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A review essay on books by: Ben Ross Schneider, Politics within the State: Elite Bureaucrats and Industrial Policy in Authoritarian Brazil (Pittsburgh: U of Pittsburgh Press, 1991); Robert D. Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton: Princeton U Press, 1993); & Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, The Political Systems of Empires (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1993 [see listings in IRPS No. 85]). Eisentadt's structural functionalist approach to the operation characteristics of empires has been a significant influence, since its initial publication in the 1960s. In this updated edition, comparative sociohistorical studies are linked to the ongoing debate over the utility of the structural-functionalist paradigm in social science. Putnam finds that political culture's behavior-shaping ability is greater than that of institutions, but implies that political culture is static & fails to explain the connection between Italy's embedded political culture & recent political changes. Schneider focuses on the influence of bureaucrats on institutional performance, & demonstrates that Brazil's deep power structure is not greatly impacted by changes in political regimes. S. Jameson

This paper examines the contribution of computer-assisted communication and computer networks to the formation and functioning of social movements and collective behavior. Although the resources for data in this area are ideally suited to investigate some of the current issues and debates within the field of social movement scholarship, very little research has been directed toward understanding the processes of activist computer use and the results for social movements. I outline key characteristics of computer-mediated communication that have ramifications for social movements and identify potentially fruitful areas for research using the activist computer forum. Keywords: computing, technology, networks, social movements, activism.

New pharmaceuticals are developed in response to therapeutic need, scientific feasibility, and market demand. As research and development (R&D) decision processes becomes more sophisticated, marketing input plays a greater role in these decisions. Industry-financed R&D is dependent on basic research financed by government. The political decisions which determine government-financed research are significant determinants of the scientific feasibility of a new drug. Many new drugs offer only minor advantages over existing therapies. The cumulative effect of these minor improvements are significant. In addition, new drugs often increase competition in a market. The Orphan Drug Act has contributed to the marketing of drugs where sufficient market demand may not otherwise exist. While some portion of R&D funds are spent on imitative drugs, the incentive for this use of R&D funds decreases as buyers become more sophisticated and as the cost of marketing a new drug increases.

In a brief summary of a poll conducted by the Carnegie Council, Myers outlines the American public's views on issues ranging from foreign policy/peace issues to economic security, defense, and human rights. The underlying perception of the United States as the "moral nation" raises a fundamental question: How deeply imbedded is the distinction between words and deeds in American foreign policy? Some results of the survey defied explanation. "Why are Americans so avid about human rights abroad, yet so reluctant to commit foreign aid, and so indignant about the U.S. dollars that are spent on NATO and Japanese security? Logic and sentiment remain interwoven," concludes Myers.

Korea became known as the Hermit Kingdom at the end of the nineteenth century when it had withdrawn into itself under the threats of its neighbors-China, Russia, and Japan. This characterization has endured through this century even despite Korea's internal war and the involvement of the international community in that conflict. The election of Roh Tae Woo marked the beginning of a new stage in Korean politics: "the period of Korean-style democracy." Robert Myers follows the historical eras and events leading up to this change and predicts a less threatening, less Confucian politics for the Korea of the future.