Introduction 1. - 1. The Long Road to War 13. - 2. Medical Pacification and the Sections Administratives Spécialisées 38. - 3. "See Our Arms, See Our Physicians": The Algerian Health-Services Division 62. - 4. Internationalizing Humanitarianism: The Algerian Red Crescent 93. - 5. The International Committee of the Red Cross in Algeria 126. - 6. Global Diplomacy and the Fight for Self-Determination 157. - Conclusion 192
Starting in the 1970s, the U.S. federal government and many state and local governments adopted "get tough" policies against crime. These new strict policy initiatives produced an explosion of incarceration in prisons throughout the country. They also impacted local jails as well, particularly in the numbers of persons detained pre-trial. This Article explores this phenomenon and its implications for local governments, as well as its unforeseen consequences on communities, particularly communities of color. The Article uses Harris County, Texas to exemplify the systematic problems resulting from the over-jailing of its citizens, particularly persons who are detained pre-trial. We attempt to show that with some changes to local policies and the development of new initiatives, Harris County could substantially reduce its jail population without increasing crime, at a substantial savings to the county in both monetary and human capital.
Research clearly shows that, in spite of large-scale social and political changes, women still bear the primary responsibility for housework. Research explaining the unequal division of domestic labor produces mixed results. The authors argue that the "new city" structure of the modern suburbs may be partially responsible for the tenacity of the second shift. The goal of the early suburban movement was to firmly embed women's labor in the private sphere of the isolated suburban home, leaving the public cities to men. The resulting suburban domesticity was marketed through advice literature and wartime propaganda as the ideal way to raise children, sustain better marriages, and fulfill a patriotic duty. With the return of women to the workforce, the iconic 1950s private suburb gave way to a reconstitution of the public and private through the colocation of work, home, and shopping. The authors argue that these new cities take for granted the labor of women and have developed to facilitate the second shift through the commercialization of convenience. The modern urban fringe is built to make the second shift as convenient as possible and in the process continues the social and economic expropriation of women's labor.
