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The famous Chrononist Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, in his story of King Prudente, told us that Felipe II was entertaining during the rest hours 'with traces of military factories and machines'. It is true that the Monarca felt a great deal of enthusiasm for all the military, even though it had been considered to leave these topics to its advisors' experts. Thanks to this dedication, the Spanish Navy became a modern navy able to provide quick solutions to concrete problems. In our recent work on the Spanish Navy, we sufficiently outlined this advantageous slope of the Monarca; we said that later on new aspects would emerge that would accentuate the role of the Navy in the service of the Crown. One of the greatest vicisitudes to overcome the Monarca was the war in Granada, this barely known period of two years (1569-1570) of struggling without rest, which undoubtedly marked an important stage in the army of the Monarchy. ; Peer reviewed ; The famous Chrononist Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, in his story of King Prudente, told us that Felipe II was entertaining during the rest hours 'with traces of military factories and machines'. It is true that the Monarca felt a great deal of enthusiasm for all the military, even though it had been considered to leave these topics to its advisors' experts. Thanks to this dedication, the Spanish Navy became a modern navy able to provide quick solutions to concrete problems. In our recent work on the Spanish Navy, we sufficiently outlined this advantageous slope of the Monarca; we said that later on new aspects would emerge that would accentuate the role of the Navy in the service of the Crown. One of the greatest vicisitudes to overcome the Monarca was the war in Granada, this barely known period of two years (1569-1570) of struggling without rest, which undoubtedly marked an important stage in the army of the Monarchy. ; El célebre cronista Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, en su historia del Rey Prudente, nos dice que Felipe II se entretenía en las horas de descanso «con trazas de fábricas y ...

Summary On 17 August 1930, the political forces advocating the establishment of the Second Spanish Republic, including as many Republican parties as former monarchic leaders, met in San Sebastián to establish a strategic alliance to facilitate the transition from monarchy to the republic. The delegates of the Catalan forces participating, however, asked for explicit adherence to the recognition of a political self-government regime for Catalonia by the signatories to the agreement. This represented the acquisition of a constitutive commitment to be reflected in the Spanish Constitution of 9 December 1931. ; Resumen El 17 de agosto de 1930 las fuerzas políticas que propugnaban el establecimiento de la Segunda República española, incluyendo tantos a los partidos republicanos como antiguos líderes monárquicos, se reunieron en San Sebastián para establecer una alianza estratégica que facilitara la transición de la monarquía a la república. Los delegados de las fuerzas catalanistas participantes, sin embargo, solicitaron que se explicitara la adhesión de los suscriptores del acuerdo al reconocimiento de un régimen de autogobierno político para Cataluña. Ello representó la adquisición de un compromiso constituyente que habría de plasmarse en la Constitución española de 9 de diciembre de 1931.

Doctoral dissertation From Vienna to Sarajevo, role models and replicas in the architecture of Austro- Hungarian period brings a chronological and historical overview of the development of the architecture in Bosnia and Herzegovina with an emphasis on the Austro-Hungarian period in Sarajevo. The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878 and made a full transformation of the country during a period of 40 years. Sarajevo, like most other Bosnian and Herzegovinian towns, has been transformed from the Oriental to a Western European city under the influence of the centers of Austro-Hungarian monarchy. The buildings built on the Vienna's Ringstrasse served as role models for the replicas built in Sarajevo. The specific political circumstances in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Austro-Hungarian period were influenced by the relationship between the center and the periphery. The doctoral dissertation compares and valorizes concrete examples of buildings built in Neo-styles and Secession in Vienna and Sarajevo in the context of identity, Genius loci and the relationship between the center and the periphery. In this way, the Bosnian- Herzegovinian cultural and historical heritage, primarily the architectural heritage of Sarajevo from the Austro-Hungarian period, is placed in a wider European context. Mapping and valorization of concrete examples of architecture showed numerous proportional and stylistic similarities, but also the essential differences in the perception of patterns and replicas in the context of Genius loci, which is shown as a key factor in the comparison of the selected examples. ; La thèse doctorale « De Vienne à Sarajevo, modèles et répliques; architecture de la période austro- hongroise » offre un aperçu chronologique et historique du développement de l'architecture en Bosnie- Herzégovine, en se focalisant sur la période austro-hongroise à Sarajevo. La monarchie austro-hongroise occupa la Bosnie-Herzégovine à partir de 1878 et opéra alors une transformation complète du pays durant une période de quarante ans. Sarajevo, comme la plupart des autres villes de Bosnie-Herzégovine, initialement orientale, s'est muée en ville occidentale, sous l'influence des centres de la monarchie. Les édifices construits sur la Ringstrasse de Vienne ont fait office de modèles pour les répliques bâties à Sarajevo. Les circonstances politiques spécifiques de la Bosnie-Herzégovine durant la période austro-hongroise furent influencées par la relation entre le centre et la périphérie. La thèse doctorale compare et met en valeur des exemples concrets d'édifices construits dans les néo-styles et style sécession à Vienne et Sarajevo, dans les contextes de l'identité, du Genius Loci, et de la relation entre le centre et la périphérie. Le patrimoine culturel et historique bosnien, en particulier l'héritage architectural de Sarajevo datant de la période austro-hongroise, est également replacé dans un contexte européen plus large. La cartographie et la valorisation d'exemples architecturaux concrets ont mis en évidence de nombreuses similitudes proportionnelles et stylistiques, mais aussi les différences essentielles existant dans la perception des modèles et des répliques dans le cadre du Genius Loci, ce dernier constituant un facteur clé dans la comparaison des exemples sélectionnés. ; Doktorska disertacija "Od Beča do Sarajeva, uzori i replike u arhitekturi austrougarskog perioda" donosi hronološki i istorijski pregled razvoja arhitekture u Bosni i Hercegovini sa naglaskom na austrougarski period u Sarajevu. Austro-Ugarska monarhija okupirala je Bosnu i Hercegovinu 1878. godine, a u narednih 40 godina izvršila je potpunu transformaciju zemlje. Sarajevo, kao i većina drugih gradova u Bosni i Hercegovini je pod uticajem centara Austro-Ugarske monarhije potpuno transformisano iz orijentalnog u zapadnoevropski grad. Arhitektonski objekti građeni u bečkom Ringstrasse-u poslužili su kao uzori za arhitektonske objekte - njihove replike, građene u Sarajevu. Specifične političke prilike u Bosni i Hercegovini u austrougarskom periodu bile su uslovljene odnosnom centra i periferije. Ova doktorska disertacija poredi i valorizuje konkretne primjere arhitektonskih objekata izgrađenih u neo-stilovima i secesiji u Beču i Sarajevu u kontekstu identiteta, duha mjesta i odnosa između centra i periferije. Na taj način kulturno-istorijsko naslijeđe u Bosni i Hercegovini je smješteno u širi evropski kontekst. Mapiranje i valorizacija konkretnih arhitektonskih primjera pokazali su brojne sličnosti u proporcijama i stilskoj artikulaciji, ali i suštinske razlike u percepciji uzora i replika u kontekstu duha mjesta koji predstavlja važan faktor u komparaciji odabranih primjera.

[ES] By examining the main reprisals that took place in the 17th century against French, English and Dutch, and the general embargoes that gave rise to, this article helps to shed light on the real impact of the economic war measures taken by the Catholic Monarchy against its most pervasive adversaries on the dominance of world trade. To this end, the work explores the medieval roots of the right of retaliation, which is highly "private", and its transformation already in modern times into a widespread practice among Western European governments, subject to a profound legislative reformulation. This work is part of the ESCOMARIN project (BHA2000-0183-C02-01) of the National Programme for General Knowledge Promotion ; Peer reviewed ; [ES] By examining the main reprisals that took place in the 17th century against French, English and Dutch, and the general embargoes that gave rise to, this article helps to shed light on the real impact of the economic war measures taken by the Catholic Monarchy against its most pervasive adversaries on the dominance of world trade. To this end, the work explores the medieval roots of the right of retaliation, which is highly "private", and its transformation already in modern times into a widespread practice among Western European governments, subject to a profound legislative reformulation. This work is part of the ESCOMARIN project (BHA2000-0183-C02-01) of the National Programme for General Knowledge Promotion ; [EN] Through an analysis of the main reprisals carried out against French, English and Dutch in the seventeenth century, and the general embargoes to which they gave rise, this study addresses the impact of the economic war measures adopted by Spanish Hapsburgs against their most stubborn adversaries in the struggle for global commercial power. The article also explores the medieval roots of the law of reprisal, of a marked «private» character, and its transformation during the early modern period into a extended normative practice widely used by Western European ...

The narrative of the beginnings of the Juda monarchy in the Chronics book is discussed in the narrative techniques used there. The examination shows that narrative art is put at the service of an ideology that favours narrative processes that minimise the polyseaemia of the narrative. ; Le récit des débuts de la monarchie en Juda dans le livre des Chroniques est examiné au niveau des techniques narratives qui y sont utilisées. L'examen montre que l'art narratif est mis au service d'une idéologie qui fait préférer des procédés narratifs qui limitent au maximum la polysémie du récit.

Copy dedicated to: Arming and mashing in the modern centuries (XV-XVIII) [ES] The present review of the evolution of the Mediterranean Armed Forces of the Monarchy has been determined on the basis of the development of the vessel that characterises it, the megrim, and because of the confrontation of the various Islamic powers in its banks. The war against the Ottoman Empire and the need for communication between the different states governed by the Austrian governments are the factors that explain its rapid development since the time of Carlos V, although its high cost and the need to maintain active permanent squares for a continuous war of wear were the factors that influenced their lives over these centuries. The changes in nautical and constructive systems, such as the war itself at sea, are the reasons for their extinction and the end of a specific Mediterranean marine in Spain from the 18th century. ; Peer reviewed ; Copy dedicated to: Arming and mashing in the modern centuries (XV-XVIII) [ES] The present review of the evolution of the Mediterranean Armed Forces of the Monarchy has been determined on the basis of the development of the vessel that characterises it, the megrim, and because of the confrontation of the various Islamic powers in its banks. The war against the Ottoman Empire and the need for communication between the different states governed by the Austrian governments are the factors that explain its rapid development since the time of Carlos V, although its high cost and the need to maintain active permanent squares for a continuous war of wear were the factors that influenced their lives over these centuries. The changes in nautical and constructive systems, such as the war itself at sea, are the reasons for their extinction and the end of a specific Mediterranean marine in Spain from the 18th century. ; [EN] This account of the evolution of the Monarchy's Mediterranean navies focuses on two main factors: firstly the development of their most characteristic ship, the galera (galley) and ...

International audience Abstract : Memory laws are not as recent as we might think. The laws of January 19, 1816 had already been adopted under the Restoration and Monarchy of July to, amongst other things, impose an annual mourning on the people of France, which would be held on January 21, this being the date on which Louis XVI was executed. The aim was both to make them feel guilty for the « crime » committed by the revolutionaries, but also to make them dissociate themselves, in front of other people, from those who had committed it. Far from being consensual, this provision was opposed by all those who wanted the country to be appeased. Up until 1833, the year the law was abolished, they called for its annulment, arguing that it directly breached the 1814 Charter and ultimately the 1830 Charter, which had nevertheless made oblivion a constitutional requirement. They also stressed the need not to create a war of remembrance and to let professional historians do their work.

After a reminder and discussion of key concepts, including "gross national happiness", the support for tourism communication in Bhutan, one of the most closed countries in the world, the article asks about the content of a tourism policy fully controlled by the state and the Buddhist monarchy. The government is clearly focusing on elite tourism to get back to an alarming and dependent economic situation on India. Based on two major pillars, culture and the environment, the tourism strategy seeks to reconcile the contradictions of the country's openness in the context of a rigorous policy of "preservation" or even conservation, which distrust the western model, considered consumerist. ; International audience ; After a reminder and discussion of key concepts, including "gross national happiness", the support for tourism communication in Bhutan, one of the most closed countries in the world, the article asks about the content of a tourism policy fully controlled by the state and the Buddhist monarchy. The government is clearly focusing on elite tourism to get back to an alarming and dependent economic situation on India. Based on two major pillars, culture and the environment, the tourism strategy seeks to reconcile the contradictions of the country's openness in the context of a rigorous policy of "preservation" or even conservation, which distrust the western model, considered consumerist. ; Après un rappel et une discussion des concepts clés, dont le « bonheur national brut », support de la communication touristique au Bhoutan, un des pays les plus fermés au monde, l'article interroge le contenu d'une politique touristique entièrement contrôlée par l'État et la monarchie bouddhiste. Le gouvernement mise clairement sur un tourisme d'élite pour remonter une situation économique alarmante et dépendante de l'Inde. Reposant sur deux piliers majeurs, la culture et l'environnement, la stratégie touristique tente de concilier les contradictions de l'ouverture du pays dans le contexte d'une rigoureuse politique de « ...

framed in an optional role under the July monarchy, Tocqueville found an opportunity in the period 1848-1 851 to present its political and historical thinking for implementation. As a member of the Constitutional Commission, he has more influence than has been generally said, and if the arrangements he proposes depend on the circumstances, they are also informed by the analysis of the theorist. But Tocqueville's thinking and action encounter a series of contradictions, owing to its own republican position and the forces of the moment. In addition, in this period there is a problem that has been perceived, wrongly or correctly, as a recurring issue in French history since the Revolution: release the Republican Executive from the monarchic mortgage. This study on Tocqueville helps to put in perspective certain controversy concerning the Fifth Federal Republic. ; Cantonné dans un rôle oppositionnel sous la monarchie de Juillet, Tocqueville trouve dans la période 1848-1851 l'occasion de soumettre à l'application sa réflexion politique et historique. Membre de la commission de Constitution, il exerce plus d'influence qu'on ne l'a généralement dit, et si les modalités qu'il propose sont tributaires des circonstances, elles s'éclairent également par l'analyse du théoricien. Mais la pensée et l'action de Tocqueville rencontrent une série de contradictions, tenant à sa propre position républicaine et au jeu des forces du moment. En outre, réapparaît dans cette période un problème ressenti, à tort ou à raison, comme récurrent dans l'histoire française depuis la Révolution : libérer l'exécutif républicain de l'hypothèque monarchique. Cette étude sur Tocqueville contribue à replacer en perspective certaines controverses concernant la Cinquième Répu­blique.

Rad pokazuje kako je Vicova filozofija razrađena u Novoj znanosti pozicija onoga što će se kasnije odrediti političkom teologijom. Time rad polazi od određenja pojma političke teologije i prikazuje načela koja će Vica svrstati u tu specifičnu tradiciju filozofijskoga mišljenja. U tom smislu Vicova je filozofija utemeljena na metafizičkoj tradiciji i time postaje jasno kako može biti određena kao politička teologija. Vicova analiza je utemeljena na klasičnoj tipologiji oblika vladavine koju su razmatrali Platon i Aristotel, ali uključuje i filozofiju povijesti kako bi pokazala, suprotno uobičajenim razmatranjima, da se politički oblici vladavine kreću od metafizičkoga načela jednoga (monarhija), nekolicine (aristokracija) i svih (demokracija) i konačno završavaju u metafizičkome postulatu jednoga koji je ponovno najbolje izražen u monarhiji. Za tu metodu Vico koristi klasični obrazac političke teologije s principom božanske providnosti u formiranju političkih zajednica, jer je to središnji koncept političke teologije. Razlog je to zbog kojeg Vico pokazuje kako su prve zajednice bile utemeljene na religijskim postulatima, a tek kasnije na filozofskima. Autor zaključuje kako Vicova Nova znanost može biti određena kao važno djelo filozofije politike utemeljeno na političkoj teologiji koje danas, u uvjetima materijalizirane globalizacije ponovno postaje važna pozicija u prevladavanju krize modernoga materijalizma svijeta. ; The paper considers that Vico's philosophy developed in the New Science is a position of what would later be labelled as a political theology. Therefore, paper starts from the definition of the concept of political theology and demonstrates the principles that will put Vico into that specific tradition of philosophical thought. In this meaning Vico's philosophy is based on the metaphysical tradition and it is clear that it can be characterized as the political theology. Vico's analysis is based on the classical typology of political community (rule) set by Plato and Aristotle, but it includes the philosophy of history aiming to show, contrary to usual considerations, that the political forms of government moved from the metaphysical principle of the one (monarchy), the fewness (aristocracy), the all (democracy) and finally ended in a metaphysical postulate of the one that is best expressed again in the monarchy. For this method Vico uses the classical pattern of political theology with the principle of divine providence in forming the political community, because it is a central concept of the political theology. That is why Vico shows that the first communities were based on religious postulates, and afterword on the philosophical. The author concludes that Vico's New Science can be defined as an important piece on political philosophy based on political theology, which, in today's conditions of material globalization, once more becomes an important position in overcoming the crisis of modern materialism of the world. ; Cet article montre que la philosophie de Vico, élaborée dans La science nouvelle, est la position de ce qui va plus tard être considérée comme une théologie politique. Ainsi, ce travail commence par la définition du concept de théologie politique et démontre les principes à partir desquels on peut classer Vico dans cette tradition philosophique de pensée spécifique. En ce sens la philosophie de Vico se fonde sur une tradition métaphysique et il est clair qu'elle peut être caractérisée de théologie politique. L'analyse de Vico trouve sa source dans la typologie classique des régimes politiques que Platon et Aristote ont étudié. Elle inclut aussi une philosophie de l'histoire dans le but de montrer, contrairement aux considérations habituelles, que les formes politiques de gouvernement partent du principe de l'un (monarchie), de plusieurs (aristocratie), de tous (démocratie), et enfin se terminent dans le postulat métaphysique de l'un, à nouveau exprimé dans la monarchie. Pour cette méthode Vico se sert du modèle classique de théologie politique et de son principe de providence divine dans la formation des communautés politiques, concept central en théologie politique. C'est la raison pour laquelle Vico montre que les premières communautés ont été fondées sur des postulats religieux, et seulement plus tard sur des postulats philosophiques. L'auteur conclut que La science nouvelle de Vico peut être définie comme une oeuvre majeure de philosophie politique fondée sur une théologie politique, qui aujourd'hui, dans des conditions de globalisation matérielle, reprend une position importante dans le dépassement de la crise du matérialisme moderne. ; Die Arbeit vertritt die Ansicht, die in der Neuen Wissenschaft erarbeitete Philosophie Vicos sei eine Position dessen, was später als politische Theologie bezeichnet wird. Daher fängt das Paper von der Definition des Begriffs der politischen Theologie an und zeigt die Prinzipien, die Vico in diese spezifische Tradition des philosophischen Denkens einordnen. In diesem Sinne gründet sich Vicos Philosophie auf die metaphysische Tradition und es ist klar, dass sie als politische Theologie charakterisiert werden kann. Vicos Analyse basiert auf der klassischen Typologie der politischen (Herrschafts)form, wie sie von Platon und Aristoteles aufgestellt wurde, schließt jedoch die Philosophie der Geschichte ein, um im Gegensatz zu üblichen Überlegungen einen (Monarchie), der einigen (Aristokratie) und der allen (Demokratie) verschoben und letztendlich im metaphysischen Postulat des einen endeten, das wieder am besten in der Monarchie zum Ausdruck kommt. Für diese Methode verwendet Vico das klassische Muster der politischen Theologie mit dem Prinzip der göttlichen Vorsehung in der Bildung politischer Gemeinschaften, weil dies ein zentrales Konzept der politischen Theologie ist. Und dies ist der Grund, aus dem Vico zeigt, dass die ersten Gemeinschaften auf Religionspostulaten fußten und erst nachträglich auf philosophischen. Der Autor kommt zu dem Schluss, Vicos Neue Wissenschaft könne als ein bedeutendes Werk der auf die politische Theologie sich stützenden politischen Philosophie definiert werden, das in heutigen Bedingungen der materiellen Globalisierung einmal mehr eine wichtige Position einnimmt in der Bewältigung der Krise des modernen Materialismus in der Welt.

RESUMEN This article addresses cultural transfers and political ownership of visual culture in the territories of the Hispanic monarchy. For this purpose, the documentary sources resulting from the celebrations on the occasion of the birth of Prince Baltazar Carlos (1631) and Carlos II (1663), which took place in Quito, an important urban centre in the Andean north, and Pamplona, in the north-eastern part of the New Kingdom of Granada respectively, are used. Although these sources are textual and lack graphic representations, we consider that the main feature of these chronic festivals is that they are generator of visuality based on textuality, which is why they function as a visual narrative also known as Ecfrasis. In this specific case 1, this is a visual narrative built by the service providers with the intention of claiming their role in a context of particular conflict with the imperial authorities. ; RESUMEN Este artículo aborda las transferencias culturales y la apropiación política de la cultura visual en los territorios de la monarquía hispánica. Para tal fin, se utilizan las fuentes documentales emanadas de las celebraciones con ocasión del nacimiento de los príncipes Baltazar Carlos (1631) y Carlos II (1663), celebraciones que tuvieron lugar en Quito, importante centro urbano del norte andino, y Pamplona, en el nororiente del Nuevo Reino de Granada, respectivamente. Si bien estas fuentes son textuales y carecen de representaciones gráficas, consideramos que la característica principal de estas crónicas festivas es que son generadoras de visualidad a partir de la textualidad, razón por la cual funcionan como un relato visual también conocido como écfrasis. En este caso en concreto1, se trata de un relato visualconstruido por los encomenderos con la intención de reivindicar su rol en un contexto de especial conflicto con las autoridades imperiales.

Historiographical work on the Saudi monarchy and the genesis of Wahhabi ideology have always aroused much interest among historians specializing in the Arab world. This trend has been accentuated in recent years in light of the burning geopolitical situation in the Middle East and the rise of Muslim religious extremism which is strongly inspired by this ideology. Thus, several elaborate studies attempt to determine the nature of the links that excite between the political power and the Saudi religious power since the creation of the first Saudi state in the late eighteenth century. However, this work, with a few rare exceptions, has remained non-exhaustive, even having a "folkloric" character, according to the expression used by the historian Modj-ta-ba Sadria. ; Les travaux historiographiques concernant la monarchie saoudienne et de la genèse de l'idéologie wahhabite ont toujours suscité beaucoup d'intérêt chez les historiens spécialistes du monde arabe. Cette tendance s'est accentuée ces dernières années au vu de la situation géopolitique brulante au Proche-Orient et à la montée de l'extrémisme religieux musulman qui est fortement inspiré par cette idéologie. Ainsi, plusieurs études élaborées tentent de déterminer la nature des liens qui excitaient entre le pouvoir politique et le pouvoir religieux saoudien depuis la création du premier état saoudien à la fin du XVIII siècle. Cependant, ces travaux à quelques rares exceptions près, sont demeurés non exhaustifs, revêtant même un caractère « folklorique » selon l'expression employée par l'historien Modj-ta-ba Sadria.

Roederer, when he was appointed by Napoléon to present the Legion of Honour Law, had already discussed at length how to govern men through their passion of honesty. This reflection, some of which has remained unprecedented (of various honours and honours in the Republic and Monarchy, found in the NAs), makes it possible to configure the Napoleonic institution in its broad historical and philosophical context as an institution at the heart of the political issues of its time. The philosophy of rewards policy, which aims to stimulate good action and promote merit, is addressed through it; a person who stands upstream of the great man to produce it, rather than downstream to recognise, designate and make it visible. ". Although the ambition is a defect, it is possible to draw good from it and make it useful": this is at the heart of political morality, the legion of honour being one of the most completed applications. ; Roederer, lorsqu'il fut désigné par Napoléon pour présenter la loi sur la légion d'honneur, avait déjà longuement réfléchi sur les moyens de gouverner les hommes par leur passion des honneurs. Cette réflexion, dont une partie est restée inédite (des divers usages de l'honneur et des honneurs en République et en Monarchie, retrouvée aux AN), permet de resituer l'institution napoléonienne dans son contexte historique et philosophique large, comme une institution au cœur des problématiques politiques de son temps. On aborde, par son entremise, à la philosophie de la politique des récompenses, celle qui vise à impulser la bonne action, encourager le mérite ; celle qui se tient en amont du grand homme pour le produire, plutôt qu'en aval pour le reconnaître, le désigner, le rendre visible. « .et quoique l'ambition soit un vice, on peut en tirer du bien et la rendre utile » : voilà le cœur de la morale politique dont la légion d'honneur s'offre comme une des applications les plus achevées.

Former European landlocked country, bordering north and east of Austria, capital: Prague.1918, the successor to the Habsburg Monarchy, formed from the former Crown Crown Countries of Bohemia, Moravia, Parts of Silesia and Slovakia (formerly part of the Hungarian Empire until 1918). Although Czechs took the lead in politics and public life, there were still areas with a large German share (especially in northern Bohemia and southern Moravia). ; Ehemaliger europäischer Binnenstaat, nördlich und östlich an Österreich grenzend, Hauptstadt: Prag.1918 gegründeter Nachfolgestaat der Habsburger-Monarchie, aus den ehemaligen cisleithanischen Kronländern Böhmen, Mähren, Teilen Schlesiens und der Slowakei (bis 1918 zur ungarischen Reichshälfte gehörend) gebildet. Obwohl nun die Tschechen in Politik und öffentlichem Leben die Führungsrolle übernahmen, gab es weiterhin Landesteile mit großem deutschen Anteil (v. a. in Nordböhmen und Südmähren).

This article looks at contemporary Spain where the term "Transition" means "democratic transition", a step of change resulting from the authoritarian and traumatic framework of General Franco's dictatorial military regime leading to a parliamentary monarchy and consolidated democracy. Behind a seemingly obvious figure is a bundle of loopholes, both on time limits and on content and issues. We will use the literary axis to examine what is not known as a process, a phenomenon or a series of events. We will first discuss the main dates on which the Spanish transition is taking place in order to highlight the many issues at stake. Then with a panoramic look, and the choice of two novels more precisely, we will see the repercussions that can be found in fiction texts. Finally, with literature that helps progress towards the end of this transitional period, writing will be a central question in building an identity for the present Spain. Transition keywords, literature, Spain and novel Reflect to the concept of transition finds a specific extension in the case of contemporary Spain, where the term 'Transition', which can be written with a capital letter as an allusion to a commonly recognised reference, refers without question to what is more explicitly referred to as 'the democratic transition'. This stage of change, resulting from an authoritarian and traumatic framework, concerns the years when Spain moved from the dictatorial military regime of General Franco to a parliamentary monarchy and a consolidated democracy. However, behind this apparent blurry is a bundle of loopholes, both on time limits and on content and challenges. For this reason, one of the axes can legitimately be literary in order to examine from a different perspective what is not known as a process, a phenomenon or a series of events to be perceived in their coherence as leading from a position A to a position B. Some dates marking the Spanish transition. Boxes A and B are themselves plural, depending on the meaning of 'democratic transition' — ...