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Constitutional Patriotism has always been a topic of controversy. Usually linked to Habermas' idea, current authors rather refer to Sternberger's concept of constitutional patriotism, although there is no detailed analysis of it. By taking into account Sternberger's experience of National Socialism this paper will present a new approach of looking at constitutional patriotism. From this point of view, it becomes clear, that there is a three-dimensional conceptualization of constitutional patriotism which includes a cognitive, emotive, and agitive dimension. These three dimensions lead to a democratic concept of action, which combines emotionality with rationality. Sternberger's constitutional patriotism can therefore be meaningfully linked with the current landscape of political science. Adapted from the source document.

In the Business Intelligence Systems (BIS) use context, the well-researched dimension of intensity of use is not broad enough to capture its meaningful use. The authors therefore investigate the whole spectrum of its use that encompasses effective utilization. The post-adoption research of Information System (IS) use is still under-researched; the study therefore brings novel insights to this area. The authors have conceptualized three dimensions of BIS use that capture the intensity of BIS use, the extent of BIS use, and BIS embeddedness. Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) was used to determine convergent and discriminant validities proving construct validities, based on survey data gathered from BIS users in medium and large sized organizations. The results of our study provide sound evidence for apprehending these three constructs as different conceptualizations. This work adds to the literature by emphasizing the role of post-adoptive behavior that can lead to greater and effective utilization in the studied BIS environment, and potentially to a better organizational performance.

Discusses the purposes of the Federal Institutes (IFs) in an attempt to regain the political action of the movements involved in its constitution. By document analysis and bibliography review presents like the legislation will pointing contradictions between thought and done, summarizing the policy is always a dispute arena of corporate projects. Finally, debate, from the social political, research and development agency and locus of teacher training, as IFs react to political, economic and social requirements to meet the goals of their institutions in the Amazon.

The study of democratization, more than most fields of comparative political inquiry, should be sensitive to the time factor. When something happens, as well as in what order and with what rhythm, can be even more important in determining the outcome than whether something happens or what happens. As "transitologists" and "consolidologists" have moved away from structural determinants of democracy toward a more process- and actor-oriented approach, they have also had to become more explicit about different dimensions of temporality. In this article, we explore three of them: time, timing and tempo.

Purpose
– This study aims to examine aspects of children's sustainability socialization. Many studies examine children's attitudes to sustainability. However, few studies build an understanding of how, where and when children are socialized to sustainability.


Design/methodology/approach
– Interviews with 30 children explore the socializing agents (who), learning situations (where), learning processes (how) and learning effects (what). The study also delineates and compares the environmental, self and social dimensions of sustainability.


Findings
– Socialization to environmental sustainability is highly structured and formal, and children rarely go beyond the knowledge and actions they are taught. Socialization to the self dimension combines formal and informal mechanisms with a greater propensity for elaboration and generalization. Meanwhile, socialization to societal sustainability involves unstructured and individualized processes and outcomes.


Research limitations/implications
– This is an exploratory study. Future research could develop scales to measure children's sustainability dispositions and actions. Researchers could then use such scales to examine the sustainability socialization of children from other demographic and cultural groups.


Practical implications
– The findings indicate that children are often positively disposed towards sustainability but lack the knowledge and direction needed to exercise this desire. Thus, marketers should more clearly articulate how their product solves a sustainability problem.


Social implications
– This paper could inform sustainability education policy. It has practical applications in the area of sustainability curriculum design in schools.


Originality/value
– Being the first study that explores children's socialization to three dimensions of sustainability, this paper provides a unique contribution to consumer behaviour theory and would be of interest to academics, practitioners and social marketers.

This study introduces a method for measuring standard of living, based on a three-dimensional model. The authors argue that their proposed indicators (and items) can more realistically capture people's inability to afford an adequate way of living than the ones Eurostat uses and recommends. The commonly used deprivation measuring method has a unidimensional perspective and provides only a general overview of those living in deprivation. The authors' multidimensional approach, however, considers not only the well-known aspects of human life but also others, giving a more extensive view of individuals' needs. The calculations are based on the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions database provided by Eurostat and the relevant Turkish data­base from the Turkish Statistical Office. The decomposite method introduced in the study measures standard of living using three dimensions, economic strain, living conditions, and housing and environmental conditions.

Introduction -- PART ONE: THE PUBLIC LAW OF INTERNATIONAL CIVIL AVIATION -- The Chicago Convention -- The International Civil Aviation Organization -- ICAO Standards and Recommended Practices (SARPs) -- Aviation Security -- Closing words for public air law -- PART TWO: THE PRIVATE LAW OF INTERNATIONAL CIVIL AVIATION -- Liability in transportation -- The air carrier's liability for damage caused to the second party -- The scope of application of the Montreal Convention -- Examination of the liability of the air carrier -- Exoneration of the air carrier from liability -- The liability of the air carrier -- Compensation -- The air carrier's liability for damage caused to third parties on the surface -- The liability of interests in mobile equipment -- Closing words for private air law -- PART THREE: BOOK SUMMARY -- Book Summary.

Music is an aural art because it uses organized sound as the medium for the several roles that it plays in society including but not limited to validation of social institutions, reinforcing culture, as culture, for catharsis, socialisation, education, therapeutic and communication, among others. Through the ages, the perception of music as an exclusive aural art has been perpetuated in literature that it appears invisible. However, it is not only at the sonic level that it functions. Data from this study came from observation of musical performances and audience behaviour in several contexts and study of the definitions of music in extant literature. When observed closely, one finds that it has a visual element as attested to by response to aesthetic appreciation of musical performances, linguistic expressions, and preferential response of market forces for audio-visual recordings than audio recordings. These examples question the long held perception that music is entirely a sonic art whereas it is not so. It is therefore imperative to re-examine and redefine music as an art that is not just aural but with an audio-visual component.Keywords: Aural, Audio-visual Art, Music, Sonic Art, Visual Art

Presentado como comunicación en el Department of Political Science, Columbia University in the City of New York, en noviembre de 2012 Presentado como comunicación en "Concentration on Conflict", Civil Conflict and Rationality. Barcelona GSE Summer Forum, celebrado del 10 al 12 de junio de 2013 en Barcelona (España) ; Most empirical studies on civil conflict are not able to find a significant relationship between interpersonal-measures of economic inequality and the likelihood of conflict. When individuals belong to groups, general inequality (measured by the Gini) can be decomposed into three components: between-group inequality (BGI), within-group inequality (WGI), and 'Overlap' (which is inversely related to the economic segregation of groups). This paper shows that is possible to establish a robust empirical relation between group-based measures of income differences and con- flict. Drawing on over 200 individual-level surveys from 89 countries, we create a new data set that allows us to measure these three components and to examine their empirical relationship with civil conflict. Consistent with Esteban and Ray's (2011) argument about the need for labor and capital to fight civil wars, we find a strong, robust positive association between WGI and civil conflict. And consistent with the "contact hypothesis" in sociology, we find that the economic segregation of groups (as measured by a lower Overlap component) is often associated with more civil conflict. Since some components of inequality are associated with more civil conflict but others are associated with less, the analysis helps explain why it has been difficult to identify a relationship between general inequality and civil war. And the strong finding for WGI underscores the value of developing clear theories about how the internal characteristics of groups influence the incidence of civil conflict ; Peer Reviewed

Unia Europejska między innymi ze względu na znaczenie polityczne, ekonomiczne czy medialne, a także z uwagi na występujące w niej różnice kulturowo-społeczne jest ważnym celem ataków terrorystycznych. Ich skalę, charakter czy specyfikę dobrze ukazują coroczne raporty Europolu. Celem tekstu jest zaprezentowanie istoty oraz charakterystyki współczesne­go terroryzmu występującego w Unii Europejskiej w ciągu ostatnich kilku lat, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem najnowszych danych zaprezentowanych przez Europol w 2018 roku. Wśród przedstawionych kwestii poruszono m.in. problem zagrożenia terrorystycznego w UE ze strony dżihadystów, separatystów czy lewicowych oraz prawicowych ekstremistów. Przeanalizowano też zagadnienie osób aresztowanych i skazanych w Unii Europejskiej za działalność terrory­styczną. Główną tezą tekstu jest stwierdzenie, że terroryzm występujący na terytorium UE ma zarówno wymiar wertykalny, horyzontalny, jak i transcendentalny. Pierwszy z nich (wertykal­ny) związany jest ze stosowaniem przez terrorystów bardzo różnych i wciąż nowych elementów taktyki czy strategii. Drugi (horyzontalny) odnosi się do możliwości atakowania różnorodnych celów w poszczególnych państwach członkowskich UE. Natomiast trzeci wymiar transcenden­talny dotyczy zróżnicowanej motywacji ideologicznej terrorystów. Ma ona nie tylko charakter islamistyczny, ale także np. separatystyczny, skrajnie prawicowy czy lewicowy.

Canada needs to change its electoral system for two primary reasons: it makes parliamentary representation impossible for parties in the minority locally; & the further the party system moves from a two-party model, as it has done in the past 10 years, the greater the perverse effects it generates. Despite these compelling reasons, there are two main obstacles to electoral reform: a new system would have to be adopted by a parliament elected under the old system, which might be detrimental to the party in government; many citizens do not understand the important impact of the electoral system & are easily persuaded by politicians that there is no such impact. This paper sets out the technical aspects of different electoral systems to demonstrate that their political consequences can differ considerably. It shows that with proportional representation, government will generally always be run by centrist parties that are essentially the same. The first-past-the-post system would not end the dysfunctional parliamentary system for at least several decades, if then. Alternative voting offers a solution to this problem. It would lead the major parties to take greater account of the positions held by the minor parties because of the public's alternative votes for the minority parties. Thus, the voters' views would be better represented. It is clear that any electoral reform should include alternative voting. J. Stanton