Suchergebnisse

The Solidarity movement of the early 1980s not only triggered a transformation in Polish society, it forced a fundamental reconsideration of the nature of socialism throughout the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Seen as one of the most important social movements of the twentieth century, Michael Kennedy develops a theoretical conception of Soviet-type societies by analysing Solidarity's significance. He explains the background to the nature of the conflict between Solidarity and the authorities and considers the implications of Solidarity's struggle for the theory of the Soviet-type system's reproduction and transformation. Then, the internal constitution of Solidarity in terms of gender and, in particular, cross-class alliances is examined, which is followed by the implications of his analysis both for understanding perestroika in the Soviet Union and more generally for reformulating a critical sociology of Soviet-type societies

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- 1 Mediating the 'Refugee Crisis': An Introduction -- 1.1 Forced Mobilities, Humanitarian Technologies and Digital Solidarity -- 1.2 Structure of the Book -- References -- 2 The Foundations of Fortress Europe -- 2.1 The Philosophical Foundations -- 2.2 The Political Foundations -- 2.3 The Technologically Mediated Foundations -- References -- 3 Technologies of Surveillance and Border Regimes -- 3.1 Borders as Institutions of Power -- 3.2 Borders as Mechanisms of Identity Formation -- 3.3 Borders as Performances -- References -- 4 Technologies in/of Exile -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 A Fragmented Methodology -- 4.3 Technologies in Exile: Functions and Affordances -- 4.3.1 Before Departure -- 4.3.2 During the Journey -- 4.3.3 On Arrival -- 4.4 Technologies of Exile: Functions and Affordances -- 4.5 The Limits of Technology Use -- 4.5.1 Surveillance as Act of Monitoring and Profiling -- 4.5.2 Surveillance as Justification for Exclusionary Practices -- 4.6 Conclusions -- References -- 5 Technologies of Solidarity -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Technologies for the Social Good: Key Opportunities -- 5.2.1 Openness and Crowdsourced Creativity at the Service of the Displaced -- 5.2.2 Scalability and Sustainability -- 5.2.3 Empowerment Through Collaboration -- 5.2.4 Problem-Solving Attitude and Impact-Oriented Approach -- 5.2.5 Tech as Enabler -- 5.3 What Is Not So Good About Tech for Good -- 5.3.1 The Commodification of Social Good -- 5.3.2 Data Safety and Privacy -- 5.3.3 Critical Mass of Data, but Good for Whom? -- 5.4 Conclusions -- References -- 6 Digital Solidarity, Humanitarian Technologies, Border Regimes Concluding Notes -- References -- Index.

Part One: The Social Structure of Conflict 1. The Asylum-seeking Process: An American Tradition; Gil Richard Musolf 2. The Crisis in Darfur and the Social Structure of Global Climate Change, Race, and Gender; Michael J. Papa and Wendy H. Papa 3. Transnational Solidarity of Circassians In-Between Caucasus and Middle East; Ulaş Sunata Part Two: Voices of Survival, Resilience, and Hope 4. The Rock in the Stream; Mari Malek 5. From War to Peace: Loved Back to Life; Nafije Krasniqu Prishtina 6. Bendito Infierno; Derick Abrigu and Maria Silva 7. Falling in Love with a Refugee; Kim Schultz 8. Re-thinking the "starting point" for research: The challenges and possibilities for building reflexive knowledge with and about queer and trans migrants; Edward Ou Jin Lee and Abelardo Leon Part Three: Humanitarian Advocacy 9. The Social Construction of Child Protection in an Anti-Immigration Context; Leticia Villarreal Sosa, Myrna McNitt, and Erna Maria Rizeria Dinata 10. The Children Left Behind; Karen Gordon 11. A Heart Shaped Like Syria; Gail Vignola Part Four: Art and Hope 12. The Art of Re-Bildung the Refugee: Agency Through Literary Structure in the Bildungsroman; Alexandra Christian Budny 13. The Syrian Refugee Art Project; Joel Bergner.

Solidarity is widely present in European Union legislation. Several primary law provisions reflect its articulation, simultaneously assuming it as a value, an objective and a principle. Article 80 TFEU provides that the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility between Member States is the "guiding principle" of all common Union policies on border management, asylum, and immigration. Despite all this, solidarity has so far lacked a clear definition and meaning, appearing rather as an "amorphous concept". Indeed, political narrative recognises solidarity as "the glue that holds our Union together". However, in practice and as far as asylum is concerned, the conception according to which "solidarity must be given voluntarily, it must come from the heart, it cannot be forced" seems to prevail. By critically reviewing the relevant literature and the CJEU's jurisprudence, this paper pursues a twofold purpose: examining the doctrinal debates on the nature, scope and (abstract or binding) character of the solidarity principle; and gauging the role that the CJEU may be playing towards an effective solidarity, uncovering the constitutional bases that prevent from continuing to treat solidarity, in its multiple manifestations and policy areas, in particular that of asylum, as little less than the stone guest.
Received: 31 July 2022Accepted: 10 October 2022

AbstractVolunteers in the USA have long provided support for refugees being resettled through the UNHCR-based refugee resettlement program, as well as for asylum seekers and other undocumented migrants through local community or faith-based organizations. Individual and collective acts of solidarity on behalf of those seeking sanctuary, asylum seekers, and refugees have recently increased, reflecting public reaction to increasingly restrictive US immigration policies. Based on interviews with community volunteers and leaders, we analyse this activism in terms of whether it constitutes social solidarity, civic solidarity, and/or political solidarity. We find this solidarity action on behalf of forced migrants has been relatively 'low-risk' compared to other countries, where activists have faced imprisonment by engaging in 'high-risk' solidarity action. In the USA, these efforts have emphasized civic and social solidarity, with limited political solidarity actions even when volunteers have been confronted by explicitly racist and exclusionary policies. In addition, this response has yet to develop into a broader political movement in support of refugees, asylum seekers, and immigrants.

Structural violence embedded in systems and institutions of society has a detrimental impact on marginalized communities. Social, economic and political inequalities, exclusion, and violent acts (i.e. hate crimes) are examples of systemically supported violence. Although there are differences and unique challenges faced by each community, many forms of structural violence share significant commonalities and connected within global historical and ongoing geopolitical inequalities. Thus, it is imperative for social justice advocacy aimed at dismantling these systems to develop a transnational intersectional analysis. This must include inclusion of the voices, struggles, lived experiences of marginalized individuals to inform an intersectional analysis that incorporates global hierarchical realities. In this community-engaged project, interviews were conducted across three distinct communities within the United States: (1)Muslims, (2) immigrant Latina women with undocumented status, and (3) LGBTQ+ persons who have experienced incarceration. The purpose of these interviews was to gain an understanding of the experiences and differences in the structural violence experienced by three unique communities as well as their commonalities and interconnections. The stories were analyzed using thematic analysis, and themes detailing the impact of structural violence on individual wellbeing were identified within the context of their intersecting identities. Furthermore, this research centered stories of resilience, community, and resistance providing a narrative not limited to being a victim of systemic violence. It analyzes the geopolitical implications particularly the role of forced migration, politics of imperialistic militarism, and racism in maintaining these brutal and inhumane conditions. Finally, it advocates an approach that decolonizes discourses that uphold inequitable systems.

Solidarity and the Academic Community: Refugee Scholars and their Support Networks in the 1930s Recent scholarship on humanitarianism has drawn attention to the intertwined nature of humanitarianism and politics and questioned narratives that present charity and humanitarianism as purportedly universal values. Additionally, research on refugees has pointed to the role of refugee issues in disputes over the meaning of citizenship, national belonging and exclusion. Yet these discussions have not been applied to the history of the scholars who were forced into exile by the National Socialists from 1933 onwards. The article focuses on two organisations for academic refugees, the British Academic Assistance Council and the Notgemeinschaft deutscher Wissenschaftler im Ausland, which facilitated emigration and placed scientists at host institutions abroad. It argues that the aid efforts of these organisations were to a considerable extent shaped by professional considerations and remained dependent on well-established national infrastructures and concerns.

This chapter takes the coronavirus pandemic that first emerged in December 2019 as a springboard to ref lect on how society deals with forced migration from a postmigrant perspective. Such a theoretical vantage seeks to 'demigratize' research on forced migration (Römhild 2017). Analytical inquiry then is not a mode of special research on refugees but rather it investigates the societal power relations and social inequalities that affect all human beings. The experience of forced migration is relevant for research exploring living together in society as a whole. Taking that premise as a point of departure, the present study investigates dedicated refugee accommodation centers and camps as specific settings in which persons who have f led their homes and countries are largely separated, segregated and shielded from the rest of the population. The chapter addresses the questions: What are the life realities of human beings in these settings? What significance do they have for life together in society as a whole? How is it possible against this backdrop to conceptualise postmigrant visions of an urban, cosmopolitan, inclusive and open living together in solidarity?

National audience ; In the absence of a public safety net, wealthy Africans have the social obligation to share their re- sources with their needy relatives in the form of cash transfers and inefficient family hiring. We develop a model of entrepreneurial choice that accounts for this social redistributive constraint. We derive pre- dictions regarding employment choices, productivity, and profitability of firms ran by entrepreneurs of African versus non-African origin. Everything else equal, local firms are over-staffed and less productive than firms owned by nonlocals, which discourages local entrepreneurship. Using data from the manu- facturing sector, we illustrate the theory by structurally estimating the proportion of missing African entrepreneurs. Our estimates, which are suggestive due to the data limitation, vary between 8% and 12.6% of the formal sector workforce. Implications for the role of social protection are discussed.

Global supply chains in the garment industry are marked by labour standard violations in factories as well as retail stores. Against this background it is important to strengthen the bargaining power of workers along the supply chain. Establishing direct relationships among workers along the supply chain could be one way to achieve this aim. This paper builds on extant literature on transnational solidarity and highlights the specific challenges of understanding solidarity in a transnational social space by looking at the empirical context of global garment supply chains. It hereby seeks to go beyond treating "solidarity" as a mere metaphor for any form of transnational union or worker cooperation, and instead engages with the cultural-normative dimensions of the concept as referring to mutual bonds among groups of workers. By looking at the case of the ExChains network, this paper examines some of the opportunities and challenges involved in establishing and maintaining transnational worker solidarity. The paper concludes by discussing the transformative potential, but also the limits of transnational labour solidarity regarding substandard working conditions in global supply chains.

This article deals with the political legacy of migrants' spaces across Europe that are the outcome of border enforcement policies but that are also shaped by migrants' struggles and movements. It interrogates what is left, after their vanishing forced eviction, at the level of spatial-political traces, as well as in the collective memory of the citizens of those places. The main argument of the piece is that in order to come to grips with these spaces beyond their ephemeral dimension, we need to consider the temporality of migrant struggles and of solidarity practices – between migrants and citizens. The article focuses, first, on the French-Italian Alpine border, and analyses how the sedimented memory of the struggles in that valley has been reactivated in the present to support the migrants in transit. Then, the article moves on by developing the notion of transversal alliances through an insight into the Gilets Noirs movement in France, a collective of undocumented migrants which mobilised towards getting to permit to stay and accommodation, while at the same time framing their struggle as a broader battle against precarity and exploitation. The piece concludes suggesting that by bringing in the genealogy of struggles and solidarity practices, migrants' spaces appear as part of a precarious mobile common in the making.

Health care played an important role in the revolutions of El Salvador and Nicaragua. Both the Sandinistas and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) prioritized popular health throughout the 1980s. Clinics and hospitals served as sites of revolution that drew healthcare solidarity activists from the United States. These health internationalists worked to build community-level networks that relied upon trained medical volunteers. In both El Salvador and Nicaragua, women comprised a bulk of the community health workers. These women chose to interact with revolution by building on radical promises of universal healthcare access. Healthcare solidarity activists trained community volunteers and encouraged women to pursue their own needs within the revolutionary frameworks. Health internationalists actively undermined United States' policies toward Central America. In the 1980s, the United States implemented economic policies and supported military violence that targeted healthcare infrastructure. In training community health workers, treating civilians, sharing knowledge through international exchange, and sending funds and medical supplies, health activists mitigated some of the damage being done. This thesis posits that health care was an important site of revolution for Central Americans and internationalists alike. By choosing to mend bodies, medical activists stood in direct opposition to the violence of the decade. They also served as fundamental to the revolution because they helped carry out the will of the people. The revolutions rested on the hope of improving the lives of every day Nicaraguans and Salvadorans. As the violence of the 1980s forced the guerillas of El Salvador and the leaders of Nicaragua to focus on war, the people continued to implement revolutionary health goals at the community level. This thesis argues that understanding how health internationalists, women, and community activists engaged revolutionary ideas of medicine is vital to the study of 1980s Central America.

Abstract
In 1959, East German Dresden and western Polish Wrocław were twinned to promote cross-border contact between political leaders, worker delegations and cultural groups. Officially formed to promote worker solidarity among friendly East Bloc regimes, in practice the inter-relationship exposed a troubling history that was just below the surface. In the recent aftermath of Nazi defeat, the German population of Breslau (over 600,000 people) had fled or been expelled from a city which had long been German. At the same time that Breslau became Polish Wrocław, a significant number of old Breslauers settled in the East German province of Saxony, especially Dresden. This article uses archival and published sources to show how, under the umbrella of worker exchanges, field trips and official amity, the sister-city programme unintentionally became a venue for German exiles from Breslau to encounter Wrocławian delegations in Dresden and to return 'home' to discover Wrocław's post-war Polish reality.

Southeast Asia has the weakest normative frameworks for refugee protection of any region in the world apart from the Middle East. Only two out of ten member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have signed the 1951 International Refugee Convention. Nevertheless, the 2012 ASEAN Human Rights Declaration explicitly mentions the right to seek and receive asylum 'in accordance with the laws of such State and applicable international agreements' (ASEAN 2012). One of the litmus tests for this right has been the regional treatment of the Rohingya, a Muslim minority from Myanmar that faces forced displacement, discrimination, and large-scale state violence. Based on media content analysis and a scientific literature review, this paper sheds light on how ASEAN's most prominent Muslim member countries, Indonesia and Malaysia, advocate on behalf of the forcibly displaced Rohingya. In particular, this paper focuses on competing forms of political interventions and shifting notions of Muslim solidarity. While Indonesia and Malaysia have been very vocal in bilateral, regional, and international forums to criticise the Myanmar government for their violation of basic human rights, both countries remain highly reluctant to offer sanctuary to Rohingya refugees, of which several thousand have attempted to reach Indonesia and Malaysia. This research finds that the notion of Muslim solidarity remains a symbolic rhetoric primarily directed at domestic audiences and the failure to render effective protection to refugees has rather increased over the last five years.