What of the High School Class?
In: The journalism bulletin, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 22-23
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In: The journalism bulletin, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 22-23
In: The journalism bulletin, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 1-9
In: Theoria: a journal of social and political theory, Band 67, Heft 163, S. 25-51
ISSN: 1558-5816
While the pursuit of hedonism is legitimated by neoliberal governmentality, its disciplining and isolating forces prevent individuals from being fulfilled by their pursuit of pleasure. Concomitantly, this hedonism (pursuing pleasure to avoid pain) causes individuals to withdraw from public political life. In this article we argue that, instead of attempting to pursue pleasure through the experience of material comfort, individuals ought to orient themselves towards membership in substantive political associations. Further, we argue that it is through such membership that one can attain genuine fulfilment, while simultaneously reclaiming agency, both on individual and collective terms. Though individuals must be willing to take on the risk of pain, their membership in substantive political associations provides genuine fulfilment, while also allowing for the construction of new worlds through political action.
One of the most controversial elements of political tolerance concerns support for hate speech. We argue that there are two factors that can reduce tolerance for hate speech: 1) moral foundations and 2) party cues. U.S. citizens' tolerance of hate speech will be reduced when it is framed as a violation of a specific moral foundation, opposed by a political party, or when the morality violation is utilized by party elites. Using two survey experiments, we manipulated the target of hate speech (i.e. Muslims or the American flag), whether the speech violated a moral foundation (i.e. harm or loyalty), and which political party supported or opposed the hate speech in question. For flag burning, moral frames and party cues on their own reduced U.S. citizens' tolerance relative to a non-political control, while moral frames and party cues were successful in reducing tolerance of anti-Muslim speech compared to a free speech appeal. Partisans were generally responsive to cues from the in-party. We also found instances of moral repackaging, where morally incongruent appeals from the in-party reduced tolerance of flag burning among Democrats. Among Republicans, harm morality decreased tolerance of anti-Muslim speech when invoked by the in-party, but increased tolerance when used by the out-party – an indication of the power of party cues to repackage moral arguments and to trigger backlash. These results provide a better understanding of what factors can affect tolerance for hate speech, providing political leaders and social justice advocates with a roadmap to alleviate this problem. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion
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One of the most controversial elements of political tolerance concerns support for hate speech. We argue that there are two factors that can reduce tolerance for hate speech: 1) moral foundations and 2) party cues. U.S. citizens' tolerance of hate speech will be reduced when it is framed as a violation of a specific moral foundation, opposed by a political party, or when the morality violation is utilized by party elites. Using two survey experiments, we manipulated the target of hate speech (i.e. Muslims or the American flag), whether the speech violated a moral foundation (i.e. harm or loyalty), and which political party supported or opposed the hate speech in question. For flag burning, moral frames and party cues on their own reduced U.S. citizens' tolerance relative to a non-political control, while moral frames and party cues were successful in reducing tolerance of anti-Muslim speech compared to a free speech appeal. Partisans were generally responsive to cues from the in-party. We also found instances of moral repackaging, where morally incongruent appeals from the in-party reduced tolerance of flag burning among Democrats. Among Republicans, harm morality decreased tolerance of anti-Muslim speech when invoked by the in-party, but increased tolerance when used by the out-party – an indication of the power of party cues to repackage moral arguments and to trigger backlash. These results provide a better understanding of what factors can affect tolerance for hate speech, providing political leaders and social justice advocates with a roadmap to alleviate this problem.
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In: New Zealand economic papers, Band 52, Heft 1, S. 1-20
ISSN: 1943-4863
The housing market is both large and complex. This paper develops a simple model that captures the essential features of the supply and demand for housing, and which is used to evaluate the impact of a range of policy interventions. Increases in the stock of housing would reduce rents and house prices. A reduction in tax concessions for landlords would raise rents and moderate house prices. Additional subsidies for owner-occupancy would tend to reduce rents and raise house prices. Significant reductions in rents and house prices would follow a fall in the cost of housing, through, for example lower regulatory and consent costs. Falling real interest rates result in lower rents, higher house prices and lower owner-occupancy rates. Despite the widespread attention owner-occupancy rates have attracted, the paper concludes that they are not a particularly helpful guide to the state of the housing market. Typically they are quite insensitive to policy interventions, a result that follows from the integrated view of both the rental and ownership market, adopted in this study.
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In: The Australian economic review, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 19-39
ISSN: 1467-8462
In: IWK: internationale wissenschaftliche Korrespondenz zur Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 410
ISSN: 0046-8428
In: Sexual abuse: official journal of the Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers (ATSA), Band 12, Heft 3, S. 165-178
ISSN: 1573-286X
Previous research has linked adult sex offending behavior to a multiplicity of variables, including juvenile delinquency and the experience of childhood abuse. The purpose of this study was to explore developmental pathways among childhood abuse, juvenile delinquency, and personality dimensions possibly conducive to adolescent sexual coercion. Using a retrospective self-report inventory, we measured the extent to which juvenile sexual offenders experienced childhood trauma, engaged in adolescent delinquency, and exhibited particular dispositions and cognitive biases. The effects of childhood and adolescent antecedents on sexual coerciveness were then analyzed through simultaneous multiple regression pathanalyses. Results suggest that sexual compulsivity and hypermasculinity, through misogynistic fantasy behavior, significantly discriminate verbally and physicallycoercive juvenile offenders from those offenders who do not report using force in their offenses. Results also suggest that alcohol abuse may play a more salient role in the expression of coercive juvenile sexual coercion than previously hypothesized.
In: Agenda: a journal of policy analysis & reform, Band 2, Heft 2
ISSN: 1447-4735
In: Agenda: a journal of policy analysis & reform, Band 2, Heft 1
ISSN: 1447-4735
In: Journal of sport and social issues: the official journal of Northeastern University's Center for the Study of Sport in Society, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 1-13
ISSN: 1552-7638
This research considered the status, the underlying causes, and the effects of sport specialization at the high school level. A questionnaire was utilized to solicit the perceptions of 152 high school athletic directors in Illinois. Athletic directors perceived that specialization at the high school level has increased over the past ten years and predicted that it is likely to continue to increase over the next decade. Athletic directors perceived that specialization occurs at the high school level primarily because of the influence of adults and, because of the perception by athletes that specialization increases the possibility of both participating in state championships and of receiving a collegiate athletic scholarship. Directors were highly critical of coaches who promote specialization in their programs, however, they acknowledged that specialization enhances athletic performance for both individuals and teams. Finally, the findings suggest that athletic directors perceive that sport specialization is contrary to the basic purposes of high school athletics. Thus, schools should actively promote multi-sport participation in their athletic programs.
In: Environment and planning. C, Government and policy, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 165-176
ISSN: 1472-3425
Rate capping was introduced by the British Conservative Government in 1984 to impose a legally enforceable ceiling on the rating power of local authorities. It is a discriminatory measure. High-spending authorities, as assessed in accordance with current and historic data, are given annual rate limits by central government, with rights of appeal and negotiation. The process has generated great controversy, with some local authorities threatening municipal bankruptcy and all showing great reluctance to operate within the system. But the financial impact has so far been marginal: The government moved gingerly, and creative accounting has helped postpone financial difficulties.