Suchergebnisse

Patient perspectives in multi-disciplinary study teams can add to the relevance, quality, and application of research. In the United Kingdom, ethics committees tend to distinguish patient and citizen involvement from research participation. This means that when researchers ask patients or citizens for advice on a study, or invite them to collaborate with the study team, they do not need ethical approval. This puts their input on a similar footing to clinicians, other practitioners, academics, and policy makers. But there are times when people's input into study design and implementation derives from their participation as research subjects. This is more likely to be common in qualitative research, where a researcher's interaction with participants may result in collaboration on data collection and analysis. Drawing on a study with young people leaving foster and residential care, this case study describes what we did when a research participant wanted to be acknowledged by name. This request challenged the principle of anonymity which ethics committees and researchers commonly expect to be afforded to, and welcomed by, participants. We declined the request on two grounds. First, the commitments we had made in our application for ethics approval and second, our concern that naming one participant might breach the confidentiality of those who preferred to remain anonymous. Here, we ask whether it is possible to conduct fully anonymised participatory research and suggest that involvement of patients and citizens as research advisors carries challenges to established conventions.

Interactions between humans and nature are understood to be beneficial for human well-being. In cities, urban green spaces are believed to provide many benefits to urban populations in terms of mental and emotional well-being. Through a case study of 60 urban green spaces in Birmingham, United Kingdom, this article investigates the spatial and temporal variation of the emotions experienced by individuals whilst using urban green spaces. Using a dataset obtained from Twitter as the basis for emotional explorations, sentiment analysis was performed on over 10,000 tweets to ascertain the positivity/negativity of individuals. Positive responses were more common than negative responses across all seasons, with happiness and appreciation of beauty being the common positive emotions identified. For the negative responses, fear and anger were present in similar amounts, with fewer tweets indicating sadness and disgust. Our findings show that Twitter data is a viable source of information to researchers investigating human interaction and emotional response to space in cities. Such information has implications for urban planners and park managers, enabling the creation of evidence-based spaces which enhance positive outdoor experience. Limitations in using Twitter data are discussed and these should be considered in future research.

This study contributes to the literature on mobility and wellbeing at older ages through an empirical exploration of the meanings of free bus travel for older citizens, addressing the meanings this holds for older people in urban settings, which have been under-researched. Taking London as a case study, where older citizens have free access to a relatively extensive public transport network through a Freedom Pass, we explore from a public health perspective the mechanisms that link this travel benefit to determinants of wellbeing. In addition to the ways in which the Freedom Pass enabled access to health-related goods and services, it provided less tangible benefits. Travelling by bus provided opportunities for meaningful social interaction; travelling as part of the 'general public' provided a sense of belonging and visibility in the public arena – a socially acceptable way of tackling chronic loneliness. The Freedom Pass was described not only as providing access to essential goods and services but also as a widely prized mechanism for participation in life in the city. We argue that the mechanisms linking mobility and wellbeing are culturally, materially and politically specific. Our data suggest that in contexts where good public transport is available as a right, and bus travel not stigmatised, it is experienced as a major contributor to wellbeing, rather than a transport choice of last resort. This has implications for other jurisdictions working on accessible transport for older citizens and, more broadly, improving the sustainability of cities.

This study contributes to the literature on mobility and wellbeing at older ages through an empirical exploration of the meanings of free bus travel for older citizens, addressing the meanings this holds for older people in urban settings, which have been under-researched. Taking London as a case study, where older citizens have free access to a relatively extensive public transport network through a Freedom Pass, we explore from a public health perspective the mechanisms that link this travel benefit to determinants of wellbeing. In addition to the ways in which the Freedom Pass enabled access to health-related goods and services, it provided less tangible benefits. Travelling by bus provided opportunities for meaningful social interaction; travelling as part of the 'general public' provided a sense of belonging and visibility in the public arena-a socially acceptable way of tackling chronic loneliness. The Freedom Pass was described not only as providing access to essential goods and services but also as a widely prized mechanism for participation in life in the city. We argue that the mechanisms linking mobility and wellbeing are culturally, materially and politically specific. Our data suggest that in contexts where good public transport is available as a right, and bus travel not stigmatised, it is experienced as a major contributor to wellbeing, rather than a transport choice of last resort. This has implications for other jurisdictions working on accessible transport for older citizens and, more broadly, improving the sustainability of cities.

This study contributes to the literature on mobility and wellbeing at older ages through an empirical exploration of the meanings of free bus travel for older citizens, addressing the meanings this holds for older people in urban settings, which have been under-researched. Taking London as a case study, where older citizens have free access to a relatively extensive public transport network through a Freedom Pass, we explore from a public health perspective the mechanisms that link this travel benefit to determinants of wellbeing. In addition to the ways in which the Freedom Pass enabled access to health-related goods and services, it provided less tangible benefits. Travelling by bus provided opportunities for meaningful social interaction; travelling as part of the 'general public' provided a sense of belonging and visibility in the public arena – a socially acceptable way of tackling chronic loneliness. The Freedom Pass was described not only as providing access to essential goods and services but also as a widely prized mechanism for participation in life in the city. We argue that the mechanisms linking mobility and wellbeing are culturally, materially and politically specific. Our data suggest that in contexts where good public transport is available as a right, and bus travel not stigmatised, it is experienced as a major contributor to wellbeing, rather than a transport choice of last resort. This has implications for other jurisdictions working on accessible transport for older citizens and, more broadly, improving the sustainability of cities.

This study contributes to the literature on mobility and wellbeing at older ages through an empirical exploration of the meanings of free bus travel for older citizens, addressing the meanings this holds for older people in urban settings, which have been under-researched. Taking London as a case study, where older citizens have free access to a relatively extensive public transport network through a Freedom Pass, we explore from a public health perspective the mechanisms that link this travel benefit to determinants of wellbeing. In addition to the ways in which the Freedom Pass enabled access to health-related goods and services, it provided less tangible benefits. Travelling by bus provided opportunities for meaningful social interaction; travelling as part of the 'general public' provided a sense of belonging and visibility in the public arena - a socially acceptable way of tackling chronic loneliness. The Freedom Pass was described not only as providing access to essential goods and services but also as a widely prized mechanism for participation in life in the city. We argue that the mechanisms linking mobility and wellbeing are culturally, materially and politically specific. Our data suggest that in contexts where good public transport is available as a right, and bus travel not stigmatised, it is experienced as a major contributor to wellbeing, rather than a transport choice of last resort. This has implications for other jurisdictions working on accessible transport for older citizens and, more broadly, improving the sustainability of cities.

ABSTRACTEvidence about the cost‐effectiveness of interventions in children's services can help decision‐makers make more efficient use of scarce resources. We returned to six somewhat disparate interventions on which we had collated research evidence identified by service planners and practitioners as relevant to the well‐being of children in the course of the Economic and Social Research Council‐funded What Works for Children project. These are home visiting, parenting, cognitive–bahavioural therapy, mentoring, traffic calming and breakfast club interventions. We aimed to explore the nature and extent of evidence on cost‐benefit and cost effectiveness for these measures. We conducted searches for studies that looked at the costs as well as the effectiveness of the six interventions and found 24 studies matching our inclusion criteria. The studies were diverse in terms of study design and economic methods (including economic modelling and willingness to pay). Studies relating to parenting programmes and traffic calming gave the most positive indication that the interventions may be cost‐effective for the outcomes in question. The remainder of the studies did not give a clear picture, in large part because of a lack of demonstration that the intervention was effective.

Abstract Background Childhood obesity is high on the policy agenda of wealthier nations, and many interventions have been developed to address it. This work describes an overview of schemes for obese and overweight children and young people in England, and the 'mapping' approach we used. Methods Our search strategy, inclusion criteria and coding frame had to be suitable for describing a potentially large number of schemes within a short timeframe. Data were collected from key informants, scheme publicity and reports, and via a web-survey. To be included, schemes had to be based in England, follow a structured programme lasting at least two weeks, promote healthy weight, and be delivered exclusively to overweight and/or obese children and young people (age range 4-18). Data were entered into a coding frame recording similar information for each scheme, including any underpinning research evidence, evaluation or monitoring reports. Priority questions were identified in consultation with colleagues from the Department of Health and the Cross Government Obesity Unit. Results Fifty-one schemes were identified. Some operated in multiple areas, and by using estimates of the number of schemes provided by multi-site scheme leads, we found that between 314 and 375 local programmes were running at any time. Uncertainty is largely due to the largest scheme provider undergoing rapid expansion at the time of the mapping exercise and therefore able to provide only an estimate of the number of programmes running. Many schemes were similar in their approach, had been recently established and were following NICE guidelines on interventions to promote healthy weight. Rigorous evaluation was rare. Conclusions Our methods enabled us to produce a rapid overview of service activity across a wide geographic area and a range of organisations and sectors. In order to develop the evidence base for childhood obesity interventions, rigorous evaluation of these schemes is required. This overview can serve as a starting point for evaluations of interventions to address obesity. More generally, a rapid and systematic approach of this type is transferable to other types of service activity in health and social care, and may be a tool to inform public health planning.

Background: Childhood obesity is high on the policy agenda of wealthier nations, and many interventions have been developed to address it. This work describes an overview of schemes for obese and overweight children and young people in England, and the 'mapping' approach we used. Methods: Our search strategy, inclusion criteria and coding frame had to be suitable for describing a potentially large number of schemes within a short timeframe. Data were collected from key informants, scheme publicity and reports, and via a web-survey. To be included, schemes had to be based in England, follow a structured programme lasting at least two weeks, promote healthy weight, and be delivered exclusively to overweight and/or obese children and young people (age range 4-18). Data were entered into a coding frame recording similar information for each scheme, including any underpinning research evidence, evaluation or monitoring reports. Priority questions were identified in consultation with colleagues from the Department of Health and the Cross Government Obesity Unit. Results: Fifty-one schemes were identified. Some operated in multiple areas, and by using estimates of the number of schemes provided by multi-site scheme leads, we found that between 314 and 375 local programmes were running at any time. Uncertainty is largely due to the largest scheme provider undergoing rapid expansion at the time of the mapping exercise and therefore able to provide only an estimate of the number of programmes running. Many schemes were similar in their approach, had been recently established and were following NICE guidelines on interventions to promote healthy weight. Rigorous evaluation was rare. Conclusions: Our methods enabled us to produce a rapid overview of service activity across a wide geographic area and a range of organisations and sectors. In order to develop the evidence base for childhood obesity interventions, rigorous evaluation of these schemes is required. This overview can serve as a starting point for evaluations of interventions to address obesity. More generally, a rapid and systematic approach of this type is transferable to other types of service activity in health and social care, and may be a tool to inform public health planning.

ABSTRACTIt has been argued both that research in social care is insufficiently relevant to practice, and that a clearer steer is needed from the social work community in shaping national research priorities. The work reported here systematically searched for and analysed findings from studies that asked practitioners working with children for their suggestions for research. Eight studies were found, and authors gave us access to the primary data from four of these, to which we added responses from the What Works for Children? website survey of practitioners' research priorities. Responses were analysed in terms of both topic and type of research. Family support, parenting and child protection research were among the most frequently requested child‐focused topics. In terms of question type, almost half the research suggestions concerned the effectiveness of interventions. These findings suggest that a commitment to outcomes, and to robustly researched interventions to attain those outcomes, are increasingly important to practitioners. These views from the front line may well be useful in assisting decision‐makers in social work, and research funders, to set priorities.