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Background Globally, xenophobia towards out-groups is frequently increased in times of economic and political instability, such as in infectious disease outbreaks. This systematic review aims to: (1) assess the xenophobic attitudes and behaviors towards migrants during disease outbreaks; and (2) identify adverse health outcomes linked to xenophobia. Methods We searched nine scientific databases to identify studies measuring xenophobic tendencies towards international migrants during disease outbreaks and evaluated the resulting adverse health effects. Results Eighteen articles were included in the review. The findings were grouped into: (1) xenophobia-related outcomes, including social exclusion, out-group avoidance, support for exclusionary health policies, othering, and germ aversion; and (2) mental health problems, such as anxiety and fear. Depending on the disease outbreak, different migrant populations were negatively affected, particularly Asians, Africans, and Latino people. Factors such as perceived vulnerability to disease, disgust sensitivity, medical mistrust individualism, collectivism, disease salience, social representation of disease and beliefs in different origins of disease were associated with xenophobia. Conclusions Overall, migrants can be a vulnerable population frequently blamed for spreading disease, promoting irrational fear, worry and stigma in various forms, thus leading to health inequities worldwide. It is urgent that societies adopt effective support strategies to combat xenophobia and structural forms of discrimination against migrants.

Social work practitioners and social work educators took a strong stance against xenophobia by submitting the following statement to the Minister of Social Development Dr Zola Skweyiya.We are a group of social work educators and social work practitioners representing the following groups: The Association of Schools of Social Work in Africa (ASSWA); African Federation of Social Workers; the Association of South African Social Work Education Institutions (ASASWEI); the National Association of Social Workers, South Africa (NASW, SA) and the South African Council for Social Service Professions (SACSSP). We wish to express our outrage at the senseless killing of people in a country where we profess to uphold the dignity of all human beings. We understand that the dynamics and the socio-economic, cultural and political conditions that serve as precursors to such de-humanising conduct are complex. While we understand this, the message that needs to go out to communities is that nothing at all can condone any attack on fellow human beings. We urge all those working in the human services sector and the Government of South Africa to send out a message of zero tolerance for violence. We must actively send out calls for peace and work toward peaceful resolution of conflict and of differences.

The following study seeks to explain the reason for increasing immigration restriction in countries with strong histories of immigration. The main country of focus is the United States, with Argentina and Canada analyzed in comparison. After exploring the conventional answers of: right-wing populism, economic explanations, and security concerns, the study makes the argument that a history of deep-rooted xenophobia is the best explanation for increasing immigration restriction in all three countries of analysis.

The recurrence of xenophobic violence in South Africa has been attributed to the proliferation of antimigrant sentiments that stems from social, political, economic and cultural misconceptions and cleavages. The study presents the results of a survey undertaken at the Durban University of Technology (DUT) to investigate the perceptions and attitudes of DUT students on xenophobia in South Africa. A questionnaire was designed and employed to collect data from 547 registered students of a university in Durban. The result reflects the existence of satisfactory awareness on xenophobia and low levels of anti-migrant sentiments which show that the majority of the students are not xenophobic. Traces of xenophobic perceptions and attitudes were observed in the responses of entry-level students from low-income areas, thus pointing to entry-level students and younger students as being more disposed to xenophobic tendencies. This trend echoes normative conceptions concerning xenophobia in South Africa, particularly, as a phenomenon deeply ingrained in socioeconomic inadequacies. However, the positive disposition of most students towards xenophobia reaffirms the importance of educational institutions in intercepting negative ethnic/racial sentiments as well as calls for intensified integration programmes and the extension of such into the communities.Keywords: attitudes; migrants; perceptions; stereotypes; violence; xenophobia

The prevalence of xenophobic violence toward foreigners has hindered South Africa's ambition to become a developmental state since 2007, when the concept of a "democratic developmental state" was first endorsed during the African National Congress (ANC) conference in Polokwane. This ambition has also been thwarted by the inability of the post-apartheid regime to provide adequate and sustainable services to the citizens. Xenophobia has disrupted economic growth and has contributed to poor service delivery in local municipalities, thus leading to social protests. The developmental state depends mainly on a solid balance of economic growth and human development. It also leans on the capacity of the state to establish policies that address poverty and promote the expansion of solid economic opportunities. In this endeavor, migrants increase economic growth and make it sustainable, increase productivity, and promote the labor market. They also promote the labor force and human capital, economic growth, and public finance, thus enabling the realization of a developmental state. However, xenophobia has limited migrants' contributions to economic growth and social well-being in South Africa. It has destructive effects on South Africa's economic structure and growth, thus affecting the delivery of adequate services that would enhance its ability to achieve a developmental state. The paper recommends that there is a need for South Africa to understand that xenophobia affects economic growth and the service delivery framework. To address the prevalence of xenophobia and achieve its ambition of a developmental state, South Africa needs to hasten its responses to curb xenophobia and integrate migrants into economic opportunities. The paper adopted a qualitative research methodology and conceptual and document analysis techniques to collect data that enabled the achievement of the above assertions.

What factors influence attitudes towards refugees? Do negative attitudes towards refugees also influence attitudes towards conflict in the host countries? Previous studies suggest that an influx of refugees, and locals' reaction to them, may destabilize receiving countries and lead to conflict. In particular, actual or perceived negative effects of refugees' presence, such as increased economic competition with the locals, disruption of ethnic balance in the host country, and arrival of people with ties to rebel groups may lead to an increased likelihood of civil conflict in countries that receive refugees. These effects can lead to instability by changing the locals' incentives and opportunities of engaging in violence. Indeed, some studies find a positive correlation at the cross-national level between influx of refugees and conflict in receiving countries. We contribute to this literature by experimentally manipulating information about the externalities of hosting refugees. We conducted a survey-experiment in the summer of 2014 in Turkey, a country that hosts the largest number of Syrian refugees. We examine how different messages about the possible effects of hosting refugees – increased economic burden, disruption of ethnic balance, and ties with rebels, as well as a positive message of saving innocent women and children – affect locals' perceptions of the refugees and their attitudes towards the Turkish-Kurdish peace process. We find that some messages cause locals, especially majority non-Kurds, to hold more negative views of the refugees, and in some cases to view them as a threat. Generally speaking, this information does not affect support for the peace process within Turkey. Rather, fundamental factors, such as partisanship, and previous exposure to conflict are better predictors of attitudes towards peace.

The chronicle of human migration is as old as human civilization which goes back to prehistoric time when it started flourishing in ancient Africa. The main cause behind such migrations is to have a greater opportunity for life which enfolds economic, political, social and demographic factors. But, in the course of time, the immigration has gradually become a challenging issue since it has deep-rooted connection with culture and identity. The entire process involves alienation, loss, anxiety, insecurity in the minds of the immigrants as well as the indigenous people. The present study will showcase the effect of globalization and modernization on the nations and their subjects keeping in mind the burning issue of immigration across the globe. In order to have a better understanding of one's individuation process, the present paper will address sociological, psychological, and multicultural issues against the backdrop of xenophobia as depicted by Monica Ali in her third novel In the Kitchen. But the main focus of the present study is to demonstrate how it affects and helps in rebuilding the identity of those belonging originally to the homeland.

The article explores the prospects of community radio programming in providing organic interventions against xenophobia in South Africa. In the context of mounting migrationrelated complexities globally, the media have increasingly become a fundamental communication infrastructure through which citizens come to understand realities that affect their daily lives. This observation is particularly applicable to the majority of South Africans who currently face multiple socio-economic challenges, cited as the "ignition spark" to recent xenophobic attacks on immigrants in the media. Numerous public institutions including government and civic society have used mainstream media to champion condemnations of these attacks, however through optimistic top-down projections such as national electronic and print publications, with limited success. Although the latter forms of communication do reach large audiences, they lack heterogeneous appeal and are usually carriers of dominant discourses embedded in structural biases that are slanted towards the elite. This approach often marginalises the lower stratum of the population who usually bear the brunt of the xenophobic scourge as either perpetrators or victims thereof. The article uses participatory communication models to explicate how, as a typical product and reflection of the dynamics of the communities it serves, community radio could be used to promote a grassroots common narrative context for reflective anti-xenophobia communication discourse. The article concludes that, as part of the broader multimedia intervention strategy, community radio can provide an effective local perspective to the anti-xenophobia discourse through sustainable mainstreaming of migration issues in its programming. ; https://doi.org/10.4102/td.v11i4.55

The recurrence of xenophobic violence in South Africa has been attributed to the proliferation of antimigrant sentiments that stems from social, political, economic and cultural misconceptions and cleavages. The study presents the results of a survey undertaken at the Durban University of Technology (DUT) to investigate the perceptions and attitudes of DUT students on xenophobia in South Africa. A questionnaire was designed and employed to collect data from 547 registered students of a universityin Durban. The result reflects the existence of satisfactory awareness on xenophobia and low levels of anti-migrant sentiments which show that the majority of the students are not xenophobic. Traces of xenophobic perceptions and attitudes were observed in the responses of entry-level students from low-income areas, thus pointing to entry-level students and younger students as being more disposed to xenophobic tendencies. This trend echoes normative conceptions concerning xenophobia in South Africa,particularly, as a phenomenon deeply ingrained in socio-economic inadequacies. However, the positive disposition of most students towards xenophobia reaffirms the importance of educational institutions in intercepting negative ethnic/racial sentiments as well as calls for intensified integration programmes and the extension of such into the communities.

This article seeks to examine the association of the concept of governance of international relations and, by implication, human population migration, through the rigid practices of "sovereignty-state-territory triad" with the fomentation and exacerbation of societal stereotypes, attitudes and perceptions of xenophobia in Africa, in general, and South Africa, in particular. Ascriptions of the majority of population migration as "international" affirms the centrality of the operationalisation of the "sovereignty-state-territory triad" in understanding the fragmentary constructions of societal attitudes and perceptions of people resident in distinct geopolitical entities ascribed as national territories. State and non-state governance entrapments with this triad perpetuate societal stereotypes that are in concurrence with bordered-territories where populations described as citizens are stimulated to protect endowments and resources of the land against the perceived destruction associated with the conduct of the out-groups. Unsurprisingly, the theorisation of human population migration has equally been intricately involved with environmental conservation and securitisation of biodiversity that enables land dispossession of the vulnerable sections of the population through the Western economic narratives of "Peace Parks". Simultaneously in Southern Africa, the concept of African Renaissance, inescapably embedded with "cooperation and conflict" at all scales, has offered a buzzword to be realised through "Peace Parks" that have evidently failed to deliver reaffirmation of African cultures, continental emancipation and democratisation. The preeminence of societal stereotypes, attitudes and perceptions of xenophobia and violent abuses of African immigrants in South Africa provides vivid illustrations of the inconsistencies and non-linearity of concepts such as African Renaissance and "Peace Parks". This article asserts that measures for repairing the landscapes of xenophobia among Africans, especially in South Africa, will remain pipedreams if they are not embedded with adaptive governance designed to undermine the rigidities of the "sovereignty-state-territory triad", prevalent in the international relations. ; https://doi.org/10.4102/td.v11i4.40

Africa is witnessing a recurring wave of xenophobic attacks despite being built on the foundations of humanity and oneness. Despite being situated at various sub-region in Africa, Nigeria and South Africa are both regarded as regional hegemons, and as regional hegemons, they tussle for international recognition as exemplified in occasional diplomatic confrontations. Relations between Abuja and Pretoria have been marked by several stages with their political, economic and socio-cultural interaction punctuated by rivalry, conflict, cooperation and competition. This article explores the paradox of xenophobia in South Africa and its impact on strategic relations with Nigeria through the lens of citizen diplomacy. Relying on secondary data, we assess the how Nigerians residing in South Africa can be protected through the instrumentality of citizen diplomacy. From the study, the authors argue that prevalence of xenophobic prejudice and violence on African nationals (including Nigerians) residing in South Africa arises due to limited implementation and utilization of the citizen's diplomacy by the Nigerian government. Therefore, we propose policy prescriptions to enhance the Nigeria-South Africa strategic partnership with an emphasis on the adoption of a cultural mix policy and early warning signals, which are paramount in eliminating xenophobic conflicts in African societies.

The global economic and financial crisis of 2007-08 has further intensified a social and urban crisis that undermines democracy and economic institutions internationally. Specifically, the economic crisis and the consequent austerity measures have resulted in greater exploitation in the labor market and job discrimination, in capital flight and undermined political and social institutions that provide for citizens. Xenophobia becomes again a burgeoning problem that is plaguing the European Union (eu) and needs to be addressed thoroughly for it can again undermine the democratic tradition of the region. This article concentrates on perspectives on the current migration crisis within the region of theeuthat has spurred a spiral of xenophobic tendencies and a neo-liberal nationalist narrative. Particular emphasis is placed in the situations in Greece (the much attested "guinea pig" of the democratic experiment) and Italy.

The renewed incidents of xenophobia, which engulfed South Africa, dented this country's image, continentally and internationally. These occurrences invoke an unresolved question, thus: Can xenophobic attacks be attributed to tighter or discriminatory immigration policies or are people caught in quandary for socio-economic survival? Similarly to the pogroms in Poland against Jews, xenophobia left fatal scars, not only amongst Africans and non- Africans, and has affected the informal economy negatively. This article explores the impact of xenophobia on the operations of the informal economy on which the poor depend for socio-economic survival. For the most part of April-May 2015, the streets of Durban were deserted because of the xenophobic attacks on non-South African businesses, particularly those owned by Africans from different parts of the continent. Fear was planted in the city of Durban, which in turn led to the decline in economic activity, both formal and informal sectors, with the later bearing the most brunt. The city was turned into a battle field whereby Afro-hatred was perpetuated with the intention of causing bodily harm and making deportation threats. Nationals from other African countries, mainly Nigerians, Somalis, Malawians, Zimbabweans, Mozambicans, Ethiopians and Congolese were accused of taking jobs meant for locals and suffocating their businesses as well as taking their women. In fear of their lives, non-South Africans were forced to close their businesses and to go into hiding. This article argues that the impact of xenophobia is a double-edged sword and has far- reaching implications for both South Africans and non-South Africans as the local city dwellers depend on the services provided by informal businesses. The article uses both primary and secondary data. The empirical data was extracted mainly from the street traders and hawkers eking a living in the informal sector.

AbstractSince the end of apartheid, Johannesburg's city centre has become home to a large number of Congolese men who fled the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Republic of Congo (RC) for socio‐political or economic reasons. Although many may have arrived with hopes to integrate, xenophobia has made that goal near impossible. Rather than accept acts of marginalisation, however, many of these men have responded with boasts that Congolese culture is not only equal to that of South Africa—it is better. At the root of this argument is Congolese soukous music (specifically soukous appreciation songs) and fashion (specifically Société des Ambianceurs et des Personnes Elégantes, a Congolese fashion movement known by its acronym la SAPE), which, according to one young Brazzaville man, "show everyone in South Africa that the Congolese are number one" (Interview 2010). This article introduces soukous and la SAPE through notions of masculinity and display, which collectively enable these Congolese men in Johannesburg to reverse the hierarchies of inferiority imposed by xenophobia; and empowers them with opportunities for new imaginaries and practices of belonging. The research for this study was carried out in Johannesburg between 2010 and 2016.