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This book provides a complete overview into the work of the International Court of Justice in the last twenty years. Since 1989, the author, a former Principal Legal Secretary to the International Court of Justice, contributed frequent articles on this subject to the 'British Yearbook of International Law' continuing the work begun by Sir Gerald Fitzmaurice in 1950. This work brings together these articles in one place for the first time, with extensive cross-references, and a thorough index and tables

This book provides a complete overview into the work of the International Court of Justice in the last twenty years. Since 1989, the author, a former Principal Legal Secretary to the International Court of Justice, contributed frequent articles on this subject to the 'British Yearbook of International Law' continuing the work begun by Sir Gerald Fitzmaurice in 1950. This work brings together these articles in one place for the first time, with extensive cross-references, and a thorough index and tables

From New York Times bestselling author H. W. Brands, a masterful biography of the Civil War general and two-term president who saved the Union twice, on the battlefield and in the White House, holding the country together at two critical turning points in our history.Ulysses Grant rose from obscurity to discover he had a genius for battle, and he propelled the Union to victory in the Civil War. After Abraham Lincoln's assassination and the disastrous brief presidency of Andrew Johnson, America turned to Grant again to unite the country, this time as president. In Brands's sweeping, majestic full biography, Grant emerges as a heroic figure who was fearlessly on the side of right. He was a beloved commander in the field but willing to make the troop sacrifices necessary to win the war, even in the face of storms of criticism. He worked valiantly to protect the rights of freedmen in the South; Brands calls him the last presidential defender of black civil rights for nearly a century. He played it straight with the American Indians, allowing them to shape their own fate even as the realities of Manifest Destiny meant the end of their way of life. He was an enormously popular president whose memoirs were a huge bestseller; yet within decades of his death his reputation was in tatters, the victim of Southerners who resented his policies on Reconstruction. In this page-turning biography, Brands now reconsiders Grant's legacy and provides a compelling and intimate portrait of a man who saved the Union on the battlefield and consolidated that victory as a resolute and principled political leader.

A brawling, rambunctious history celebrating the Empire-and the intrepid empire-builders-that gave the United States, Canada, India, and Australia not just a common language, but common ideals of freedom and justice The British Empire-the biggest empire in history-once ruled a quarter of the globe. It was built by an incredible array of swashbuckling soldiers and sailors, pirates and adventurers who finally get their due in H. W. Crocker III's panoramic and provocative view of four hundred years of history that will delight and amuse, educate and entertain. Strap on your pith helmet for a rollicking ride through some of history's most colorful events. Bet your teacher never told you: The Founding Fathers didn't rebel against British imperialism; they looked forward to the transfer "of the great seat of Empire to America" The original Norman English invasion of Ireland was approved by the pope Sir Charles Napier, commander in chief of the British Army in India, abolished the Hindu custom of widow-burning Field Marshal Sir Gerald Templer's "hearts and minds" counter- insurgency strategy was instrumental in defeating the Communists in Malaya The breakup of the British Empire led Winston Churchill to conclude that he had achieved "nothing" in his life.

- Did America win its independence because British generals were too busy canoodling with their mistresses' - Should America have annexed Mexico'all of it'and Cuba too' - Did 1776 justify Southern secession in the nineteenth century' - Should Patton have been promoted over Eisenhower' - Did the U.S. military win'and Congress lose'the Vietnam War' - Was it right to depose Saddam Hussein'and is it wrong to worry about a possible Iraqi civil war' The answer to these questions is a resounding yes, says author H.W. Crocker III in this stirring and contrarian new book. In Don't Tread on Me, Crocker unfolds four hundred years of American military history, revealing how Americans were born Indian fighters whose military prowess carved out first a continental and then a global empire'a Pax Americana that has been a benefit to the world. From the seventeenth century on, he argues, Americans have shown a jealous regard for their freedom'and have backed it up with an unheralded skill in small-unit combat operations, a tradition that includes Rogers' Rangers, Merrill's Marauders, and today's Special Forces. He shows that Americans were born to the foam too, with a mastery of naval gunnery and tactics that allowed America's Navy, even in its infancy, to defeat French and British warships and expand American commerce on the seas. Most of all, Crocker highlights the courage of the dogface infantry, the fighting leathernecks, and the daring sailors and airmen who have turned the tide of battle again and again. In Don't Tread on Me, still forests are suddenly pierced by the Rebel Yell and a surge of grey. Teddy Roosevelt's spectacles flash in the sunlight as he leads his Rough Riders charging up San Juan Hill. American doughboys rip into close-quarters combat against the Germans. Marines drive the Japanese out of their island fortresses using flamethrowers, grenades, and guts. GIs slug their way into Hitler's Germany. The long twilight struggle against communism is fought in the snows of Korea and the steaming jungles of Vietnam. And today, U.S. Navy SEALs and U.S. Army Rangers battle Islamist terrorists in the bleak mountains of Afghanistan, just as their forebears fought Barbary pirates two hundred years ago. Fast-paced and riveting, Don't Tread on Me is a bold look at the history of America at war. Also available as an eBook From the Hardcover edition.

Over the last few years, near-infrared (NIR) spectroscopy has rapidly developed into an important and extremely useful method of analysis. In fact, for certain research areas and applications, ranging from material science via chemistry to life sciences, it has become an indispensable tool because this fast and cost-effective type of spectroscopy provides qualitative and quantitative information not available from any other technique. This book offers a balanced overview of the fundamental theory and instrumentation of NIR spectroscopy, introducing the material in a readily comprehensible mann.

In this provocative book, H.W. Brands confronts the vital question of why an ever-increasing number of Americans do not trust the federal government to improve their lives and to heal major social ills. How is it that government has come to be seen as the source of many of our problems, rather than the potential means of their solution? How has the word liberal become a term of abuse in American political discourse? From the Revolution on, argues Brands, Americans have been chronically skeptical of their government. This book succinetly traces this skepticism, demonstrating that it is only during periods of war that Americans have set aside their distrust and looked to their government to defend them. The Cold War, Brands shows, created an extended, and historically anomalous, period of dependence, thereby allowing for the massive expansion of the American welfare state. Since the 1970s, and the devastating blow dealt to Cold War ideology by America's defeat in Vietnam, Americans have returned to their characteristic distrust of government. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Brands contends, the fate of American liberalism was sealed - and we continue to live with the consequences of its demise

In this provocative book, H.W. Brands confronts the vital question of why an ever-increasing number of Americans do not trust the federal government to improve their lives and to heal major social ills. How is it that government has come to be seen as the source of many of our problems, rather than the potential means of their solution? How has the word liberal become a term of abuse in American political discourse? From the Revolution on, argues Brands, Americans have been chronically skeptical of their government. This book succinetly traces this skepticism, demonstrating that it is only during periods of war that Americans have set aside their distrust and looked to their government to defend them. The Cold War, Brands shows, created an extended, and historically anomalous, period of dependence, thereby allowing for the massive expansion of the American welfare state. Since the 1970s, and the devastating blow dealt to Cold War ideology by America's defeat in Vietnam, Americans have returned to their characteristic distrust of government. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Brands contends, the fate of American liberalism was sealed - and we continue to live with the consequences of its demise.

For two hundred years, Americans have believed that they have an obligation to improve the lot of humanity. This belief has consistently shaped US foreign policy. Yet within this consensus, two schools of thought have contended: the 'exemplarist' school (Brands' term) which holds that what America chiefly owes the world is the benign example of a well-functioning democracy, and the 'vindicationist' school which argues that force must sometimes supplement a good example. In this book, H. W. Brands traces the evolution of these two schools as they emerged in the thinking and writing of the most important public thinkers of the last two centuries. This book, first published in 1998, is both an intellectual and moral history of US foreign policy and a guide to the fundamental question of America's relations with the rest of the world - a question more pressing than ever in the confusion that has succeeded the Cold War: What does America owe the world?

One episode dominates the memory of Lyndon Johnson's presidency: the Vietnam War. The war has so darkened Johnson's reputation that it is difficult for many to recall his policies in a positive light-- especially his foreign policy. Now historian H.W. Brands offers a fresh look at Johnson'shandling of international relations, putting Vietnam in the context of the many crises he confronted and the outdated policies of global containment he was expected to uphold. The result is a fascinating portrait of a master politician at work, maneuvering through a series of successes that made hisultimat

In the late 1950s, Washington was driven by its fear of communist subversion: it saw the hand of the Kremlin behind developments at home and across the globe. The FBI was obsessed with the threat posed by American communist party--yet party membership had sunk so low, writes H.W. Brands, that it could have fit "inside a high-school gymnasium," and it was so heavily infiltrated that J. Edgar Hoover actually contemplated using his informers as a voting bloc to take over the party. Abroad, the preoccupation with communism drove the White House to help overthrow democratically elected governments in Guatemala and Iran, and replace them with dictatorships. But by then the Cold War had long since blinded Americans to the ironies of their battle against communism.In The Devil We Knew, Brands provides a witty, perceptive history of the American experience of the Cold War, from Truman's creation of the CIA to Reagan's creation of SDI, and on to the disintegration of the Soviet Union. He turns a critical eye to the strategic conceptions (and misconceptions) that led a once-isolationist nation to pursue the war against communism to the most remote places on Earth--backing autocrats in countries from Latin America to the Middle East and Southeast Asia--while engaging in covert operations the world over. Brands offers no apologies for communist behavior, but he deftly illustrates the strained thinking that led Washington to commit enormous resources (including tens of thousands of lives in Korea and Vietnam) to often questionable causes.In the end, Americans claimed victory in the Cold War, but Brands gives us reason to tone down the celebration. This far-reaching history makes clear that the Cold War was simultaneously far more, and far less, than we ever imagined at the time.