomized. Public assistance for labor market training and occupational rehabilitation and partial compensation for wages lost through part-time lay-off are funded through a so-called government subsidy, one third of which is refinanced from taxes and credits, two-thirds from employers contributions. Job counseling and placement, job creation measures, wage cost subsidies, and the wide ränge of protected jobs in enterprizing plants for the handicapped are financed completely from taxes and credits. There is also a guaranteed wage fund financed from empioyers' contributions to cover wage equalization payments when plants go into bankruptcy. There is no indication that passive labor market policy is displacing active labor market policy. The empioyers' contributions (presently 1.3 percent of the payroll) are treated as payroll-taxes earmarked for a Special purpose but not managed according to the equivalence principle of genuine insurance benefits. For that reason, there are no basic problems transferring passive funds into active funds and no pressure to purge the benefit System of nöncontributors as resources dwindle. Because measures to create jobs are financed solely by taxes, it has heretofore been possible to use this important economic instrument of labor market policy to counter undesirable cyciical trends (except for the years 1980 - 1981 because of the political circumstances then prevailing). The anticyclical use of job creation measures is also encouraged by the fact that Swedish municipaiities and administrative districts wish to avoid the costs of public assistance and thus have a great interest in productive job-creation measures financed primarily by the government.
How have smart phones and social media changed life for young people today? Why do we get irritated when boys are in trouble, but worried when girls are? How do Muslim youth really feel about being called a 'goddamned terrorist'?YOUTH reveals what it's like to be a young person in today's world. We gain new empirical information on life within the context of family, school, and sports. We are invited to drinking parties where sexual boundaries are tested. We also tag along with a group of guys on a hunting trip where the shotgun shells are high gauge. And: Is it true that rates of anxiety and depression have increased? Or that gender identity has become so fluid that more and more young people believe they are neither 'girl' nor 'boy'?The book details some distinct trends – a school that disciplines students in new ways, less alcohol consumption and problematic behavior, disinclination toward early sex. We also see a fascinating political activism. It is the young who are on the frontlines of the climate crisis battle.Publication of YOUTH also marks the 30th anniversary of the leading center for youth research in Norway, established at NOVA, the Norwegian Social Research institute at Oslo Metropolitan University.This book will be relevant to researchers, students, teachers and all those who work on behalf of young people from the national to the local level, as well as politicians, journalists and others interested in research-based information about how young people actually live today.Guro Ødegård is a senior researcher and institute leader at OsloMet's Norwegian Social Research institute, NOVA. Willy Pedersen is professor of sociology at the University of and a NOVA affiliate.; Hvordan har smarttelefonen og sosiale medier endret livet til dagens unge? Hvorfor irriterer vi oss over gutter som lager trøbbel for andre, mens vi bekymrer oss for jenter som sliter? Hvordan oppleves det egentlig for muslimske ungdommer å bli kalt «jævla terrorist»?UNGDOMMEN bretter ut livet til dagens unge. Vi får ny empirisk kunnskap om livet i familien, i skolen og i idretten. Vi blir med inn på fuktige fester hvor seksuelle grenser presses. Men vi blir også med en gjeng gutter på jakt, hvor haglpatronene skal være av grovt kaliber. Dessuten: Stemmer det at forekomsten av angst og depresjon har økt? Eller at kjønnskategoriene flyter, at stadig flere opplever at de hverken er «gutt» eller «jente»?Boken viser noen tydelige tendenser – en skole som disiplinerer elevene på nye måter, mindre alkohol og problematferd, tilbakeholdenhet med tidlig sex. Samtidig ser vi et fascinerende politisk opprør. Det er ungdom som viser vei i klimakampen.UNGDOMMEN markerer at det er 30 år siden det ledende ungdomsforskningsmiljøet i Norge, som befinner seg på NOVA ved OsloMet, ble etablert.Boken henvender seg til forskere, studenter, lærere og alle som arbeider med ungdom på statlig og lokalt nivå, samt til politikere, journalister og andre som kan ha nytte av forskningsbasert kunnskap om hvordan ungdom faktisk lever i dag.Guro Ødegård er forsker 1 og instituttdirektør ved Velferdsforskningsinstituttet NOVA ved OsloMet. Willy Pedersen er professor i sosiologi ved Universitetet i Oslo og tilknyttet NOVA ved OsloMet.
The work offers for the first time a comprehensive study of the anthropomorphic wooden sculptures of the Konso (waakaa) with a detailed description of the figures, their production, their symbolism, the way they are erected and associated rituals. Based on an inventory, the figures are divided into three different categories: the waakaa as a group of figures forming a memorial to a man who killed an enemy or a defensible animal, as a memorial to people who excelled in other ways, and as a grave marker for anyone who was married and had children. The study places the waakaa comparatively in the overall regional and historical context of stelae and other monuments in Ethiopia, many of which are monuments to deceased "hero killers". The waakaa of the Konso are therefore considered in the focus of the very widespread "killing practice" in earlier years. The examination of the preparations, regulations and rituals to be followed in connection with the killing makes it clear that this is a liminal rite through which a man changes to a new social status. A second focus is the connection of the waakaa with the funeral ceremonies on the occasion of which they are erected, which are particularly elaborate for "heroic slayers". In many cases, the erection of the monument is made dependent on the existence of a descendant. The size and elaborateness of the monument can in turn be used to infer the numerical size or economic position of the descendants. In this way, the kinship group can demonstrate its own strength through the elaborateness of the festivals and monuments. The number of monuments accumulated over the years thus becomes a visible symbol of the group's strength and fortitude. The analysis of these two aspects leads to the connection, already considered by previous researchers, between the act of killing by the man and his ability to beget new life. This connection is seen in terms of the concept, widespread in southern Ethiopia, of a circulating vitality that can be enriched in this way. - Die Arbeit bietet erstmals eine flächendeckende Studie der anthropomorphen Holzskulpturen der Konso (waakaa) mit einer detaillierten Beschreibung der Figuren, deren Herstellung, ihrer Symbolik, der Art und Weise ihrer Aufrichtung und dazugehöriger Rituale. Auf der Grundlage einer Inventur werden die Figuren in drei verschiedene Kategorien unterteilt: die waakaa als Figurengruppe, die ein Denkmal für einen Mann bildet, der einen Feind oder ein wehrhaftes Tier getötet hat, als Denkmal für Menschen, die auf andere Weise Herausragendes geleistet haben, und als Grabmarkierung für jeden Menschen, der verheiratet war und Kinder bekommen hat. Die Studie ordnet die waakaa vergleichend in den regionalen und historischen Gesamtkontext der Stelen und anderer Monumente in Äthiopien ein, die zu einem groβen Teil Denkmäler für verstorbene "Heldentöter" sind. Die waakaa der Konso werden daher im Fokus des in früheren Jahren sehr weit verbreiteten "Töterwesens" betrachtet. Die Untersuchung der mit dem Töten verbundenen Vor- und auch Nachbereitungen, Reglementierungen und zu befolgenden Rituale verdeutlicht, dass es sich hierbei um einen Liminalritus handelt, durch den ein Mann in einen neuen gesellschaftlichen Status wechselt. Einen zweiten Fokus bildet die Verbindung der waakaa mit den Totenfeiern, anlässlich derer sie aufgestellt werden, und die für "Heldentöter" besonders aufwendig gestaltet sind. In vielen Fällen wird die Errichtung des Denkmals von der Existenz einer Nachkommenschaft abhängig gemacht. Von der Größe und Aufwendigkeit des Denkmals kann wiederum auf die zahlenmäßige Größe bzw. wirtschaftliche Position der Nachkommenschaft geschlossen werden. Dadurch kann die Verwandtschaftsgruppe durch die Aufwendigkeit der Feste und Monumente ihre eigene Stärke demonstrieren. Die sich über die Jahre ansammelnde Anzahl der Monumente wird so zu einem sichtbaren Symbol der Stärke und Wehrhaftigkeit der Gruppe. Die Analyse dieser beiden Aspekte führt zu der von früheren Forschern bereits betrachteten Verbindung zwischen dem Akt des Tötens durch den Mann und seiner Fähigkeit, neues Leben zu zeugen. Dieser Zusammenhang wird anhand des in Süd-Äthiopien weit verbreiteten Konzepts einer sich im Kreislauf befindenden Vitalität gesehen, die auf diese Weise angereichert werden kann.