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This dissertation aims at identifying determinants of cooperative public good provision in dynamic frameworks. We develop political economy based models of fiscal federalism and establish normative benchmarks as well as equilibrium predictions for both policy-making under a centralized and decentralized regime. In the tradition of Oates' (1972) seminal fiscal federalism treatise, our models analyze the regimes' pros and cons for various facets of institutional policy-making. Yet, placing emphasis on the dynamic structures of policy-making, we introduce guidelines for policy assignment to layers of a federal system in repeated game settings. The bottom line for this thesis is to analyze the impact of factors like public good spillovers, regional preference heterogeneity, and the number of federal member states on the regime-specific ability to yield efficient public good policies. Let us illustrate the thread of this dissertation. Chapter 2 starts with a representation of the genuine fiscal federalism framework à la Oates (1972). The literature survey in section 2.1 classifies and highlights some contributions that can be related to Oates' work. Section 2.2 illustrates the basic normative guidelines for policy assignment, for instance the celebrated decentralization theorem, in a formal framework. Chapter 3 introduces our political economy framework and analyzes the optimal assignment of spillover policies in an economy with 2 regions. Our static perspective (section 3.3) confirms the above-mentioned standard fiscal federalism result, in particular the positive correlation between spillovers and the optimal degree of centralization. Allowing for dynamic interaction, this very guideline for policy assignment is, though, reversed in section 3.4 as efficient public good policies are then easier to sustain under a decentralized (centralized) regime in case spillovers are large (small). Chapter 4 applies the framework of chapter 3 to a setting with interregional preference heterogeneity. As a major result, both regimes fail to yield efficiency-sustaining cooperation in the repeated game setting if the regional preferences for public goods differ substantially. Chapter 5 extends the basic framework to a n-region economy, thus enabling us to analyze the impact of federal enlargements on the prospects of attaining efficiency. Varying the degree of spillovers as well as the type of public good funding, we apply the extended basic framework to different problems of public good allocation. In each case, enlargements induce two countervailing effects on the ability to maintain efficiency in a federal legislature. Yet, cooperation necessarily breaks down in large legislatures whereas, at the same time, efficiency can be sustained at the decentral layer. At last, chapter 6 endogenizes the very impact of repeated interaction on cooperation by allowing for (political) decision makers that face strategy-contingent re-election probabilities. Concluding our determinants of efficient public good provision, we show that cooperation can, quite generally, be attained if politicians face a high likeliness of joint future interaction. Chapter 7 summarizes our results.

Discusses ability of elected officials to control public policy as implemented by public/private hybrid organizations; Enterprise Funds and Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) funds; theoretical approach.

Argues that in order to keep the economy strong, Asia's leaders need to move beyond economic liberalization and address the problems of the poor, rectify environmental degradation, and expand democracy.

International audience ; Le mouvement de l'EDSA2, en février 1986, contre Ferdinand Marcos, a été l'un des cas les plus spectaculaires de lutte pour la démocratie et contre l'autoritarisme en Asie. On n'avait rien vu de tel depuis plusieurs décennies. Contrairement aux autres événements de ce genre que la région a connus depuis lors, dans lesquels on a vu des ruptures avec le passé, cette révolte a souvent été interprétée comme une volonté de retour à des valeurs et à des pratiques politiques qui avaient déjà existé dans le pays. Aujourd'hui, nombre d'observateurs considèrent que l'exemple des Philippines démontre la possibilité de faire coexister réforme économique et vie politique démocratique, contrairement aux idées reçues et aux sages avis de Lee Kuan Yew. Avec la défaite à peu près totale des guérillas révolutionnaires, avec les accords conclus avec le principal mouvement autonomiste musulman de Mindanao, enfin avec l'élection au Sénat de la tête de file des militaires factieux, les institutions démocratiques peuvent être considérées comme consolidées.

International audience ; Le mouvement de l'EDSA2, en février 1986, contre Ferdinand Marcos, a été l'un des cas les plus spectaculaires de lutte pour la démocratie et contre l'autoritarisme en Asie. On n'avait rien vu de tel depuis plusieurs décennies. Contrairement aux autres événements de ce genre que la région a connus depuis lors, dans lesquels on a vu des ruptures avec le passé, cette révolte a souvent été interprétée comme une volonté de retour à des valeurs et à des pratiques politiques qui avaient déjà existé dans le pays. Aujourd'hui, nombre d'observateurs considèrent que l'exemple des Philippines démontre la possibilité de faire coexister réforme économique et vie politique démocratique, contrairement aux idées reçues et aux sages avis de Lee Kuan Yew. Avec la défaite à peu près totale des guérillas révolutionnaires, avec les accords conclus avec le principal mouvement autonomiste musulman de Mindanao, enfin avec l'élection au Sénat de la tête de file des militaires factieux, les institutions démocratiques peuvent être considérées comme consolidées.

ABSTRACTThis paper examines an important continuity in the political economy of the Philippines: the interplay between domestic merchant capitalists and the state over the role of the state in the Philippine economy. During the Marcos regime, this interplay increasingly took the form of competition between state mercantile interests and 'private' merchant interests. This competition is still being played out. To better understand the nature of the competition, consideration is focused on two essential contemporary facts: the Philippines has a major external debt crisis and the Philippines, still predominantly an agrarian country, suffers from stagnant productivity growth and enduring rural poverty. While the Philippine external debt problem can be attributed in significant part to various international hegemonic interests, the analysis concludes that the characteristics of the crisis primarily reflect changing state/class/economy configurations within the Philippines. These same configurations, in turn, significantly influence the implications of the external debt crisis on Philippine agriculture.

Advocacy of impact assessment has exceeded documentation of the un‐ even influence of impact assessment information on policy analysis. Start‐ ing with a simple distinction between pluralist and hierarchical policy systems, an analysis is presented of relations between impact assessment and policy processes in Asia, with special emphasis on the Philippines. Conclusions are drawn about the political significance of impact assessment information in different policy contexts.