Suchergebnisse

Este artículo contiene un análisis sistemático del papel desempeñado por la administración electoral en 19 países de América Latina y de sus efectos sobre elecciones presidenciales democráticas aceptables desde 1980, o bien, a partir de la primera elección transcendental que marcó la transición a la democracia. Se utilizan dos maneras distintas de medir la administración de elecciones, así como otros factores importantes, probando modelos logit ordenados de probabilidades proporcionales parciales para pronosticar la posibilidad de que ocurra un proceso electoral aceptable, defectuoso o inaceptable. Los resultados muestran que los organismos electorales independientes y profesionales desempeñan un papel positivo e importante en los procesos electorales en América Latina, aun controlando para otros factores socioeconómicos y políticos

Este artículo contiene un análisis sistemático del papel desempeñado por la administración electoral en 19 países de América Latina y de sus efectos sobre elecciones presidenciales democráticas aceptables desde 1980, o bien, a partir de la primera elección transcendental que marcó la transición a la democracia. Se utilizan dos maneras distintas de medir la administración de elecciones, así como otros factores importantes, probando modelos logit ordenados de probabilidades proporcionales parciales para pronosticar la posibilidad de que ocurra un proceso electoral aceptable, defectuoso o inaceptable. Los resultados muestran que los organismos electorales independientes y profesionales desempeñan un papel positivo e importante en los procesos electorales en América Latina, aun controlando para otros factores socioeconómicos y políticos

This article provides a systematic cross-national analysis of the role of electoral administration in explaining acceptable democratic presidential elections in 19 countries in Latin America since the year 1980 or the first pivotal, transitional election. The authors provide two alternative measures of election administration, one focused on the degree of partisanship or professional independence and another on formal-legal institutional independence, as well as on other key factors, to test partial proportional odds-ordered logit models predicting the probability of an acceptable, flawed, or failed electoral process. The results show an important positive role for professional, independent electoral commissions on electoral outcomes in Latin America, controlling for other socioeconomic and political factors; formal-legal independence matters when the rules of the game are likely to be respected. In addition, low-quality elections are found disproportionately where incumbents seek reelection and where victory margins are extremely wide rather than narrow. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2008.]

This article provides a systematic cross-national analysis of the role of electoral administration in explaining acceptable democratic presidential elections in 19 countries in Latin America since the year 1980 or the first pivotal, transitional election. The authors provide two alternative measures of election administration, one focused on the degree of partisanship or professional independence and another on formal—legal institutional independence, as well as on other key factors, to test partial proportional odds-ordered logit models predicting the probability of an acceptable, flawed, or failed electoral process. The results show an important positive role for professional, independent electoral commissions on electoral outcomes in Latin America, controlling for other socioeconomic and political factors; formal-legal independence matters when the rules of the game are likely to be respected. In addition, low-quality elections are found disproportionately where incumbents seek reelection and where victory margins are extremely wide rather than narrow.

A lenta mudança da natureza da diferença de gênero responde tanto a mudanças sociais, como urbanização, educação, o ingresso das mulheres na força de trabalho e a democratização, quanto a esforços combinados por movimentos sociais e líderes políticos para a ampliação dos direitos da mulher. Esses fatores claramente tiveram impacto na República Dominicana na última década, influenciando as diferenças de gênero no país. Avaliamos a natureza e a evolução das diferenças de gênero na Rep. Dominicana mo período de 1994 a 2004, utilizando dados de surveys nacionais - Demos surveys - realizados em 1994, 1997, 2001 e 2004. A análise desses surveys indica que aspectos do que tem sido denominado uma 'diferença de gênero tradicional' permanece no país com relação ao engajamento cívico, interesse político e atitudes democráticas. Ao mesmo tempo, essa diferença desaparece com relação à participação eleitoral , e uma 'diferença moderna de gênero' emerge pela primeira vez com relação às atitudes sobre o papel da mulher na política. Idade e escolaridade têm efeitos diferenciais significativos e substantivos no conjunto de atitudes de homens e mulheres dominicanos nesse período.

What explains low levels of trust in government institutions in democratizing Latin American countries? The authors examine this question in the Dominican Republic, employing data from three surveys conducted over 1994 to 2001. Their analysis finds that trust in government institutions is shaped primarily by perceptions of economic and political performance by government. There is little evidence of a relationship between civic engagement and institutional trust, and no relationship between democratic values and institutional trust. They find a curvilinear effect between socioeconomic status and institutional trust, with middle-sector groups significantly less trusting of government institutions than either the poor or the wealthy. Age has a nonlinear effect as older generations, who experienced authoritarianism as children, are considerably more trusting of democratic institutions, contradicting predictions by culturalist early-life socialization arguments. The authors conclude that low trust per se is not the major challenge for governance.

ABSTRACTNeopatrimonial exercise of power, combining ruler appropriation of resources with ruler discretionality in the use of state power, remains present to varying degrees in contemporary Latin America. Building on an extensive literature, this article provides a delimited conceptualization and measurement of neopatrimonialism for 18 countries in the region and examines the effects of neopatrimonial legacies on poverty with cross-national quantitative analysis. The study finds that higher levels of neopatrimonialism have a significant, substantive impact on poverty levels, controlling for other relevant demographic, socioeconomic, and political factors. It confirms the importance of a cumulative record of democracy for poverty alleviation, while the analysis indicates that neopatrimonialism limits the effects of the political left in power on poverty reduction.

This research note explores variation in how political parties and presidents in Latin America responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. Relying on the Chapel Hill Expert Survey-Latin America (CHES-LA), we argue that preferences regarding the trade-off between virus containment and maintaining an open economy were shaped by the ideological positions of presidents and parties, particularly for more programmatic ones. This is largely consistent with findings in other world regions. Yet, beyond ideological orientation, populism, also had an important – though heterogeneous – effect on response preferences, with non-populists, particularly highly programmatic ones, more consistently supporting virus containment. In addition, both incumbents and more populist presidents and parties favoured further concentration of executive power to address the pandemic. These findings provide evidence of the importance of understanding how ideology, populism and programmatic linkages interact in Latin America's party systems.