Suchergebnisse

"The present moment in UN-U.S. relations is revealing; both strains and strength are on display. Although controversies between Washington and Turtle Bay are often spotlighted to dramatic effect--notably Iraq and the oil for food scandal--the ubiquity of UN-U.S. cooperation in attaining common interests on a range of critically important international issues cannot be masked. Multilateral engagement is no longer a question of 'if' but 'how.' Following the National Committee on American Foreign Policy's (NCAFP's) August 2006 special report on U.S.-UN Relations, the purpose of this report is to examine UN-U.S. relations, especially the role that the United States plays in the UN, and probe its implications from the point of view of the UN. On May 7, 2007, the NCAFP hosted a one-day roundtable featuring two consecutive closed-door roundtables with academic, practitioners, and media specialists. It was followed by an early evening panel at which members discussed candidly how the United Nations reacts to and copes with U.S. power. Off-the-record sessions allowed for a free and frank exchange of ideas. The roundtable considered UN perspectives on the U.S. role in the organization with only tangential references to the broader question of the role of the UN in the U.S. strategic equation. The deliberations reflected a diversity of views: some points of widespread and substantive consensus and other areas in which significant discord remains. Respecting the reservations expressed by the latter, the report concludes with the NCAFP's recommendations for enhancing the U.S. presence in the UN in the spirit of the former."--Excerpted from foreword

Reform has been an important theme within the United Nations during the decade of the 1980s. That decade has witnessed both the continuation of efforts towards structural reform initiated over thirty years ago as well as the beginning of a rather different species of reform, movement towards reshaping the relationships between men and women within societies whose governments make up official members of the world organization. The latter is reflected most recently in the Forward Looking Strategies for the Advancement for Women to the Year 2000 (FLS), the set of guidelines approved by consensus by 159 government delegates at the 1985 UN World Conference on the UN Decade for Women in Nairobi, Kenya in 1985. Though not designated a "reform program," the FLS contains a set of recommendations which if implemented could contribute to the reform or reshaping of the sex-gender system that characterizes the relations of men and women in public and private institutions within societies throughout the world. In this respect, it is interesting that three prominent American women politicians played key roles in traditional UN reform and with respect to the adoption of the FLS at Nairobi: Maureen Reagan, who headed the U.S. delegation to Nairobi and subsequently served as U.S. Representative to the UN Commission on the Status of Women; Jeanne Kirkpatrick, the first American woman to hold the position of U.S./UN Ambassador; and Sen. Nancy Kassebaum, Republican Senator from Kansas, the only woman member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

The research paper identifies broad strategies for accelerating transformative change processes in the form of mission orientation and mobilizing the public and stakeholders, aligning systems, readying institutions and people for change, policy making for managing complexity which are considered to be the building blocks in the Asia Pacific region. The focus of the research study is on the growth, development, economics of peace, role and impact of SDGs on the economies and societies in general including justice, peace building, developing strong institutions and in transforming the region into an international hub to achieve the SDGs and the broader agenda of UN 2030 including the overall development of the Asia-Pacific region in the long run. The paper studies the aspects of the inter-linkages between Governments and other stakeholders to deliver the 'decade of action towards SDG', particularly in the aftermath of COVID-19. It is observed that COVID-19 pandemic has created many gaps in social protection systems and wider policies for delivering public goods with devastating effects on the poorest and utmost vulnerable in the Asia-Pacific region. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goal Summit held in 2019 had identified six transformative areas to accelerate progress towards the SDGs. In fact, these transformative areas present development challenges that are interlinked, complex and integrate goals and targets across the SDG framework which are strengthening human well-being and capabilities, shifting towards sustainable and just economies, securing the global environmental commons. A proposed action plan with regional interventions in the Asia-Pacific region, alignment with the goals and outcomes of the UNFPA strategic plan 2018-2021 and the Roadmap of PIFS in accelerating the SDGs have been delineated in the study.

There is a sober paradox involved in the use of oxymoron "peace operations", as these operations, traditionally anchored on the bedrock principles of UN peacekeeping - consent of the parties, impartiality, and non-use of force except in self-defence -, are being increasingly transformed into enforcement operations. Twenty-seven years after the end of the Cold War and the rebirth of the United Nations' (UN) security role, peacekeeping operations are increasingly losing ground to an emerging pattern of more aggressive, offensive operations. They have an essentially hybrid nature, involving elements of both peacekeeping and enforcement. Although many see them as alternative, non-reconcilable techniques, politicians and practitioners do not see a sharp dividing line separating non-coercive and enforcement tasks, permitting an easy transition from one to the other. Resumo Existe um paradoxo relacionado com o uso do oxímoro "operações de paz", uma vez que estas operações, ancoradas tradicionalmente nos princípios fundamentais da manutenção da paz da ONU - consentimento das partes, imparcialidade e não uso da força, exceto em autodefesa -, estão a ser cada vez mais transformadas em operações de fiscalização. Vinte e sete anos após o fim da Guerra Fria e do renascimento do papel de segurança das Nações Unidas (ONU), as operações de manutenção da paz estão cada vez mais a perder terreno para um padrão emergente de operações ofensivas mais agressivas. Elas têm uma natureza essencialmente híbrida, envolvendo elementos tanto de manutenção da paz quanto de "enfocement". Embora muitos os vejam como técnicas alternativas e não conciliáveis, os políticos e os profissionais não vêem uma linha divisória nítida que separa as tarefas não-coercitivas e de execução, permitindo uma transição fácil de uma para outra.

"Global governance brings together various actors to coordinate collective action around the world. This concept encompasses all the institutions, policies, rules, procedures and initiatives by which states and their citizens seek to bring more predictability, stability and order into their responses to transnational challenges and is largely achieved through international organisations. In fact, the goal of global governance is to provide global policies and services, in particular peace and security systems, justice and conflict mediation, functioning markets and unified standards for trade and industry. In the current international context, sustainable development is an important goal of global policy, and intergovernmental and governmental agencies as well as private sector companies have a duty to explore different approaches to how national intergovernmental and national strategies, policies and projects address issues. Global governance guidelines are formulated, implemented and evaluated to support the achievement of the 2030 Agenda objectives."