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Few studies that examine the public's perception of the police force exist in Canada. To contribute to this gap in the literature, this article will examine the impact of visible minority status on an individual's level of confidence in police officials in Canada, by utilizing the data collected by the General Social Survey of Canada in 2014. Previous research indicates that often members of visible minorities are inclined to view police officials with suspicion and distrust, frequently reporting that police disproportionately target them due to their race or ethnicity. Contrary to this evidence, the results of this multivariate analysis suggest that individuals who identify as a visible minority do not report a lower level of confidence in the police when compared to those who identify as a non-visible minority when controlling for the effects of sex and age. In comparison to other democratic states, Canada has embraced its multicultural identity by implementing cultural sensitivity training for police officers to challenge pre-existing biased perceptions to effectively engage with citizens in the community. It appears from this analysis, that these combined efforts have proven successful, suggesting that historical discrepancies between visible minorities' perceptions of the police force and the perceptions of non-visible minorities have begun to converge.

This article takes the long-standing fact of deviations from the principle of representation by population in Canada as the starting point and asks whether the consequence is the dilution of visible minority votes. It calculates visible minority voting power and compares it to the voting strength of voters who are not visible minorities for the 2004 federal electoral map using 2006 Census data and for provincial electoral districts. We conclude that vote dilution exists and is concentrated in the ridings with the largest proportions of visible minorities. Visible minority vote dilution carries special significance in light of demographic, policy and constitutional considerations. The article concludes by offering some suggestions for how the electoral boundary commissions that set the contours of ridings can address visible minority vote dilution, as well as possible legislative amendments.

We examine the role of between- and within-firm mobility in the early-career outcomes of immigrant men. Among Canadian workers with less than 10 years of potential experience, we find that visible minority immigrants were significantly less likely to have been promoted with their initial employers than similar white natives but were just as likely to have moved to new employers over the course of a year between interviews. White immigrants, on the other hand, were just as likely to be promoted as white natives but much more likely to move to new employers—suggesting that they enjoyed more overall mobility than white natives and other immigrants. We present tentative evidence linking these mobility patterns to differences in wage growth and occupational change between immigrants and natives. Overall, our findings suggest that the between- and within-firm mobility of white immigrants may play an important role in their relative economic success in Canada, while adding to growing evidence that visible minority immigrants experience frictions in the labor market that hinder their mobility and thus their economic prospects. JEL Classification: J61, J71 ; Irving K. Barber School of Arts and Sciences (Okanagan) ; Non UBC ; Economics, Philosophy and Political Science, Department of (Okanagan) ; Reviewed ; Faculty

Abstract To what extent the earnings gaps facing Canada's visible minorities reflect discrimination is a question of tremendous policy interest. This paper argues that failing to account for the limited Canadian ancestry of visible minorities overestimates discrimination if immigrant assimilation is an intergenerational process. Using the 2001 and 2006 Canadian Censuses, weekly earnings, conditional on a rich set of worker and job characteristics, are compared with child immigrant, second‐, and third‐and‐higher‐generation Canadian men. The results reveal a tendency for earnings to increase across subsequent generations of visible minority, but not white, men. Though the pattern is strongest between the first and second generation, for black men it is also evident between the Canadian born with and without a Canadian‐born parent. Despite this progress, for most visible minority groups earnings gaps are identified even among third‐and‐higher‐generation Canadians.

AbstractWe explore the tactics of becoming visible and their relationship to alleviating or exacerbating precarious forms of life for minorities in South Asia. These tactics emerge from and respond to three interdependent moments: The frames that define how minorities can become visible, the interplay between limits and thresholds of visibility, and how capture fragments articulations and makes them easy to appropriate.

Presents a critical introduction and 13 interviews with authors and illustrators in contemporary French children's and young adult literature (Nadira Aouadi, Louis Atangana, Hubert Ben Kemoun, Dounia Bouzar, Marc Cantin, Marie-Félicité Ebokéa, Gudule, Catherine Kalengula, Gisèle Pineau, Karim Ressouni-Demigneux, Leïla Sebbar, Tran Quoc Trung, and Marcelino Truong). These authors -- from various cultural, ethnic, and religious backgrounds -- reflect on the issues of multiculturalism and the representation of visible minorities in this literature and in French society at large and on their own contribution on this topic

Offers an analysis of the political representation of immigrants and visible minorities both theoretically and empirically. This title is of interest to students and scholars of migration and ethnicity studies and political science, especially those with an interest in political representation, democratic institutions, and voting behaviour

Canada is a country with the longest tradition of institutional multiculturalism in the world. The paper analyzes the contemporary ethno-cultural diversity of the population of Canada. Immigration has given specific feature of this country, and each new wave of immigration has contributed to its ethnic and cultural diversity. The basis of today's Canada's racial and ethnic diversity makes groups that are dif­ferent in their characteristics: whites of European origin (mainly British and French origin), so-called visible minorities and indigenous peoples. Canada has traditionally been considered a country where multiculturalism has achieved the best results in the integration of immigrants. Despite the undoubtedly great results, there is a discrepancy between the official policy of integration and social exclusion of new immigrants, especially visible minorities, from the economic sphere and general from public life. Prejudice and discrimination are still the reality for some minority groups, as well as a lower living standard of visible minorities, new immigrants and indigenous peoples. Although there is no serious alternative to multiculturalism in the Canadian society, the controversy about its real effects and objectives, attitude toward the French Canadians and indigenous people, the growing fear of Islamic extremism, and the sense of vulnerability of European values, leave room for different opinions. ; Kanada je zemlјa sa najdužom institucionalnom tradicijom multikulturalizma u svetu. U radu je analiziran etnokulturni diverzitet sav­remenog stanovništva Kanade. Imigracija je dala specifično obeležje ovoj zemlјi, a svaki novi uselјenički talas je pridoneo njenoj etničkoj i kulturnoj raznolikosti. Osnovu današnjeg kanadskog rasnog i etničkog diverziteta čine grupe koje se razlikuju po svojim obeležjima: belci evropskog porekla (uglavnom britanskog i francuskog), tzv. vidlјive manjine i domorodačko stanovništvo. Kanada se tradicionalno smatra zemlјom u kojoj je multikulturalizam ostvario najbolјe rezultate u integraciji migranata. I pored nesumnjivo velikih rezultata, izražen je raskorak između službenih politika integracije i društvenog isklјučivanja novih imigranata, pre svega vidlјivih manjina, iz privredne sfere i javnog života uopšte. Predrasude i diskriminacija su i dalјe realnost za neke manjinske grupe, kao i niži životni standard vidlјivih manjina, novih uselјenika i domorodačkih naroda. Iako multikulturalizam nema ozbilјnu alternativu u kanadskom društvu, polemike oko njegovih stvarnih efekata i cilјeva, odnos prema Frankokanađanima i domorodačkim narodima, rastući strah od islamskog ekstremizma i osećaj ugroženosti evropskih vrednosti, ostavlјaju prostor i za drugačija mišlјenja.

This research examines the social organization of newcomer South Asian women's mothering work. It explicates the processes that contribute to South Asian women making changes to their mothering work after immigrating to Canada despite having reservations about the same. Data for this research was collected through interviews with 20 South Asian immigrant mothers who were raising school aged children in Canada and had been in the country for less than five years. Eight key informant interviews were conducted with persons who engaged with immigrant families in their work on an ongoing basis for insights into how their work connected to the work of the South Asian mothers. Government policies, websites and newspaper reports also form important data sources for this study. Using Institutional Ethnography, the research shows the disjuncture between the mothering work of the South Asian immigrant woman and institutionally backed neoliberal discourses in Canada around mothering, schooling and immigrant employment. The research shows the manner in which the settlement experiences for South Asian immigrant women became stressful and complicated by the changes they needed to make to their lives to coordinate with these institutional discourses. The study explicates how the work of immigrant mother in the settlement process ―in the home, in relation to the school, and in relation to her own employment ―changes over time as she participates in social relations that require her to raise her children as autonomous responsible persons/citizens who can participate in a neoliberal economy characterised by precarious work. The study throws light on the complexity of settlement work for South Asian immigrant women and on the manner in which South Asian immigrant mothers' values/priorities in relation to raising children become subordinate to more dominant set of values driven by global neoliberal influences that stress autonomy. The study has implications for the social work profession that is connected in many ways to the ...

Using 2016 Census data, we compare the odds of employment (full time or self-employment) for visible minority immigrants in Canada with those of non–visible minority immigrants. Intergenerational comparisons of employment outcomes are made because one would expect second- and third-generation immigrants to be less prone to labour market barriers than first-generation immigrants. Estimates based on a logistic regression of employment probability reveal lower employment odds for four out of 10 identified visible minority immigrant groups in comparison with non–visible minority immigrants for all three generations. For first- and second-generation immigrants, the results were mixed, but third-generation immigrants faced significantly lower employment probabilities in all groups of visible minorities with the exception of Chinese and Japanese. A lack of proficiency in official languages (English or French) lowers the employment probability for all groups. It is estimated that post-secondary education (PSE) acquired outside of Canada has a weaker positive association with employment than PSE acquired within Canada. Pre- and post-immigration labour market experience have a weak association with employment.

The central concern of this article is the extent of political party commitments to the inclusion of ethnic minorities. The study of two Belgian cities and four parties shows a marked discrepancy between the efforts to include ethnic minority candidates and their level of inclusion in the local party structures as individual members, as party officials or as a party subdivision. A possible explanation is that political parties only promote the representation of ethnic minorities out of concern for their own electoral competitiveness, and not based on an unconditional commitment to the full political integration of ethnic minorities.